Sagan, January 3, 1850.—The weakness of the Prussian Ministry is inconceivable and so is the utter confusion which the new laws, whether proposed or granted, produce throughout the administration of the country. It is a case of quoting:
Laws lost their forces and right and wrong their meaning,Or, to speak truth, a Valois reigned no more.[213]
Laws lost their forces and right and wrong their meaning,Or, to speak truth, a Valois reigned no more.[213]
There is an ancient prophecy in Prussia dating from the reign of the father of Frederick II. which says that his fourth successor will be the last Hohenzollern to reign over Prussia. There seems to be really some reason for believing this prediction. It is proposed to establish uniform laws from the banks of the Rhine to the Carpathians: this is sheer foolishness, as manners, civilisation, and interests are utterly different. The Landwehr which is now very loyal will be retiring next year and will be replaced by a new levy of very disaffected character; in short, wherever we look, nothing but decay is to be seen and uneasiness spreads apace. However, the Danish negotiations have been vigorously resumed at Berlin and are said to be safe in the hands of Herr Usedom.
I hear of a curious fact from Paris; all the factories are in full swing, but business can only be done for ready money; bills at three months simply cannot be discounted; the bank has just as many coins and as much bullion in its cellars as it has notes in circulation. This fact, perhaps unexampledhitherto, demonstrates mathematically that there is not the smallest confidence in the near future and that the people are living from hand to mouth.
Sagan, January 9, 1850.—I hear from Paris that M. de Persigny has arrived at Berlin,[214]with many proposals and with the fixed idea of forming a triple alliance between France, England, and Prussia. This idea, however, does not originate with him, but with that infernal Palmerston. Vienna was informed of the proposal at the outset and Prince Felix Schwarzenberg made it public through the newspapers, but in spite of this publicity it is said that the proposal has not been abandoned. Prussia will be offered Saxony and Thuringen and prospects will be held out with regard to Hanover after the death, which is probably not very remote, of King Ernest Augustus: in exchange Prussia would be asked to cede the Rhine provinces; Prussia replies that France should be contented with the Bavarian parts of the Rhine which, in the views of the Elysée, are sufficient. Such is the point which this intrigue has reached, for we cannot dignify it with the title of a negotiation. M. de Persigny tells himself that if he is successful he will make certain of the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs for himself, to which he aspires, and also secure the empire for his master, who is equally ambitious in this direction. Another correspondent from Paris writes to me: "Those who were liberated under the amnesty and have been restored to their families by the President are doing more harm in one day than all the scoundrels of Paris in concert. They are so full of gratitude that they threaten to kill the President. Many of these men are convinced that their wives brought about their arrest and they are therefore searching for proof to rid themselves of their better-halves."
Berlin, January 12, 1850.—A parliamentary crisis is now in full progress here. The King has been unwilling to take without some reservation an oath which he desires to keepbut which is repugnant to his political conscience.[215]The Ministry absolutely required a law from the Chambers concerning the Press and the clubs if it was to govern, and therefore urged the King to take the oath to the Constitution, as otherwise he could expect nothing from the Chambers. Such was the dilemma. Violent scenes took place between the King and his Cabinet. The latter was determined to resign and to force the King to yield. When matters were in this situation two very influential personages, General Rauch and Baron von Meyendorff,[216]intervened. The Ministry was informed that its exploits hitherto had been so glorious that it could afford to act in a high-handed manner, and that to put pressure upon the King in order to endow the country with a detestable Constitution, was unworthy of it. The Ministers were directly informed that their weakness had aroused general disgust, that they had shown no comprehension of their duty and that when the danger of riots was passed they had distinguished themselves only by their incapacity; they were obliged to hear some very stern truths. On the other hand attempts were made to soothe the King's feelings by attributing a firmness to him which is thought to be due to the Queen's influence. The result of all these comings and goings is the royal message which does not reform everything that is bad, but places certain landmarks in the country by which people can guide their steps. The Ministry has frankly adhered to the King, I am told, who has now emerged from his period of obscurity. The next question is whether the Chambers will accept the arrangement. It is thought that they will agree, because the Cabinet asserts that it will resign upon refusal, and the Chambers know that a purely reactionary Ministry would take its place immediately. TheSecond Chamber, which is anxious to avoid a dissolution, is terrified by this combination, and it is hoped that it will yield before this menace which may become reality.
Berlin, January 17, 1850.—Your observations concerning women who interfere in politics and concerning the dangers which they may run in consequence, are perfectly correct.[217]I think it may be said in justice to myself that at no time have I meddled with such matters and that I have never taken part in politics except against my will. Far from attempting to satisfy my self-esteem by such means, I have always been terrified by my responsibility. If, in consequence of my exceptional position, I have been well informed and have even been asked for my advice and have exerted some influence upon the decision of important matters, I have at any rate not lent either my name or my energies to an intrigue, nor do I ever desire to play the part of a political woman; in this respect I have always been ready to yield to others who were more anxious and probably better fitted for such an occupation.
Here public opinion is absorbed by the parliamentary crisis which has not yet been settled, while much doubt and great difference of opinion prevails concerning the result and its consequences. The King has been so harassed and tormented that after a struggle of several hours the day before yesterday, he was quite exhausted, sent for his cloak at nine o'clock in the evening, and went for a walk in the park of Charlottenburg alone and on foot through the snow, to refresh himself and recover his spirits in the open air. He was inclined to dismiss the Cabinet, dissolve the Chambers, and summon those who are here called the reactionaries. General Rauch prevented this move: no doubt he was right, because energetic measures can only succeed in the hands of those who will shrink from none of the consequences of vigorous action.
I spent an hour yesterday with the Countess of Brandenburg, where Herr von Meyendorff showed us a letter which he had just received from Madame de Lieven. Her lettersare always pleasant reading as she writes with sprightliness, is quite natural, and always has plenty to say. In this letter she said that Lord Normanby is undisputed monarch at the Elysée where he is doing his best to promote the imperial movement; that the President has broken with the bigwigs and devotes himself entirely to his evil counsellors; that the Assembly is more divided than ever, for the leaders defy one another in no measured terms, Molé calling Broglie a respectable nonentity, Thiers calling Molé an old woman and the latter replying by "cad." In short, confusion in France is complete, but is it not so everywhere, unfortunately? In such general turmoil it is very difficult to preserve any clearness of view or definite opinions; when insight is clouded it becomes weakened and only the heart can remain a certain guide at a time when all calculations are deceptive and when instinct alone can provide the guiding clue through the labyrinth.
Berlin, January 19, 1850.—The present moment here is an interesting time by reason of its critical nature, and if I took the same interest in mundane affairs as I used to do, I should now be all ears. Yesterday rumours of concession suddenly came to an end; a large number of Conservative deputies and important persons in the town outside the Chambers, signed a petition to the King begging him not to yield. Bethman-Holweg, who is not a deputy, took this petition to Charlottenburg yesterday evening.
Berlin, January 24, 1850.—Apparently Radowitz has arrived here and is less energetic in urging the King to concessions than had been feared: he also seems to have brought many letters from Gagern to influential members of the Chambers, urging them to obey the King for the reason that their refusal would probably endanger the whole constitutional edifice of Germany. Next week will bring us a final solution.
Berlin, January 25, 1850.—Yesterday evening I went to a concert at Charlottenburg where hardly any one listened to the music, as all present were preoccupied withthe probable events of to-day. The parliamentary battle is opened this morning.
I hear from a good source that M. de Persigny is secretly intimate with a somewhat disreputable band of politicians, and that as he cannot find a welcome in anysalon, he spends his time with a circle by no means suitable for one in his official position, either from ill-temper or from boredom or from instinct. In this way he has been carrying on a series of petty intrigues for some time. His proposals are being considered and he is given hopes of success; but no serious negotiations are begun with an official and with a Government, neither of whom can be taken seriously.
Berlin, January 26, 1850.—Yesterday evening at a ball given by Count Arnim-Boitzenburg, the Meyendorffs told me that M. de Persigny had paid them a long visit the evening before and had explained to them his Bonapartist and Imperialist theories, asserting that they alone aroused popularity in France. By way of proof he concluded with the statement that in the villages of France whole families could be found on their knees before the picture of the Emperor Napoleon, asking for the return of the Empire. This is a most audacious invention. He came up to me at this ball and asked after my daughter, saying that he had had the honour of making her acquaintance at the house of M. de Falloux, with whom he asserts that he has been intimate for the last eighteen years.[218]
Berlin, January 27, 1850.—Yesterday at eleven o'clock in the evening the debate upon the royal message was not concluded. There was every prospect that Arnim's amendment would be adopted. He proposes to postpone for two years the law concerning the organisation of the Chamber of Peers and to make this Chamber in any case composed solely of life members and not hereditary: this two-fold concession would make the measure entirely illusory and would merely confirm the uncertain nature of the provisional arrangements. It is sad, serious, and fatal.
The Austrian Minister Prokesch, after being snow-bound for six days, and the Prince of Leiningen, the brother of Queen Victoria, have arrived from Vienna. The former is staying at Berlin and the latter proceeding to Frankfort-on-Main; both are delighted with the young Emperor. They say that if Prussia is not loved at Vienna, England is particularly hated and France entirely disregarded.
The real leader of the Austrian army is the young Emperor, and his chief of the staff, General von Hess, is his clever instructor. All the orders to the troops and all military measures proceed directly from the Emperor without any intervention or counter-signature on the part of the Ministry. This is a fact of some importance. Leiningen was also greatly struck by the attitude of Prince Felix Schwarzenberg; he spoke of him as the firmest and even the boldest Minister to be found anywhere.
Berlin, January 28, 1850.—Arnim's amendment passed by a small majority which it would not have had if fifteen Poles had not abstained from voting. The paragraph in the royal message referring to thefidei commissumwas rejected because several deputies on the Right went away, as they were hungry and sleepy! This fact will show the kind of parliamentary customs that prevail. The Ministry, who merely wished to patch the matter up, has been satisfied, but is so no longer. The King expresses himself as displeased, but I am afraid that he will eventually swear to this deplorable Constitution, as soon as the first Chamber sanctions the work of the second.
Some one tells me from Paris that he has seen M. Guizot and found him in no way exasperated or disappointed, but calm and firm. In speaking of the feeling in the Assembly and in what is still called society, he says that people are not sufficiently uneasy, but too depressed.
Berlin, January 29, 1850.—A person who recently came from Vienna told me that Prince Schwarzenberg was steadily pursuing a proposal for a commercial treaty with the Italian States, to the great wrath of Lord Palmerston. The Vienna Cabinet declares that as long as England entrustsher diplomacy to this Minister, it will disregard English representations upon continental matters and go its own way. The chief point of dissatisfaction at Vienna is the Pope with his weakness and vacillation; and Rome has thus become the most disquieting point in Italy. Here people are gloomy and uneasy, and their minds are occupied with the numerous intrigues of recent days which produced the vote of the day before yesterday. A curious fact is that Count Arnim-Boitzenburg now tells any one who will listen, that the famous amendment is not his but was arranged by Radowitz and that he has merely lent his name to it. The fifteen Polish deputies say that the reason they abstained from voting was because the Government has promised them unheard-of concessions for the Grand Duchy of Posen if they refrained from voting on this very amendment which the Cabinet declared the evening before that it would never admit. Other deputies have been persuaded by references to the wish and desires of the King. The King declares that he has been misrepresented; in short, it is an abominable and disgraceful state of confusion. The Left are highly delighted. This deplorable comedy is, in my opinion, the last stroke which will overthrow the tottering edifice; when no one has any confidence in his neighbour, and when no one knows upon what to rely or where to find sincerity and firmness, people soon lose the courage of their opinions, remain as though paralysed, and even lose the instinct of personal defence. Thus they slowly descend towards the abyss which yawns to receive its prey.
Berlin, January 31, 1850.—Yesterday there was a rumour that the King would come to the town on Sunday and take the oath to the Constitution of 1850 in the great white room of the council where the Diet of 1847 sat. There will be stands for the spectators. I certainly shall not swell the number of the curious.
Berlin, February 2, 1850.—If my uncle had lived he would have attained his ninety-sixth year to-day. God showed him great mercy in taking him away before the beginning of thisnew phase of revolution, so profound, so destructive, and so final; a revolution which at his death had lasted fifty years, according to him. I think that we can now see the end of it, so near are we to the bottom of the abyss, but I doubt if we shall have time to rise again to the upper air. The newspapers yesterday mentioned February 6 as the day fixed for the King to take his oath.
Berlin, February 4, 1850.—A reliable informant who has arrived from Frohsdorf says: "There is at Frohsdorf a sincere desire for reconciliation and reunion, but not in France. The old Conservative party, led by M. Guizot, are asking for union, and would obtain it, were it not for the obstinacy of the pure Orléanists, who are represented by the members of the former Opposition. They include some very influential men in their ranks, among others the Duc de Broglie. Recently, in a meeting of journalists, M. de Rémusat spoke very strongly against the coalition, basing his arguments not upon any dynastic dislike, but upon the unpopularity of the nobles and the priests, who made legitimacy, according to him, hateful and deadly. This is a fatal attitude to adopt. The divisions which are rising deprive the Orléanist party of all strength, and every one seems to be playing the game of Louis Bonaparte, or, what is worse, that of the Red Socialists." Another letter, also from a very reliable source, which I received yesterday from Paris, dated January 31, says: "The French Government is much more reasonable than I had expected with reference to the communication which it has recently received concerning the Swiss affair.[219]The matter will be decidedad referendum. Probably no final attitude will be adopted on this point, but no support whatever will be given to Switzerland, from whence the wind of Socialism blows over France, and also upon Germany and Italy. Finally, noengagement will be made with England, a point of primary importance. In the Assembly, the side of the Montagne is about to create a stir; possibly there will be an armed demonstration at Lyons under the influence of the Socialists, who are there numerous; no apprehension in consequence is felt here, and perhaps even no resentment will be shown. At London they will be furious. Ellice, as he left here yesterday, said that Lord Palmerston was going to do all the mischief he could. Ellice, Whig as he is, seemed very uneasy on account of the bad disposition of his friend of Downing Street."
As I have thus begun to repeat political gossip, I may also say that a prompt resumption of hostilities over the Danish affair is expected. The people of Schleswig are allowed to arm themselves and make preparations, and before long there will be a general rising which may have serious consequences. Negotiations do not advance. The haughty language of Radowitz upon questions affecting Germany daily adds fuel to the fire, and so embitters the relations between the Courts of Vienna and Berlin that one has more reason to expect war in the near future than the continuation of peace, although a conflict between the two great German Powers would be utter madness in the eyes of the most far-sighted. The Emperor Nicholas has recently said that he thought an almost universal war in Europe was inevitable next spring. It is said that Austria proposes to promulgate a new tariff law, so widely framed as to produce great political advantages to itself, which will be a crushing blow to Erfurt and will give Lord Palmerston an epileptic fit.
Berlin, February 7, 1850.—Yesterday was a remarkable day in the annals of Prussia; the King took the oath to the new Constitution. There were no stands, or spectators, or court officials present, and no princes or princesses. The King is said to have been greatly moved, and to have delivered a very touching speech which he had not communicated to his Ministers. He did not regard himself as a constitutional monarch until he had taken the oath, and the speech wasthe last echo of the oldrégime. The King and some of the Princes dined with the gentlemen of the Chamber and certain well-worn toasts were given. All the Polish deputies have resigned in order to avoid taking the oath; Count Hochberg-Fürstentein-Pless, a rich Silesian lord, has done the same. Twenty-six other Deputies stayed away under pretext of illness. And such has been the day and the deed which is to lay the cornerstone of the new edifice.
Berlin, February 12, 1850.—Herr von Meyendorff had a letter yesterday from Madame de Lieven. She says that the scene on the 4th at Paris during the removal of the trees of liberty,[220]a foolish act of provocation on the part of the police, was enough to bring about a revolt, armed intervention and the introduction of the Empire, of which the Elysée continually dreams, though Changarnier seems to have pronounced against it.
I hear that Herr von Bernstorff, who was puffed up with Prussian haughtiness two months ago, has changed his tone; that the despatches which he writes from Vienna are all inspired by great fear of war, and beg people here to avoid it at any cost. Herr von Schleinitz is disgusted, and is impatiently awaiting an opportunity to ask for the post at Vienna in exchange for the Ministry to which Bernstorff will probably be called. Radowitz had promised Schönhals and Kübeck, the Austrian plenipotentiaries at Frankfort, to sign, in company with them, the decree referring to Mecklenburg. However, he left Frankfort without performing this promise, and attempted to excuse himself upon different pretexts. Schönhals then sent him word that if he did not sign within three days he himself and Kübeck would leave Frankfort, and that the last bondwould be broken. Radowitz then hastily left Erfurt to give the required signature; such, at least, is the story that I heard yesterday.
Berlin, February 13, 1850.—Yesterday the King presented to the Second Chamber a law authorising the borrowing of eighteen millions of thalers for military preparations. The Chamber considered the matter and appointed a commission. There is doubt that this authorisation will be obtained. The First Chamber also made its nominations for Erfurt yesterday; the choice fell upon the democrats. Herr von Meyendorff has no doubt that his Sovereign will regard Lord Palmerston's recent action as a further piece of impertinence, when he accepted the intervention of France in the affair with Greece[221]and ignored the offers of Russia. England is asking for a new armistice between Denmark and Prussia, and as the armistice now in force was largely disregarded by Prussia, who has decidedly encouraged and supported the insurrection, the Danes are not inclined to fall into a new trap. Prussia has not only failed to recall General von Bonin, but actually lent him to the insurgent government of Schleswig-Holstein, where he publicly wore his Prussian uniform. The Danish envoys here can get no reply from the Government; Herr von Usedom will not see them and negotiates only with their adversaries.
Berlin, February 14, 1850.—I admit that every Government has its difficulties, and that the number and diversity of the complications should be guarantees against violent means of settling them. In a word, I agree that if war should break out it will be the most irrefutable symptom of madness upon one side, of weakness upon the other, and of bewilderment in general; but unfortunately these aberrations are contagiousand make such progress before my eyes that any one who, like myself, can observe all the inventions of bad faith and haughtiness, speedily grows anxious for the future. If we can get through April and May without the sound of the cannon I think that peace might last between the great powers, at any rate for a year or two; this would give people time to breathe, to turn round and to get their affairs in order; but I am sadly afraid that between this date and May 15 at the latest we shall once more be in the midst of a conflagration. My own opinion is that the latter part of the month of April will definitely settle the possibility of war or peace. At the present everything points to a general conflagration in the near future. Lord Palmerston is doing his best to promote it, and M. de Persigny, with his eyes upon the right bank of the Rhine, is also working vigorously. Here, with marvellous stupidity, people run into every snare and take a delight in alienating their natural allies.
Berlin, February 23, 1850.—I spent the evening with the Meyendorffs, the house where the most authentic news is oftenest to be obtained. Yesterday's news was more peaceful. Two incidents serve to calm in some degree the warlike ideas in progress here: in the first place an individual has returned who has been sent to inquire into the military preparations in Bohemia, in the existence of which there was general disbelief. His report has fully confirmed the rumours. Then M. de Persigny has made an inconceivable blunder. Feeling hurt because overtures were made directly to Paris through Hatzfeldt on the Swiss question, he took umbrage and picked a quarrel with Count Brandenburg a few days ago. He said that France would not permit the employment of coercive measures against Switzerland, and that an opportunity of crossing the Rhine with two hundred thousand Frenchmen and of fighting in Germany would be all to the advantage of the President. In short, he showed his teeth so clearly as to give rise to subsequent reflections which might have been made a little earlier. Whether these reflections will be sufficiently strong to induce a more prudent attitude I cannot say. Persigny is completely done for: hecame here with proposals of peace and will probably go with the threat of which I have spoken; his policy shows neither intention nor consistency. The newspapers represent French domestic affairs as growing worse day by day, and the attitude of her representative here is therefore more inexplicable.
Berlin, February 24, 1850.—To-day is a serious and very tragical date: it marks the downfall of what was called modern society, and very falsely called civilised society, as experience has shown.
A letter from Madame de Lieven received here yesterday predicts further catastrophes in France in the near future; the result in her opinion will be a temporary military dictatorship in the hands of Changarnier.
The King of Hanover has written a letter which I have seen. He says that he has spent some very disagreeable days and that he had a crow to pick with his Ministers, and had much trouble in converting them to his opinion. However, he has succeeded and has broken the last tie of connection with Berlin to begin closer relations with Vienna.
Sagan, February 26, 1850.—I arrived here yesterday afternoon. In the train I met Herr von Benningsen, the Hanoverian Minister of Foreign Affairs, who was going to Vienna for forty-eight hours to gain information, and was then to return at full speed to his Sovereign's side. This visit will doubtless cause much displeasure at Berlin.[222]
Sagan, February 28, 1850.—Count Stirum passed here yesterday on his way from Berlin, and told me that the Electorate of Hesse had definitely and officially broken with Prussia. I hear that the King of Hanover has officially announced to the Prussian Government his secession from the PrussianBund, but that he has been obliged to yield to his Ministers, who absolutely decline any alliance with Austria, because Austria is in favour of a Single Chamber, while the Hanoverian Ministers want two. I suppose that Herr von Benningsen went to Vienna to make all theseexplanations. The poor King of Hanover is therefore completely isolated.
Sagan, March 1, 1850.—We are entering upon a month that has been notorious and fatal in the annals both of ancient and modern history. Heaven alone knows what kind of Ides it has in store for us at this point of the half-century. Dates and anniversaries inspire terror, and I feel that we are standing upon ground that is undermined.
Sagan, March 6, 1850.—Yesterday I had some letters from Paris. On the 2nd of this month Paris was in much perplexity concerning the approach of the elections, and news from the provinces caused some anxiety; the Red Party was rising once more. Social pleasure and the follies of dress are not checked in consequence, and are, indeed, carried to an appalling degree. The Grand Duchess Stephanie has been received by the President with the greatest honour; he gave her an establishment apart from his own, in order that her movements might be quite free, and summoned the Diplomatic Body in uniform to be introduced to her. She received the introductions seated in a chair of state, which was a strange sight at the house of the President of the Republic, and provoked some caustic remarks. She is to spend a month at the Elysée, and will then live with her daughter, Lady Douglas, who will arrive at Paris in a few weeks. As the Grand Duchess was ready to receive people of every shade of opinion while she was at Baden, many people who do not visit the President have asked permisssion to call.
Sagan, March 7, 1850.—Letters truly alarming have reached me from Paris. Those who see everything in a favourable light flatter themselves that there will be a change in the English Cabinet, and that this will produce an immediate effect at the Elysée, where Lord Normanby's influence is more powerful than ever on questions of domestic as well as foreign policy. His advice is far from excellent, and is usually given in the evening at the house of the President's mistress, amid the petty amusements which fill the Presidential hours of leisure. On the Swiss question Lord Palmerston will again direct the President's action; hisinstincts are warlike, whereas those of his Ministers are pacific; but the Ministers have no authority over Prince Louis or over the Assembly, which distrusts them and distrusts the President yet more. The President's attitude, again, upon the Greek question is even more Palmerstonian than upon the Swiss question; in a word, every problem which arises in Europe, whether involving a conflict or mere rivalry, will be treated with inconsistency and certainly concluded in confusion. France is also greatly distracted. I am told that the President has definitely decided to grasp the first opportunity of breaking with the Assembly and of crushing it. In short, his 18th of Brumaire and his Imperial cloak have been prepared; he is waiting his opportunity, champing the bit meanwhile. Probably his struggle against the Reds will give him an opening, and he believes that the public danger will secure him the public support. All eyes are turned upon Changarnier, who is the great puzzle of the moment; no one can divine his intentions, and he maintains so impenetrable a reserve as to lead observers to infer that he thinks himself master of the situation; there is, in fact, no doubt that he will check thecoup d'état, but in the excitement of civil war some popular movement might be begun which would sweep away even Changarnier himself. Everything will thus depend upon the extent of this struggle and of popular excitement. Will the Reds fight? People seem inclined to think that they will, and the outbreak is even expected this month, while the news from the provinces is most serious. The provinces threaten to overthrow Paris, and to deprive her of the long power of initiative which she has exercised upon politics and revolutions. It is certain that the President is not the man to meet this decisive crisis; for the last six months he has sunk in the opinion of all reasonable people; he is surrounded by advisers of the worst possible colour, imbued with absurd and dangerous ideas. But in spite of all this and even more, the conclusion seems inevitable that there is no one at present to take his place, and that he must be endured as he is. Obviously France could only be saved by a military dictator who would overthrowuniversal suffrage, the Press, the jury, the National Guard—in short, everything that poisons France and infects Europe with its contagious miasma. If the Comte de Chambord or the Comte de Paris were to return to France to-morrow, I doubt if they could do what is necessary; such action seems only within the competence of an exceptional and irregular power. Hence the wish for a military dictatorship with full power, which, when the present crisis is over, would return the regular power to the hands of a Government sanctioned by tradition. But is this the view of God's providence, or is the old world to fall asunder in blood? Will ferocious hordes quarrel over our remains? Who can say?
Sagan, March 11, 1850.—I hear from Berlin that M. de Persigny thinks that he has done an excellent stroke of business by inveighing against Prussia before the Austrian Minister, to whom he said that two thousand Frenchmen would soon make an end of the propensities of Neuchâtel. Thereupon Prokesch, who is a somewhat rough and violent character, turned white with rage, and trembling with fury, told the little favourite that he would endure no such language at his own house, and that in spite of the coolness between the Courts of Vienna and Berlin, he would assure M. de Persigny that when the first French soldier had crossed the Rhine in hostility to Prussia, the whole of the Austrian forces would come and help their old ally to stem the revolutionary flood. On this vigorous outburst the little man beat a hasty retreat. He is said to have begun intrigues with the Prussian demagogue party, feeling that he has not sufficient influence over the Brandenburg Cabinet. The latter body, unfortunately, is a perfect weathercock, continually doing and undoing, beginning and abandoning, advancing and retiring with the most deplorable ineptitude that can be imagined.
Sagan, March 12, 1850.—The people of Schleswig say that if they are not sent a million and a half of crowns they will attack the Danes alone on April 1. The Danes reply that if they are attacked they will immediately seize all the German ships, and upon this occasion there will be noquestion of restoration. Thereupon Rauch was sent to Schleswig with the most vigorous instructions to dismiss Bonin, and to recall all the Prussian officers; but three hours later the Cabinet was terrified by its own unusual display of energy, and sent fresh instructions after Rauch by express messenger, so much milder in purport that no definite result can be expected.
Sagan, March 14, 1850.—General von Rauch sent back his son to Berlin to ask for more definite instructions, as those which he bore could not command obedience. However, the Minister of War[223]is afraid to send orders for the recall of the Prussian officers serving in Schleswig-Holstein, for the reason that a crowd of Poles are ready and waiting to take their places. This fact gives rise to a fear that the scenes at Baden of last year may be repeated,[224]when it was necessary for the Prussians to send a force into the provinces.
Sagan, March 21, 1850.—General von Rauch has returned from Holstein without securing any result. The people of Holstein are penniless, but they propose to maintain their army by authorising pillage, and as the said army is composed of bandits, the prospects are cheerful.
The Duchesse d'Orléans is staying with her nephew Schwerin at Ludwigslust.[225]This is a farewell visit. It is thought that the parting will be long, if not final, for the Princesse has sent for a large supply of jewels, boxes, pins, rings, bracelets, &c., from Paris, which she is scattering round her family circle before starting for England.
M. de Persigny apparently thinks himself more remote from the pleasant little combat to which he looked forward at Paris, for it has been noticed for several days that he is less cheerful and boastful.
Sagan, April 9, 1850.—Herr von Meyendorff writes from Berlin: "The policy of Radowitz and Bodelschwing which was rejected by the majority in the Council of the Ministers, has entered upon a new phase, and it is now a question of cutting down to the size of a dwarf the coat which was originally cut for a giant on May 29, 1849.[226]The idea of a Constitution for the Empire has been abandoned and there is simply to be a union of States reduced to its most simple form, that is to say maintained within the limits of Prussia's natural sphere of influence where common material interests prevail." The King was the first to start this new policy, and one of his chief supporters was General Stockhausen: Prokesch thinks that the prospects of the Government have improved, in which case the improvement must be very obvious indeed. Bernstorff, however, who is always stiff and narrow-minded, is unable to bring about the necessary understanding. At Vienna there is no great feeling in favour of Prussia, so that heaven knows how much time will be wasted.
Sagan, April 23, 1850.—Lady Westmoreland arrived here yesterday with her daughter. She brought no very encouraging political news: she expects armed intervention on the part of Russia at a near date upon the Danish question. A Russian fleet with troops ready for disembarkation is preparing to watch the Duchies; whether Lord Palmerston will leave the glory or the trouble of the affair to Russia or whether he will decide to join her will be known in a few days.
Lady Westmoreland had a letter from the Queen of the Belgians saying that her father was much tired and changed and had grown a good deal older after a violent attack of influenza; she was proposing to make a journey to England to see him.
Sagan, May 1, 1850.—The reply expected from London upon the Danish question reached Berlin on Saturday evening. The simultaneous and identical proposals of Meyendorffand Westmoreland are fully approved and the latter is authorised to give vigorous expression to them, as indeed he is doing; but it seems that the strongest words have little effect and that acts will be required to change the attitude of the Berlin Cabinet. Reedtz and Pechlin, the two Danish plenipotentiaries, are at the end of their patience and complain of the snares that have been spread for them; all are growing bitter and exasperated and the most clear-sighted believe that some violent outbreak is in near prospect.
Sagan, May 3, 1850.—The Congress of Princes[227]which was to assemble at Gotha, is now to meet at Berlin on the 8th of this month; for this reason the marriage of Princess Charlotte of Prussia with the Prince of Meiningen has been postponed to the 18th which will hardly please her, for though young she is deeply in love and in a great hurry.[228]She is a charming person of whom I am very fond and who is very fond of me, but I think that Meiningen is too small a theatre for her extreme energy, and that her future husband is too milk-and-watery to suit the electrical vivacity which she has inherited from her mother. This tendency has been restrained by an excellent education.
Sagan, May 7, 1850.—Humboldt tells me that as England has delegated all her powers to Russia upon the Danish question, and that as Meyendorff's language was threatening and very decided, Berlin has resolved upon pacific measures. Heaven grant that it may be so! He also says that he does not think that the Congress of Princes at Berlin has been fully attended, and that in any case it will lead to no great result, and that the convocation of the old Diet at Frankfort by Austria daily becomes a more formidable danger.
Madame de Chabannes writes telling me that she is very displeased with the Orléanist party, even more than with the party that is opposed to it. She says that the mostacceptable proposals are forthcoming from the Comte de Chambord; that the young Orléanist princes are all in favour of a family compact; that Louis Philippe, who has grown much weaker, is vacillating; that the Queen of the Belgians, under English influence, is hostile; and that the Duchesse d'Orléans, who receives but incomplete information from Paris, will give no definite reply.
Sagan, May 8, 1850.—Lady Westmoreland writes to me from Berlin under yesterday's date: "The castle at Berlin is being prepared for the stay of the princes invited to the Congress; it has been possible to arrange seventeen separate sets of rooms; if these should prove inadequate, the extra princes will be lodged in private houses at the King's expense, but probably not so many as seventeen will come; hitherto the only certainties are the Duke of Coburg, the Duke of Brunswick, the Grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar, the Grand Duke of Baden, and the two Grand Dukes of Mecklenburg. As for the Elector of Hesse-Cassel, he has sent word that he will come and explain to the King in person why he could enter the restricted union. General von Bülow is starting for Copenhagen to-day; he is commissioned to treat for a separate peace between Prussia and Denmark, and not to touch the questions of the Duchies, or Germany, or mediation; when I say 'treat for' peace, I mean that he should make proposals to this end, as the negotiations are to be carried on here. It has been decided to send a plenipotentiary to Frankfort, and it is supposed that Herr von Manteuffel, the Minister of the Interior, will go. The important question is whether he will appear as the Russian plenipotentiary or as representing the restricted union by himself; in the former case there will be a great retreat on the part of Prussia, and in the latter, Austria will decline to join."
Sagan, May 12, 1850.—Yesterday I had a letter from Berlin of which the following is an extract: "You will see the list of the princes who have arrived, as it is in theGazette. They are all here except Nassau and Hesse-Darmstadt, but it is not to be supposed that they areall agreed. The Duke of Coburg wished to have a preliminary conference in his own rooms with the other princes before to-day's session at the Castle, whither they were invited by the King to hear a speech and afterwards to dine. The Duke of Coburg was astonished and vexed to find that every prince has his own way of regarding the question, and that they will not submit to his proposals. Mecklenburg-Strelitz, Hesse and Oldenburg declared themselves entirely opposed to the Prussian tactics, and the Duke of Brunswick, though favourable to theBund,[229]has views of his own upon the subject, which are not those of Coburg. Manteuffel is not going to Frankfort, and this question remains unsettled."
M. de Persigny, who has returned from Paris, declares that all parties have gathered to the support of the President, that they propose to take the most energetic measures, and that all danger is passed. Prokesch has been appointed to Constantinople; it is said that his place here will be taken by General Thun.
Sagan, May 13, 1850.—I have received two letters from Berlin, one in German; the following is an extract from it: "The Congress of Princes is proceeding admirably; little business is done, but there is plenty of occupation. Military displays are unending, and are varied by monster dinners, while in the evening there is the opera,The Prophète, parties, and balls. To-day a reception is given by Meyendorff, to-morrow by Redern, on Monday by the Prince and Princess of Prussia, on Tuesday by the Westmorelands, on Wednesday by their Majesties; and then, thank heaven, the conference is closed. The Princess Regent of Waldeck arrived here on Thursday for the great dinner in the White Hall, which was a fresh cause of joy to the spectators. As Princess Regent she has been given precedence of all the princes. The King shows extreme politeness towards his guests: instead of giving his arm to the Queen and leading the way for the otherprinces, he took in the Princess of Waldeck and the Queen was taken in by the Grand Duke of Baden. The Princess looks very well, is admirably dressed in black on account of her widowhood; but unfortunately, in respect of loftiness of bearing, she in no way yields to General von Neumann and seems even to have borrowed some of his ill-timed affability; I fear that this evening she is likely to become unduly lively at the Meyendorffs' reception, where the support of the Court will be lacking. The ladies will certainly forget the Regent, and will regard her only as a Princess of Waldeck. The Duke of Brunswick was not present at the dinner, as his claim of precedence over the Duke of Coburg was disputed. Yesterday dinners were given by Prince Charles and Prince Albert of Prussia, that the King and Queen might have a breathing-space. In the evening the Opera Hall was magnificent, and the large drawing-room which approaches the royal box was beautifully decorated and illuminated; the boxes for the foreigners had been thrown into the royal box, and proved hardly large enough for the princes and their suites; the audience was so absorbed by the sight of them, that they turned their backs onThe Prophèteduring most of the performance and devoted their attention to the German Union; their interest was naturally increased by the appearance of the King in the large box, where he took the third place by the side of the Princess Regent of Waldeck. The Queen remained alone in her little box, where she was not even in full dress; after the first act the King took the Regent for a few minutes to see the Queen.
"The speech addressed to the Princes by the King is said to have been most dignified. He begged them to consider whether they could follow in loyalty and faithfulness the path which he had taken, adding that if they were of a different opinion, they need only follow another road and diverge from himself, in which case he would feel no vindictiveness; but if they preferred to follow him they must march loyally wherever he carried his flag. Yesterdayevening in a session of the Ministers, differences, disputes and quarrels were only too obvious: the Administrative Council was present to listen; Hassenpflug immediately protested against their presence, and eventually it was necessary to close the session almost as soon as it had begun. The result was an interchange of letters in anything but polite tone between Brandenburg and Hassenpflug, but no session; in short, the first attempt at a session made an end of the union."
The other letter is from Lady Westmoreland: "The Princes met in private in the rooms of the Duke of Coburg, who is anxious to take the lead and would like to dominate the rest: offence has already been taken in consequence, by the Duke of Brunswick in particular. The Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, who is represented by his eldest son and the Elector of Hesse-Cassel, speaking for himself and for the Grand Duke of Hesse-Darmstadt, declared their inability to consent to any act which might bring about a Prussian Union, until the Frankfort Assembly had decided the great question which is there under discussion; all the other Princes declared themselves devoted to the Union and to the Prussian policy; they were, however, far from unanimous among themselves, and while they made the same profession of faith, every one wished to interpret it in a different manner; some were anxious to attack the political question in the reply to be presented to the King's speech the next morning, but it was decided only to send a polite and formal reply. Yesterday the Ministers of the Princes held their first meeting and discussed their course of action. To their great astonishment they saw Herr von Radowitz arrive with all the members of theVerwaltungsrat.[230]Thereupon the Minister of Hesse, who is violently opposed to all Prussian tactics, as you know, rose and declared that these gentlemen had no concern with the discussions of the Princes' Ministers who could not possibly continue a frank discussion in the presence of men whose acts they would probably have to criticise, and the acts of Herr vonRadowitz more than any others: he is then said to have declared that he was there to support the friends of the Union, and that were it not for him the Prussian Government would probably yield beneath the attacks of the hostile Princes; a fine compliment, you see, to Herr von Brandenburg and his Cabinet. The result was great confusion and an interruption of the session before anything had been settled. Such has been the beginning of the Congress. There were some interesting episodes: the Duke of Oldenburg and his son in particular are such enthusiastic partisans of Radowitz and Gagern, &c., that the father delivered some remarks before the meeting of the princes which were generally regarded as far too emphatic. The next day his son happened to be at the house of Meyendorff and delivered so unseemly a tirade against Austria, that Meyendorff was forced to take him to task. The King saw each of the princes separately upon their arrival. He listened very patiently to everything that the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz said to him and replied, to the great astonishment of the latter, that he was quite of his opinion, especially with reference to the proposal that nothing should be done until the result of the Frankfort Assembly was known. I am afraid he may have told every prince that he shared his opinions. In any case nothing will be decided by his opinion, whatever that may be."
Sagan, May 5, 1850.—Letters received give me details concerning Claremont, precisely coinciding with what I already knew: no overtures or suitable measures may be expected from a family which will never pardon the elder branch for becoming its victim, when the younger branch has usurped the rights of the legitimate orphan. As the elder branch has no reason for self-reproach with regard to the Orléans family, it is much more conciliatory and more ready to hold out the hand than the other branch is to offer the little finger. Only great souls or minds of a really high stamp can pardon those whom they have injured.
The entertainment at the Opera at Berlin seems to have been magnificent, but at the supper, by some inconceivablecarelessness, no one remembered M. de Persigny: in a fury he left the theatre-hall where the invitations had been sent round. The next day an aide-de-camp was sent to him with apologies.
The Prince of Prussia and the Duke of Wellington will be godfathers to Queen Victoria's last son,[231]who is to be called Arthur William Patrick, the last name being a compliment to Ireland.
It appears that the two Mecklenburgs, the two Hesses, the Grand Duke of Baden, and the three free towns have withdrawn from the Union. No positive statement has been issued, as the conference was still in progress, but the rumour seemed highly probable. On this question the Duke of Coburg is in such a fury that he said he would like to strangle the recalcitrants with his own hands. The question of the presence of Radowitz at the meetings has been settled by the King's formal desire that he might have a seat at the meetingsin order that he could offer the assembled Princes the advantage of his talents.
Sagan, May 16, 1850.—A letter from Berlin dated yesterday says: "At a long conference yesterday the princes patched up some sort of a reconciliation and the refractory members consented to withdraw their proposals for leaving the Union, in view of the fact that they have all resolved to send their plenipotentiaries to Frankfort under certain conditions; they have also decided to form a provisional government for two months. The majority seem well pleased that they have thus avoided a rupture which would have deprived the Union of so many members. On the other hand Prokesch is furious and declares that Austria will never consent to the conditions of the princes. The calmer spirits on the contrary believe that Austria would be well advised to let them all go to Frankfort and not to force a dissolution which the nature of the situation will inevitably bring about. As the mission of the princes is thus practically finished, they will take their leave to-morrow and the next day, except the Duke of Meiningen who isstaying for his son's marriage. Sir Henry Wym, the English Minister at Copenhagen, has arrived for a consultation with Lord Westmoreland and Meyendorff concerning Danish affairs. I have no doubt that a conclusion will be reached."
Sagan, May 23, 1850.—Herr von Meyendorff writes to me from Berlin under date the day before yesterday: "I have this morning received news of an attack upon the King's life which was committed yesterday and full details of which you will see in all the newspapers,[232]but the following is a curious fact which naturally will not appear in any newspaper. The King said to some one present who repeated his words to me exactly, 'I was warned of this attempt; it is a plot which also threatens other Sovereigns.'"
Sagan, May 25, 1850.—From a large number of letters which I have received from Berlin I can confidently infer, in spite of the inexplicable efforts which the Government has made hitherto to represent the assassin as a madman acting on his own initiative, that he is simply an emissary from that frightful association of regicides, which has its headquarters at London, and which makes a business of procuring wild fanatics who are given arms and known as "the blind." The Government had received warning of the attempt. There are said to be five of these emissaries in Berlin. Meyendorff and Prokesch rushed to Herr von Brandenburg and Herr von Manteuffel, urging them to take advantage of this providential miracle and of the warning which it provides to close the clubs, adopt strict measures and terrorise the faction meetings; but weakness and cowardice are at their height and the Government think only of saving the criminal. Alarm is reasonably felt in view of the possibility of similar incidents at Warsaw and Vienna.[233]
Sagan, May 29, 1850.—The King is better, though his arm causes him much pain, but that is said to be a sign of cure. The Queen is pale as death, gentle as an angel andcourageous as a lion. It seems that the evidence which shows the assassin to have been affiliated to demagogue societies is so complete and so obvious that the theory of insanity has been gradually abandoned, and that a more serious attempt is being made to penetrate these bloodstained mysteries. The plot is growing clearer: the authorities think that they have more than one clue, but we are not energetic, nor are we capable of seizing the right opportunity. It is God alone who can help us, for certainly we do not help ourselves.
The two correspondents then met at Baden-Baden and their correspondence was interrupted until the month of August, when they again separated. When the Duchesse returned from her journey she had with her companion, Fräulein von Bodelschwing, a lady of Courlande, who was most loyal to her, and remained with her until her death.
Stuttgart, August 4, 1850.—After leaving the platform of Carlsruhe I slept in my carriage as far as Pforzheim, though I sometimes opened an eye to admire the beautiful country in the intervals of sleep. I arrived here at five o'clock amid fresh and smiling valleys. I drove in an open carriage to visit Schiller's monument which pleased me, and through the splendid park which adjoins the castle we then mounted to the little palace of Rosenstein. The situation and the view are splendid, but the palace is very poor. The pictures and statues are quite ordinary and the proportions insignificant. We returned by way of Canstadt and stopped at a mineral spring to taste the water, which I thought detestable. All this neighbourhood is very pretty and far superior, I think, to modest Carlsruhe. We were not allowed to see the Wilhelma, a Moorish garden and palace built by the reigning King, but as we went along the outer wall I was able to catch glimpses of it which consoled me for my inability to cross the threshold.
Ulm, August 5, 1850.—This morning, before leaving the capital of Würtemberg, I visited the chapter church which is interesting, as it contains the tombs of the first Counts of Würtemberg. I then went to the castle: the only part shown is that intended for receptions; we visited the stablesand the royal riding school where some Arab horses, newly arrived from their native sand, were being broken in. The heat was such that they might easily have thought themselves in their native climate. I was roasted by the time we reached the villa of the Prince Royal: it is not yet finished, but it will be delightful in the most beautiful renaissance style; it is admirably situated with splendid views, but there is no shade, the garden is badly laid out, and the scene is one of despairing sterility. A messenger from the King arrived bringing us written permission, for which we had not asked, to see the Wilhelma. We accordingly made our way there. There is a Moorish bath and hothouses for tropical plants which took my fancy. The garden is not entirely satisfactory. Generally speaking the Stuttgart gardeners do not seem to me to be very clever. The railway then took us through a fertile country well watered and wooded, full of ruins, churches and villages. Here we have come upon theSänger-Vereine,[234]composed of thirteen hundred singers who blocked up the railway and the little winding streets of the old city of Ulm. We visited the cathedral which is very imposing, the town hall and the Gothic fountain, which are not without interest.
Augsburg, August 7, 1850.—I arrived here yesterday and saw nothing of the town except the part through which we passed. It seemed somewhat curious by reason of its old character as an imperial town in past times. The bronze fountains are very beautiful: there are Roman remains, a prison and a chapel, the scene of the martyrdom of Saint Affre. The hotel in which I am staying, the Three Moors, is the oldest in the whole of Germany, and I am on historical ground. I have seen the chapel in which Charles V. heard mass; the fireplace in which the rich weaver, Fugger, burnt the Imperial receipts, and in short everything that my head, which is swimming in the heat, can take in.
Münich, August 8, 1850.—I arrived here yesterday in the afternoon. I have visited the church of Saint-Louis whichreminds me of one of the side chapels in St. Peter's at Rome. I spent the rest of the day visiting the statues of Tilley and Wrede, the Street of Saint-Louis with all its buildings, and the castle garden which is surrounded by arcades painted in fresco. To-day at nine o'clock in the morning we started off and first went to theFrauenkirchewhere we heard mass, the sound of which came into my room, and was made irresistibly beautiful by the organ with its fine harmonies. We then hastened to the Leuchtenberg Gallery which is only open on special days at certain hours. I was attracted only by a very expressive portrait of Petrarch's Laura, painted by Bronzino; she is depicted half turning in a severe widow's dress, with noble and slightly sharp features and speaking eyes wide open and pure. I then saw an admirable picture by Murillo representing a monk kneeling before an angel who is conferring the bishop's mitre upon him: this is a marvellous composition, both for colouring and design, and as I have always had a great liking for Murillo, I was pleased by this further confirmation of my tastes. From the Leuchtenberg Palace I then went to the Basilica and was struck by the beauty of the frescoes, the richness of the marble and with the perfection both of the materials and of the workmanship. The Basilica has not yet been consecrated. The convent which King Ludwig has built for the Benedictines and which is joined to the Basilica by the crypt, is ready to receive the monks, but is not yet inhabited: the money has been all carried off by the wretched Lola Montes. As I came back I revisited the Church of Saint-Louis with its fourteen beautiful Stations of the Cross, each denoted by a fresco full of religious feeling: the Stations of the Cross in the open air are quite to my taste, and I greatly prefer them to those set up in the interior of churches which form an unpleasant interruption to the lines of pillars and columns. I was delighted to find that certain churches here, the new ones at least, have no chairs as in France and no pews as in Prussia. The Italian churches compel the congregation to kneel upon the flags, a more humble and picturesque position and infinitely more favourable to the architectural effect. Before coming in I saw the church ofthe Theatins, the parish church for the Court: its rococo style of architecture is so rich as to attain a certain beauty. The church of Saint Michael is very ugly and decorated or rather degraded by horribly tawdry ornaments; but the carved tomb of Prince Eugène of Leuchtenberg[235]by Thorwaldsen interested me. Thus, I think I did a good day's work.
Münich, August 10, 1850.—Yesterday I made further explorations among the curiosities of Münich: I visited the Treasury, the chief rooms in the castle, the Hall of the Beauties, who are not beauties at all and look as if they were taken from fashion plates; the fine statues of Schwanthaler in the throne-room delighted me greatly. From the castle I visited the Artists' Tavern: there they meet every evening and drink together and discuss art. The tavern has been arranged in a special way recalling the fifteenth-century Guilds: every artist has contributed some original decoration to the place which, though small in size is most original in appearance; the drinking cups, with each member's name and arms, are neatly arranged upon brackets and shelves modelled and carved from their designs; on several objects the names of Cornelius, Kaulbach, Schwanthaler may be read; in fact the place is quite interesting. I also visited the porter and the tinsmith who make the beer jugs and vessels well known to Bavaria; the most original designs are to be seen, both graceful and grotesque. I also saw the chapel dedicated to All Saints which adjoins the castle, a handsome, noble building, slightly Oriental in style which seems to have been constructed and decorated on the model of St. Mark at Venice. We then drove outside the town to theOctober-Wiese, in the middle of which rises the great monument of Bavaria, a colossal bronze statue by Schwanthaler, surrounded on three sides by a splendid marble colonnade, above which the statue towers for thirty feet; the scaffolding has not yet been removed, but what I could see isgigantic. As the weather was fine we went two leagues further in the direction of the Isar which flows down from the mountains to water the plain of Münich. A pretty wood led us to the foot of a Gothic castle which Schwanthaler had just finished building when death provided him with a more impregnable defence.
To-day I have visited the Glyptothek, the library and the beautiful palace of the Wittelsbach,[236]the winter residence of King Ludwig and Queen Theresa which was only completed last winter. We propose also to see the Pinacothek and the studio of Schwanthaler which his cousin carefully preserves and which is said to be interesting. This evening I shall see a fragment of Norma; and my visit to Münich will then be over. My expectations have been surpassed, my curiosity satisfied and my energies exhausted.
Salzburg, August 16, 1850.—I arrived here the day before yesterday after crossing a most beautiful and picturesque district in charming weather. I propose to plunge yet deeper into the mountains which shut in the town of Ischl. I have seen the cathedral, the Nonnenberg, with its old church and its noble convent, the fortress on its inaccessible rock, and the rooms which are being restored. I have visited Aigen where Cardinal Schwarzenberg is fond of retiring and which he left only ten days ago with great regret. I have seen the castle of Mirabelle and that of Heilbrunn, the beautiful and curious Anif, and finally the very original cemetery of St. Peter.
Ischl, August 17, 1850.—I am not particularly delighted by my stay here. The place upon my arrival seemed pretty enough while the air from the mountains which rise high and give excellent shelter on the north, must be delightful, but Ischl is full of people and, unfortunately, of people whom I know and who exact attention.
I hear from Paris that a crowd of legitimists are going to Wiesbaden to see the Comte de Chambord, and among others M. de La Ferté, son-in-law of M. Molé, who is said to have been specially sent by the Prince.
I have seen Louise Schönburg who is less uneasy on politicalsubjects and readier to accord fair treatment to her brother, Felix Schwarzenberg. She fears, however, that the Minister Bach is a traitor who is cutting the ground from beneath her brother's feet. This Minister Bach is the abomination, primarily of the Austrian lords, but also of all landowners whatever their rank. Countess Schönburg, chief lady to the Duchess Sophia, came to bring me an invitation to dinner to-morrow with her Imperial Highness. As it is the Emperor's birthday there will be a family dinner and I shall see them all, or nearly all of them, to-morrow.
Ischl, August 19, 1850.—I hear from Berlin that Potsdam has treated the Duc de Bordeaux with the most flattering attention and the most marked kindness, to the general and complete delight.[237]General Haynau and Mlle. Rachel have divided public attention:[238]the General is envious of the place given to the actress, and it is said that this rivalry has produced somewhat comical scenes; in any case people are much more quickly weary of military vanity than of stage vanity.
At dinner with the Archduchess yesterday I was the only stranger apart from the Royal Family and the officers on duty. The young Emperor looks very handsome; his brother Max, my neighbour at table, is very talkative, witty and agreeable. The old Archdukes are all very polite, and the Archduchess Sophia, as usual, is most pleasant and attractive. The Emperor's health was drunk, a salvo of guns was fired and the military band played the NationalAnthem which was immediately taken up by the people assembled under the windows. At night the summits of the mountains and the town were illuminated with bonfires, with charming effect.
Ischl, August 21, 1850.—I have just come back from Aussee where the Binzer and Zedlitz families are settled in a most idyllic spot; beautiful situation, fresh meadows, picturesque lake, luxuriant trees and a neat, simple and convenient house of rustic form. The mother and the daughters superintend the small estate which the father cultivates himself, while Zedlitz writes verses, and while the armies of Italy and Hungary send him addresses and pieces of gold plate. One son draws beautifully and two of his friends carve and paint; they work at the decoration of this pretty abode, on the walls of which graceful frescoes represent the chief scenes from the poems of Zedlitz. In the evening young and old row about on the lake, singing Tyrolese and German ballads, French romances and Spanish boleros. Their residence is shut in by a valley, difficult to reach and rarely penetrated by echoes of the outer world. It is a dream, or better, a fiction within the sphere of reality.
Vienna, August 23, 1850.—I arrived here two hours ago literally roasted and overwhelmed by twelve hours on board a steamboat in African heat. The little boat was crammed, and though the banks of the Danube are sometimes picturesque and populous, I did not think them as interesting as the Rhine between Mayence and Cologne.
Vienna, August 25, 1850.—The extent of human folly is inconceivable: the King of Denmark has now made a large addition to it by his ignoble morganatic marriage. Yesterday brought the news of his abdication.[239]
I have a number of letters to-day from every direction. Madame de la Redorte writes from the Pyrenees where she seems to be mistaking boredom for depression, two verydifferent things. Madame Mollien writes from Claremont to say that she will soon return to France; she seems to think that Louis Philippe will not last much longer as he is at the end of his strength. There was a proposal to take him to Richmond, but the Duchesse d'Aumale has had a miscarriage which has delayed their removal: apparently every member of the family is now asking what he is to do, what path he can pursue, or what policy he can adopt upon the passing away of the old leader, who is said to have become as irritable in temper as he is weak in health. This is a sad end to a career of contrasts, on which history will probably pronounce a severe judgment as a whole. The man who takes an orphan's place should either be able to hold it, or should perish in defending it. Queen Marie Amélie is said to be more saintly, more resigned, more courageous, and more admirable than ever.
There is little political talk here; even revolution has not destroyed a certain frivolous habit of gossip which is not displeasing when it is not overdone. However, people are generally satisfied with the unusual vigour which the Dresden Cabinet has displayed for the last few months: this is attributed to the Minister, Count Beust, who has adopted energetic measures and has expelled twenty malcontent professors from the university of Leipzig at one stroke.[240]