[285]SeeAlberi,Relazioni Venete, series II., vol. III., Capello.
[285]SeeAlberi,Relazioni Venete, series II., vol. III., Capello.
[*286]Cf.Burchard, III., 162. "Hurrah," cried the people, "for the Duchess of Ferrara! Hurrah for Pope Alexander VI.!" when the news was brought to Rome that the contract was signed. Lucrezia, in splendid attire, rode to offer thanks at S. Maria del Popolo. Four bishops and three hundred horse accompanied her.
[*286]Cf.Burchard, III., 162. "Hurrah," cried the people, "for the Duchess of Ferrara! Hurrah for Pope Alexander VI.!" when the news was brought to Rome that the contract was signed. Lucrezia, in splendid attire, rode to offer thanks at S. Maria del Popolo. Four bishops and three hundred horse accompanied her.
[*287]Cf.Gregorovius,Lucrezia Borgia, p. 189et seq.The wedding was celebrated on 30th December in the Cappella Paolina before the Pope, who sat on his throne attended by thirteen cardinals and the foreign ambassadors. The Emperor was not represented.
[*287]Cf.Gregorovius,Lucrezia Borgia, p. 189et seq.The wedding was celebrated on 30th December in the Cappella Paolina before the Pope, who sat on his throne attended by thirteen cardinals and the foreign ambassadors. The Emperor was not represented.
[288]Sanuto says 753 mouths, 426 horses, with 234 mules. See details in Mr.Rawdon Brown'sRagguagli, II., p. 192.
[288]Sanuto says 753 mouths, 426 horses, with 234 mules. See details in Mr.Rawdon Brown'sRagguagli, II., p. 192.
[289]Diarii di M. Sanuto, xxvii. f. 320. The reader is again referred to Roscoe's dissertation on the character of Lucrezia, for views which this letter tends to support. In Sanuto we find a very elaborate report of the marriage festivities which celebrated her arrival at Ferrara in 1502, and in which the Duchess of Urbino bore a distinguished part. It is perhaps the most graphic description of a cinque-cento pageant that has come down to us, and will be found inXIII. of the Appendices.
[289]Diarii di M. Sanuto, xxvii. f. 320. The reader is again referred to Roscoe's dissertation on the character of Lucrezia, for views which this letter tends to support. In Sanuto we find a very elaborate report of the marriage festivities which celebrated her arrival at Ferrara in 1502, and in which the Duchess of Urbino bore a distinguished part. It is perhaps the most graphic description of a cinque-cento pageant that has come down to us, and will be found inXIII. of the Appendices.
[290]Urb. MSS. No. 1023, f. 188. In No. 904, f. 43, is the diary of a citizen of Urbino during the usurpation of Borgia, which has supplied us with many of the succeeding details.
[290]Urb. MSS. No. 1023, f. 188. In No. 904, f. 43, is the diary of a citizen of Urbino during the usurpation of Borgia, which has supplied us with many of the succeeding details.
[*291]In this year beginsDiario delle Cose di Urbino, whichFederico Madiaihas published inArch. St. per le Marche e per l'Umbria, vol. III., p. 423et seq.It begins on January 18, the day on which Lucrezia came to Urbino, "con 150 cavalli e circa 2000 bocche." "Andò moglie di D. Ferrante figlio del Duca di Ferrara. Fu stimato che tra Gubbio, Cagli e Urbino il nostro Duca spendesse circa ottomila ducati." For Gubbio, seeA. Pellegrini,Gubbio sotto i Conti e Duchi d'Urbino, inBoll. per l'Umbria, vol. XI., p. 211et seq.
[*291]In this year beginsDiario delle Cose di Urbino, whichFederico Madiaihas published inArch. St. per le Marche e per l'Umbria, vol. III., p. 423et seq.It begins on January 18, the day on which Lucrezia came to Urbino, "con 150 cavalli e circa 2000 bocche." "Andò moglie di D. Ferrante figlio del Duca di Ferrara. Fu stimato che tra Gubbio, Cagli e Urbino il nostro Duca spendesse circa ottomila ducati." For Gubbio, seeA. Pellegrini,Gubbio sotto i Conti e Duchi d'Urbino, inBoll. per l'Umbria, vol. XI., p. 211et seq.
[292]This rudeness was, however, visited by the Signory with a sharp rebuke.—Sanuto'sDiaries.
[292]This rudeness was, however, visited by the Signory with a sharp rebuke.—Sanuto'sDiaries.
[*293]The Duke left between the fourth and fifth hour of the night (i.e. between 11 p.m. and midnight) on June 20. Cf.Diario delle Cose di UrbinoinArch. St. per le Marche e per l'Umbria, vol. III., p. 423.
[*293]The Duke left between the fourth and fifth hour of the night (i.e. between 11 p.m. and midnight) on June 20. Cf.Diario delle Cose di UrbinoinArch. St. per le Marche e per l'Umbria, vol. III., p. 423.
[294]Bembo,Opera, II., p. 637.
[294]Bembo,Opera, II., p. 637.
[*295]TheDiario delle Cose di Urbinomakes no mention of any terror or looting on the 21st or after. There was an earthquake on the 23rd at mid-day, "che non s'udì mai il maggiore." On the 25th Cesare departed towards Casteldurante. He returned on August 3rd and left on the 6th.
[*295]TheDiario delle Cose di Urbinomakes no mention of any terror or looting on the 21st or after. There was an earthquake on the 23rd at mid-day, "che non s'udì mai il maggiore." On the 25th Cesare departed towards Casteldurante. He returned on August 3rd and left on the 6th.
[296]See of her,p. 289.
[296]See of her,p. 289.
[297]Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1023, art. 17.
[297]Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1023, art. 17.
[298]Sanuto has preserved the following letter of the 8th October, addressed by Cesare to the inhabitants of Bertinoro, near Cesena, in reference to this feat of Brizio:—"The Duke of Romagna, Prince of Urbino and Adria, Lord of Piombino, to our well-beloved, greeting: The peasants of S. Leo, carrying wood into that place, induced by cupidity of new booty, captured the warder and took the castle; and it being the capital of Montefeltro, the neighbouring castles have rebelled; and as perhaps Guidobaldo, feigning to have assistance from some potentate, may attempt to go thither, we command you, as you value our favour, to exert yourselves, and guard the passes with armed men, arresting all who may come that way, giving them into the hands of our commissary, or slaying those who may make resistance. Guidobaldo is not aware of the good understanding which exists between the Pope's Holiness and the most Christian King of France, as also between other potentates and us."
[298]Sanuto has preserved the following letter of the 8th October, addressed by Cesare to the inhabitants of Bertinoro, near Cesena, in reference to this feat of Brizio:—
"The Duke of Romagna, Prince of Urbino and Adria, Lord of Piombino, to our well-beloved, greeting: The peasants of S. Leo, carrying wood into that place, induced by cupidity of new booty, captured the warder and took the castle; and it being the capital of Montefeltro, the neighbouring castles have rebelled; and as perhaps Guidobaldo, feigning to have assistance from some potentate, may attempt to go thither, we command you, as you value our favour, to exert yourselves, and guard the passes with armed men, arresting all who may come that way, giving them into the hands of our commissary, or slaying those who may make resistance. Guidobaldo is not aware of the good understanding which exists between the Pope's Holiness and the most Christian King of France, as also between other potentates and us."
[*299]On 8 October, according to theDiarioabove cited (p. 401,note *1), news came of the return of San Leo, San Marino, and Tavoleto, and all the Montefeltro. Gubbio and Cagli had returned to their allegiance to Guidobaldo, and all Urbino armed itself and cried, "Feltro! Feltro! Feltro!" There was, however, at first a large party who did not wish to see Guidobaldo again. Therocca, still presumably in the hands of Cesare, was taken next day, fourcontadinibeing killed.
[*299]On 8 October, according to theDiarioabove cited (p. 401,note *1), news came of the return of San Leo, San Marino, and Tavoleto, and all the Montefeltro. Gubbio and Cagli had returned to their allegiance to Guidobaldo, and all Urbino armed itself and cried, "Feltro! Feltro! Feltro!" There was, however, at first a large party who did not wish to see Guidobaldo again. Therocca, still presumably in the hands of Cesare, was taken next day, fourcontadinibeing killed.
[300]Among the Oliveriana MSS. I found a statement that his return was reluctant, and against hope of success, and that it had been somewhat forced upon him, in consequence of the injudicious zeal of a priest, who, finding his seal in S. Leo, gave out that he was arrived, ordered rejoicings, and issued forged letters in his name. The apocryphal story is not supported by any authority that I have met with. From the instructions to Machiavelli, dated 5th of October, it appears that his return was anticipated before the surprise of S. Leo had taken place,—an event probably brought about in part by such rumours, tending"Spargere vocesIn vulgum ambiguas, et quærere conscius arma."Indeed, he had secretly applied to the Signory for pecuniary aid some days anterior to the rising in his duchy.
[300]Among the Oliveriana MSS. I found a statement that his return was reluctant, and against hope of success, and that it had been somewhat forced upon him, in consequence of the injudicious zeal of a priest, who, finding his seal in S. Leo, gave out that he was arrived, ordered rejoicings, and issued forged letters in his name. The apocryphal story is not supported by any authority that I have met with. From the instructions to Machiavelli, dated 5th of October, it appears that his return was anticipated before the surprise of S. Leo had taken place,—an event probably brought about in part by such rumours, tending
Indeed, he had secretly applied to the Signory for pecuniary aid some days anterior to the rising in his duchy.
[301]On 18 October, 1502, the Duke returned to Urbino; he had with him but ten horse. "Non saprei estimare la moltitudine degli uomini d'ogni parte grandi e piccoli che si trovarono per la strada. Da poi che si partì da San Leo per sino a Urbino, in ogni poggio erano le tavole apparecchiate dagli Urbinati. Ogni uomo se gli fe incontro dalla terra a un miglio, a due, a tre, a quattro" (Diario, cf.supra,p. 401,note *1).
[301]On 18 October, 1502, the Duke returned to Urbino; he had with him but ten horse. "Non saprei estimare la moltitudine degli uomini d'ogni parte grandi e piccoli che si trovarono per la strada. Da poi che si partì da San Leo per sino a Urbino, in ogni poggio erano le tavole apparecchiate dagli Urbinati. Ogni uomo se gli fe incontro dalla terra a un miglio, a due, a tre, a quattro" (Diario, cf.supra,p. 401,note *1).
[*302]"Our Signore," says theDiario, "did not leave his bed on the 19th because he had the gout ... but every man went to speak with him in bed, thecontadinoas well as the citizen; and day and night he gave them audience, and spoke with every one willingly."
[*302]"Our Signore," says theDiario, "did not leave his bed on the 19th because he had the gout ... but every man went to speak with him in bed, thecontadinoas well as the citizen; and day and night he gave them audience, and spoke with every one willingly."
[303]The extract sent me has "supplicat," probably for "suppetat."
[303]The extract sent me has "supplicat," probably for "suppetat."
[304]This commentary, I believe, bears also the name of Raschid.
[304]This commentary, I believe, bears also the name of Raschid.
[305]MS. works in the Albani library at Rome.
[305]MS. works in the Albani library at Rome.
[306]That many of the greatest Italian painters, up to about 1500, were in the habit of illuminating religious and historical MSS. is a fact which need not here be illustrated by examples. But as the name of Perugino occurs, I may mention that one of the most perfect miniatures known to exist is the martyrdom of St. Sebastian, signed by him, in a Book of Offices of the Romish Church, purchased by me at Rome, in 1838, from Prince Albani, which now ornaments the Earl of Ashburnham's rich collection. This volume, containing several other paintings of equal merit, was executed for Giovanni di Pierantonio Bandini Baroncelli, long ambassador from the Medici at the court of Charles V., the great antiquity of whose family is sarcastically maintained by Boccaccio, on the ground that their ugliness proves them to have issued from the hands of Nature ere she had become perfect at her business!
[306]That many of the greatest Italian painters, up to about 1500, were in the habit of illuminating religious and historical MSS. is a fact which need not here be illustrated by examples. But as the name of Perugino occurs, I may mention that one of the most perfect miniatures known to exist is the martyrdom of St. Sebastian, signed by him, in a Book of Offices of the Romish Church, purchased by me at Rome, in 1838, from Prince Albani, which now ornaments the Earl of Ashburnham's rich collection. This volume, containing several other paintings of equal merit, was executed for Giovanni di Pierantonio Bandini Baroncelli, long ambassador from the Medici at the court of Charles V., the great antiquity of whose family is sarcastically maintained by Boccaccio, on the ground that their ugliness proves them to have issued from the hands of Nature ere she had become perfect at her business!
[307]Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1198, f. 12, &c., Literæ Ducis Federici, in Latin.
[307]Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1198, f. 12, &c., Literæ Ducis Federici, in Latin.
[308]The date of this mission is indicated by a letter of 22nd August, 1475. It and another are addressed to Don Antonio and Don Guglielmo, probably English courtiers, referring to that embassy to England, offering duty to Edward, and the writer's services in his behalf at Rome and Naples.
[308]The date of this mission is indicated by a letter of 22nd August, 1475. It and another are addressed to Don Antonio and Don Guglielmo, probably English courtiers, referring to that embassy to England, offering duty to Edward, and the writer's services in his behalf at Rome and Naples.
[309]Anstis refers to this as of 1476-9.
[309]Anstis refers to this as of 1476-9.
[310]Among the other letters in this collection relating to England, are one to the Reverend John [Morton, Master of the Rolls], counsellor to the King, with thanks for his attentions to Pietro Ubaldini; another, thanking the Lord Chancellor for a horse and hounds; another of civility to Archbishop Boutcher, Cardinal of England, presbyter of S. Ciriaco. There are three others to Edward IV. In the first he avails himself of a visit from Sir John de la Scrop, then on his return from the Holy Land, to offer the King his affectionate duty, and to express his high regard for that nobleman. In the next he alludes to Sir John, an English ambassador then at Urbino, who seems to have been accredited in order to co-operate with the Duke in obtaining a Jubilee [1475], and in recommending some one to an Irish see. In another he mentions hearing that his Majesty had crossed over to France [1475], and offers his good offices with the Pope and King of Naples.
[310]Among the other letters in this collection relating to England, are one to the Reverend John [Morton, Master of the Rolls], counsellor to the King, with thanks for his attentions to Pietro Ubaldini; another, thanking the Lord Chancellor for a horse and hounds; another of civility to Archbishop Boutcher, Cardinal of England, presbyter of S. Ciriaco. There are three others to Edward IV. In the first he avails himself of a visit from Sir John de la Scrop, then on his return from the Holy Land, to offer the King his affectionate duty, and to express his high regard for that nobleman. In the next he alludes to Sir John, an English ambassador then at Urbino, who seems to have been accredited in order to co-operate with the Duke in obtaining a Jubilee [1475], and in recommending some one to an Irish see. In another he mentions hearing that his Majesty had crossed over to France [1475], and offers his good offices with the Pope and King of Naples.
[311]This passage, written probably in Norman French, has become somewhat obscure in its transmission through barbarous Latin into Sanzi's rugged rhymes.
[311]This passage, written probably in Norman French, has become somewhat obscure in its transmission through barbarous Latin into Sanzi's rugged rhymes.
[312]Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 373, f. 105, 106.
[312]Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 373, f. 105, 106.
[313]The former march of the army by the same passes required but three days from Fornovo to Pontremoli; on this occasion the King was four days in crossing, besides a halt of three more to enable his artillery to get ahead of him. It is probable that in 1494 much of his ordnance, baggage, and stores had been sent in the fleet.
[313]The former march of the army by the same passes required but three days from Fornovo to Pontremoli; on this occasion the King was four days in crossing, besides a halt of three more to enable his artillery to get ahead of him. It is probable that in 1494 much of his ordnance, baggage, and stores had been sent in the fleet.
[314]It is curious to find this cowardly policy openly laid down by such authority as a maxim, and it affords a clue not only to the lax military operations of the grasping Republic, but betrays the secret that their mainland advantages were oftener gained by tortuous diplomacy than in open field. The Venetianproveditoriwere at first of the nature of quartermasters and commissaries-general, their duty being to distribute pay and quarters to the troops, as well as to levy and allot taxes whereby the military finances were maintained through the agency of local sub-commissaries. But they became tools of the ever-jealous Signory, empowered to control the commanders, as well as to watch and report their proceedings. We have frequent occasion to notice the bad consequences of this narrow policy.
[314]It is curious to find this cowardly policy openly laid down by such authority as a maxim, and it affords a clue not only to the lax military operations of the grasping Republic, but betrays the secret that their mainland advantages were oftener gained by tortuous diplomacy than in open field. The Venetianproveditoriwere at first of the nature of quartermasters and commissaries-general, their duty being to distribute pay and quarters to the troops, as well as to levy and allot taxes whereby the military finances were maintained through the agency of local sub-commissaries. But they became tools of the ever-jealous Signory, empowered to control the commanders, as well as to watch and report their proceedings. We have frequent occasion to notice the bad consequences of this narrow policy.
[315]Vies des Hommes Illustres, Discours 48.
[315]Vies des Hommes Illustres, Discours 48.
[316]It is scarcely necessary to point out in these interludes the germ of the modern ballet spectacles (which in Italy are still introduced between the acts of the opera), as well as of various carnival pastimes. The details illustrate the history of the stage, as well as the social manners of the cinque-cento, which may excuse the length of this extract.
[316]It is scarcely necessary to point out in these interludes the germ of the modern ballet spectacles (which in Italy are still introduced between the acts of the opera), as well as of various carnival pastimes. The details illustrate the history of the stage, as well as the social manners of the cinque-cento, which may excuse the length of this extract.
[H]Cf. with the Table inYriarte,César Borgia, vol. I.
[H]Cf. with the Table inYriarte,César Borgia, vol. I.
Transcriber’s Errata ListPage xxi,number 18: Price is missing in original.Page xxii,number 21: "Sazi" should be "Sanzi".Page xxii,number 22: "Luigo Allemanno" should be "Luigi Alamanni".Page 460,bottom: Subtotal is missing in original.Missing legends for natural children in some of thegenealogical tableshave been added. In some tables, the original uses the same symbol to indicate both natural children and skipped generations. In order to distinguish between them, the skipped generations are indicated by the § symbol, as that symbol is used for that purpose in the other original tables.In the first table relating to thesuccession to the Crown of Naples,Jane, wife of Ferdinand I., is actually his second wife, and not the mother of his issue listed here. The original table lists this marriage twice; both instances are combined here for clarity.TheBorgia genealogical tableis not historically accurate, but is presented here as it appears in the original. (See the author's comment on the Borgia pedigree onp. 320.)Footnote 226: Errors in the Boccalini quotations have been corrected by comparison with the1612 edition of 'De' ragguagli di Parnaso' at the Internet Archive.Footnote 299: Original erroneously cites p. 385; corrected to p. 401.Footnote 301: Original erroneously cites p. 385; corrected to p. 401.List of Greek TransliterationsPage 445,number 25: Philairetotatô.Page 445,number 27: Olbios sianolbios.
Transcriber’s Errata List
Page xxi,number 18: Price is missing in original.
Page xxii,number 21: "Sazi" should be "Sanzi".
Page xxii,number 22: "Luigo Allemanno" should be "Luigi Alamanni".
Page 460,bottom: Subtotal is missing in original.
Missing legends for natural children in some of thegenealogical tableshave been added. In some tables, the original uses the same symbol to indicate both natural children and skipped generations. In order to distinguish between them, the skipped generations are indicated by the § symbol, as that symbol is used for that purpose in the other original tables.
In the first table relating to thesuccession to the Crown of Naples,Jane, wife of Ferdinand I., is actually his second wife, and not the mother of his issue listed here. The original table lists this marriage twice; both instances are combined here for clarity.
TheBorgia genealogical tableis not historically accurate, but is presented here as it appears in the original. (See the author's comment on the Borgia pedigree onp. 320.)
Footnote 226: Errors in the Boccalini quotations have been corrected by comparison with the1612 edition of 'De' ragguagli di Parnaso' at the Internet Archive.
Footnote 299: Original erroneously cites p. 385; corrected to p. 401.
Footnote 301: Original erroneously cites p. 385; corrected to p. 401.
List of Greek Transliterations
Page 445,number 25: Philairetotatô.
Page 445,number 27: Olbios sianolbios.