AGAPITO, eleventh in descent fromPietro Colonna, who lived in 1100.=Caterina Conti.Oddo, electedMartin V.in 1407, d. 1431.Lorenzo Onofrio=Sueva Gaetanida Fondi.Odoardo,Duke of Marsi.=Filippa Conti.Antonio,Duke of Paliano,d. 1471.=Imperiale Colonna.Caterina,d. 1438.=§Guidantonio,Count of Urbino.Lorenzo Oddone,d. 1484.Fabrizio, GrandConstable ofNaples, d. 1520.=Agnese diMontefeltro,d. 1522.Muzio,d. 1516.Sciarra.Ascanio, GrandConstable of Naples,claimant of Urbino,d. 1557.=§Giovanna d’Aragona,natural branch ofthe Crown of Naples.Vittoria,b. 1490,d. 1548.=Ferdinando,Fr. Marquisof Pescara,d. 1525.Girolamo=VittoriaConti.Cardinal Giovanni,d. 1508Pierantonio=BernardinaConti.Prospero,d. 1523.Cardinal Pompeo,d. 1532.Ottaviano.Marcello.Giulio.Marc Antonio=Lucrezia Garadella Rovere.Marzio,d. 1546.Ottavia=Sigismondo Varana,d. 1522.
[1]Our chief authorities for this tragic scene are Machiavelli's despatches and separate narrative, with the Diaries of Burchard, Buonaccorsi, and Sanuto. Some details are taken from the Ricordi of Padre Gratio, guardian of the Monastery delle Grazie at Sinigaglia, a contemporary, and probably an eye-witness to many of them. Vat. Urb. MSS. 1023, art. 17.[*A]
[1]Our chief authorities for this tragic scene are Machiavelli's despatches and separate narrative, with the Diaries of Burchard, Buonaccorsi, and Sanuto. Some details are taken from the Ricordi of Padre Gratio, guardian of the Monastery delle Grazie at Sinigaglia, a contemporary, and probably an eye-witness to many of them. Vat. Urb. MSS. 1023, art. 17.[*A]
[*A]Cf.Madiai,Diario delle Cose di Urbino, inArch. St. per le Marche e per l'Umbria, tom. III., p. 437. Machiavelli, who was with Cesare at the time, describes the massacre of Sinigaglia as "il bellissimo inganno di Sinigaglia." Cesare wrote an account of it to Isabella d'Este. Cf. her letter to her husband (D'Arco,Notizie di Isabella Estense, inArch. St. Ital., ser. i., App., vol. I., No. II. (1845), p. 262).
[*A]Cf.Madiai,Diario delle Cose di Urbino, inArch. St. per le Marche e per l'Umbria, tom. III., p. 437. Machiavelli, who was with Cesare at the time, describes the massacre of Sinigaglia as "il bellissimo inganno di Sinigaglia." Cesare wrote an account of it to Isabella d'Este. Cf. her letter to her husband (D'Arco,Notizie di Isabella Estense, inArch. St. Ital., ser. i., App., vol. I., No. II. (1845), p. 262).
[*A]Cf.Madiai,Diario delle Cose di Urbino, inArch. St. per le Marche e per l'Umbria, tom. III., p. 437. Machiavelli, who was with Cesare at the time, describes the massacre of Sinigaglia as "il bellissimo inganno di Sinigaglia." Cesare wrote an account of it to Isabella d'Este. Cf. her letter to her husband (D'Arco,Notizie di Isabella Estense, inArch. St. Ital., ser. i., App., vol. I., No. II. (1845), p. 262).
[2]Our version is from the original letter. Nearly similar in purport, but much shorter, is a despatch written by him to the Doge of Venice on the very night of the raid, so anxious was he to conciliate the Signory.
[2]Our version is from the original letter. Nearly similar in purport, but much shorter, is a despatch written by him to the Doge of Venice on the very night of the raid, so anxious was he to conciliate the Signory.
[*3]It is unlikely that Machiavelli abetted the massacre, though he certainly approved it dispassionately enough. By it the Papacy was rid at last of the houses of Colonna and Orsini. Cesare met Machiavelli after the affair "with the best cheer in the world," reminding him that he had given him a hint of his intentions, but adding, "I did not tell you all." He urged on Machiavelli his desire for a firm alliance with Florence. Cf.Machiavelli,Legazione al Valentino, Lett. 86, and theModo tenuto dal Duca Valentino nel ammazzare Vitellozzo. See alsoCreighton,op. cit., vol V., p. 40.
[*3]It is unlikely that Machiavelli abetted the massacre, though he certainly approved it dispassionately enough. By it the Papacy was rid at last of the houses of Colonna and Orsini. Cesare met Machiavelli after the affair "with the best cheer in the world," reminding him that he had given him a hint of his intentions, but adding, "I did not tell you all." He urged on Machiavelli his desire for a firm alliance with Florence. Cf.Machiavelli,Legazione al Valentino, Lett. 86, and theModo tenuto dal Duca Valentino nel ammazzare Vitellozzo. See alsoCreighton,op. cit., vol V., p. 40.
[4]Vermiglioli:Vita di Malatesta Baglioni.
[4]Vermiglioli:Vita di Malatesta Baglioni.
[*5]The schemes of Cesare were in his age no more unscrupulously carried out than Bismarck's in his. "It is well," said Cesare, "to beguile those who have shown themselves to be masters of treachery."
[*5]The schemes of Cesare were in his age no more unscrupulously carried out than Bismarck's in his. "It is well," said Cesare, "to beguile those who have shown themselves to be masters of treachery."
[*6]Cf.Lisini,Cesare Borgia e la repubblica di Siena, in theBoll. Senese di Stor. Pat., ann. VII. (fasc. I.), pp. 114, 115, and 144et seq.for all the documents. And for a short but excellent account in English of the whole Sienese affair,Langton Douglas,A History of Siena(Murray, 1902), p. 206et seq.
[*6]Cf.Lisini,Cesare Borgia e la repubblica di Siena, in theBoll. Senese di Stor. Pat., ann. VII. (fasc. I.), pp. 114, 115, and 144et seq.for all the documents. And for a short but excellent account in English of the whole Sienese affair,Langton Douglas,A History of Siena(Murray, 1902), p. 206et seq.
[7]"Neque enim lex æquior ullaQuam necis artifices arte perire sua."Ovid.Ar. Amat.i. 655.
[7]
[*8]There is no authentic basis for this story. Rome was in a pestilential condition in August, and the Pope, Cesare, and the Cardinal Hadrian were all stricken with fever, which a supper in the open air was surely not unlikely to produce. Alexander was so detested that the strangeness of his death suggested poison at once to his enemies. Cf.Creighton,op. cit., vol. V., p. 49. An excellent essay onThe Poisonings attributed to the Borgiawill be found inCreighton,op. cit., vol. V., p. 301et seq.
[*8]There is no authentic basis for this story. Rome was in a pestilential condition in August, and the Pope, Cesare, and the Cardinal Hadrian were all stricken with fever, which a supper in the open air was surely not unlikely to produce. Alexander was so detested that the strangeness of his death suggested poison at once to his enemies. Cf.Creighton,op. cit., vol. V., p. 49. An excellent essay onThe Poisonings attributed to the Borgiawill be found inCreighton,op. cit., vol. V., p. 301et seq.
[9]This passage appears conclusive as to the fact of poison having been taken by the Pontiff; and it will be observed that Sanuto's story of the confection-boxes in no way accounts for the illness of Valentino, which is equally passed over in another totally different statement of this affair, given in the Appendix to Ranke'sHistory of the Popes, section i. No. 4,—omissions to be kept in view in testing the probability of these conflicting accounts. Roscoe seems to have subsequently abandoned the doubts thrown upon the poisoning in his first edition, although ever prone to extenuate vices of the Borgia: witness his elaborate defence of Lucrezia, or his views as to the Duke of Gandia's murder and the massacre of Sinigaglia. Voltaire treats the question like a habitual doubter, with the ingenuity of a critic rather than the matured judgment of a historian. He is answered, with perhaps unnecessary detail, by Masse, to whom Sanuto was unknown.
[9]This passage appears conclusive as to the fact of poison having been taken by the Pontiff; and it will be observed that Sanuto's story of the confection-boxes in no way accounts for the illness of Valentino, which is equally passed over in another totally different statement of this affair, given in the Appendix to Ranke'sHistory of the Popes, section i. No. 4,—omissions to be kept in view in testing the probability of these conflicting accounts. Roscoe seems to have subsequently abandoned the doubts thrown upon the poisoning in his first edition, although ever prone to extenuate vices of the Borgia: witness his elaborate defence of Lucrezia, or his views as to the Duke of Gandia's murder and the massacre of Sinigaglia. Voltaire treats the question like a habitual doubter, with the ingenuity of a critic rather than the matured judgment of a historian. He is answered, with perhaps unnecessary detail, by Masse, to whom Sanuto was unknown.
[*10]This is probably an exaggeration. Alexander VI. was without reticence in his sins, and so has not escaped whipping. I append a brief list of authorities for the Borgia:—Cerri,Borgia ossia Alessandro VI.(1858).Antonetti,Lucrezia Borgia in Ferrara(1867).Schubert-Soldern,Die Borgias und ihre Zeit(Dresden, 1902).Citadella,Saggio di Albero Genealogico della Famiglia Borgia(1872).Gregorovius,Lucrezia Borgia(1874).——Geschichte der Stadt Rom., tom. VII. (1880).Alvisi,Cesare Borgia(Imola, 1878).Nemec,Papst Alexander VI. eine Rechtfertigung(1879).Leonetti,Papa Alessandro VI.(1880).d'Epinois, inRevue des Questions Historiques(April, 1881).Vehon,Les Borgia(1882).Maricourt,Le Procès des Borgia(1883).Yriarte,César Borgia(1887).——Autour des Borgias(1891).
[*10]This is probably an exaggeration. Alexander VI. was without reticence in his sins, and so has not escaped whipping. I append a brief list of authorities for the Borgia:—
[*11]I am not quite clear what this means. The Inquisition was introduced into Italy in 1542, and theIndex Librorum Prohibitorumwas established. But the congregation of the Index was not established till the Council of Trent. Magical books were prohibited as early as the Council of Nice, 325.
[*11]I am not quite clear what this means. The Inquisition was introduced into Italy in 1542, and theIndex Librorum Prohibitorumwas established. But the congregation of the Index was not established till the Council of Trent. Magical books were prohibited as early as the Council of Nice, 325.
[*12]During the Duke's absence an interesting correspondence passed between Isabella d'Este and Cardinal Ippolito d'Este in Rome concerning a Venus and a Cupid of the Duke's. The Venus was a torso and antique, but the Cupid was the work of Michelangelo. Cf.Gaye,Carteggio d'Artisti, vol. II., p. 53;Alvisi,Cesare Borgia, p. 537;Luzio, inArch. St. Lombardo(1886), andJulia Cartwright,Isabella d'Este(Murray, 1903), vol. I., p. 230et seq.
[*12]During the Duke's absence an interesting correspondence passed between Isabella d'Este and Cardinal Ippolito d'Este in Rome concerning a Venus and a Cupid of the Duke's. The Venus was a torso and antique, but the Cupid was the work of Michelangelo. Cf.Gaye,Carteggio d'Artisti, vol. II., p. 53;Alvisi,Cesare Borgia, p. 537;Luzio, inArch. St. Lombardo(1886), andJulia Cartwright,Isabella d'Este(Murray, 1903), vol. I., p. 230et seq.
[*13]Cf.Madiai,Diario delle Cose di Urbino, inArch. St. per le Marche e per l'Umbria, vol. III., p. 444.
[*13]Cf.Madiai,Diario delle Cose di Urbino, inArch. St. per le Marche e per l'Umbria, vol. III., p. 444.
[14]In the communal archives of Perugia, there is a brief addressed to the authorities of that town by Pius III., dated 17th of October, 1503, "before his coronation," but in fact the day preceding his death, which must have been obtained by the influence of Cesare, and which speaks a language very different from what his Holiness would probably have adopted had his life been spared. Its object was to prohibit certain "conventicles" which Gianpaolo Baglioni was reported to be holding in Perugia, for the purpose of plotting against the person of the Duke of Valenza and Romagna, and to desire that he be charged to avoid all courses tending to the prejudice of Borgia.
[14]In the communal archives of Perugia, there is a brief addressed to the authorities of that town by Pius III., dated 17th of October, 1503, "before his coronation," but in fact the day preceding his death, which must have been obtained by the influence of Cesare, and which speaks a language very different from what his Holiness would probably have adopted had his life been spared. Its object was to prohibit certain "conventicles" which Gianpaolo Baglioni was reported to be holding in Perugia, for the purpose of plotting against the person of the Duke of Valenza and Romagna, and to desire that he be charged to avoid all courses tending to the prejudice of Borgia.
[15]Our information is in many respects deficient regarding the numerous and complicated events occurring at Rome between the poisoning of Alexander and the final departure of his son Cesare, and authorities are frequently irreconcileable. We are indebted to Sanuto's Diary for many unedited particulars, especially of the papal elections, but the most distinct account of these transactions, and on the whole trustworthy, which we have met with, is given by Masse.
[15]Our information is in many respects deficient regarding the numerous and complicated events occurring at Rome between the poisoning of Alexander and the final departure of his son Cesare, and authorities are frequently irreconcileable. We are indebted to Sanuto's Diary for many unedited particulars, especially of the papal elections, but the most distinct account of these transactions, and on the whole trustworthy, which we have met with, is given by Masse.
[*16]Cf. the latter, in which an account of the interview between Cesare and Guidobaldo is given,Ugolini,op. cit., vol. II., p. 523. It does not bear out Giustiniani's account (q.v. ii., 326) of what Guidobaldo said to him, and is probably mere rhetoric.
[*16]Cf. the latter, in which an account of the interview between Cesare and Guidobaldo is given,Ugolini,op. cit., vol. II., p. 523. It does not bear out Giustiniani's account (q.v. ii., 326) of what Guidobaldo said to him, and is probably mere rhetoric.
[17]"Omnia vincebas, sperabas omnia Cæsar;Omnia deficiunt, incipis esse nihil."
[17]
[18]Considering that Borgia was probably dead half a century before this painting was commissioned, little reliance can be placed upon the likeness. *This is the account alluded to innote *1, page 29.
[18]Considering that Borgia was probably dead half a century before this painting was commissioned, little reliance can be placed upon the likeness. *This is the account alluded to innote *1, page 29.
[19]Seevol. I., p. 371.
[19]Seevol. I., p. 371.
[*20]Cf.Madiai,op. cit., inArch. cit., vol.cit., p. 451-2.
[*20]Cf.Madiai,op. cit., inArch. cit., vol.cit., p. 451-2.
[*21]Cf.Madiai,op. cit., inArch. cit., vol.cit., p. 455. This Diary says that the Duke returned at the end of February, 1506.
[*21]Cf.Madiai,op. cit., inArch. cit., vol.cit., p. 455. This Diary says that the Duke returned at the end of February, 1506.
[*22]Cf.Madiai,op. cit.,Arch. cit., vol.cit., p. 456-7.
[*22]Cf.Madiai,op. cit.,Arch. cit., vol.cit., p. 456-7.
[23]These, and many other particulars interwoven with our narrative, are taken from the anonymous Diary, Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 904. During the preceding year of scarcity, wheat had varied in different parts of Italy from four to twelve golden ducats, each of forty bolognini, a price scarcely credible. Riposati quotes a document proving that in 1450 a florin contained forty bolognini of Gubbio, of which twenty-nine and a half were coined from an ounce of silver, with9/48of alloy. Although it seems right to insert the above tariff, most of the prices appear enormous, beyond all belief. See thePrefaceto this work, for the comparative value of money. *This diary is the one quoted underMadiai.
[23]These, and many other particulars interwoven with our narrative, are taken from the anonymous Diary, Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 904. During the preceding year of scarcity, wheat had varied in different parts of Italy from four to twelve golden ducats, each of forty bolognini, a price scarcely credible. Riposati quotes a document proving that in 1450 a florin contained forty bolognini of Gubbio, of which twenty-nine and a half were coined from an ounce of silver, with9/48of alloy. Although it seems right to insert the above tariff, most of the prices appear enormous, beyond all belief. See thePrefaceto this work, for the comparative value of money. *This diary is the one quoted underMadiai.
[24]In the same feeling, though of later date, a copy of Raffaele's speaking portrait of his Holiness, now in the Torlonia Gallery, and attributed to Giulio Romano, is inscribed, "The author of freedom, for the citizens he saved." This conquest became a triumph of art as well as of arms; the colossal statue of Julius, begun by Michael Angelo in Nov. 1506, was erected in February, 1508. It weighed 17,500 lb. of bronze, and cost about 12,000 golden ducats, of which 1000 went to the artist.
[24]In the same feeling, though of later date, a copy of Raffaele's speaking portrait of his Holiness, now in the Torlonia Gallery, and attributed to Giulio Romano, is inscribed, "The author of freedom, for the citizens he saved." This conquest became a triumph of art as well as of arms; the colossal statue of Julius, begun by Michael Angelo in Nov. 1506, was erected in February, 1508. It weighed 17,500 lb. of bronze, and cost about 12,000 golden ducats, of which 1000 went to the artist.
[25]Seech. xxxiii.of this work.
[25]Seech. xxxiii.of this work.
[26]See above,ch. viii.,ix.,x.
[26]See above,ch. viii.,ix.,x.
[*27]The following is a short bibliography ofIl Cortegiano, and of works relating to it:—Salvadori,Il Cortegiano(Firenze, 1884).Cian,Il Cortegiano(Firenze, 1894).Opdycke,The Book of the Courtier(New York, 1901).Bottari,Studio su B.C. e il suo Libro(Pisa, 1874).Luzio e Renier,Mantova e Urbino(Torino, 1893).Cian, inGiornale Stor. d. Lett. It., vol. XV. fasc. 43 e 44.Cian,Un Codice ignoto di Rime volgari app. a B.C.inGiornale cit., vol. XXXIV., p. 297, XXXV., p. 53.Serassi,Lettere, 2 vols. (Padova, 1769-71).Renier,Notizia di Lettere ined. di B.C.(Torino, 1889).Mariello,La Cronologia del Cortegiano(Pisa, 1895).Joly,De B.C. opere cui titulus Il Cortegiano(Cadomi, 1856).Tobler,C. und sein Hofmann, in Schweizer Museum, 1884.Valmaggi,Per le fonti del Corteg., inGiornale cit., XIV., 72.Gerini,Gli scrittori pedagog. ital. d. Sec. XVI.(Torino, 1897), p. 43.
[*27]The following is a short bibliography ofIl Cortegiano, and of works relating to it:—
[*28]In theLettera Dedicatoria. Cf. Ed. Cian,op. cit., p. 4.
[*28]In theLettera Dedicatoria. Cf. Ed. Cian,op. cit., p. 4.
[*29]This is the opening of theLettera Dedicatoriato Don Michel de Silva, Bishop of Viseo.
[*29]This is the opening of theLettera Dedicatoriato Don Michel de Silva, Bishop of Viseo.
[*30]Opening paragraph of first book. Ed. Cian, p. 11.
[*30]Opening paragraph of first book. Ed. Cian, p. 11.
[*31]Concerning Elisabetta Gonzaga. Cf.Luzio e Renier,Mantova e Urbino, Isabella d'Este, ed Elisabetta Gonzaga(Torino, 1893).
[*31]Concerning Elisabetta Gonzaga. Cf.Luzio e Renier,Mantova e Urbino, Isabella d'Este, ed Elisabetta Gonzaga(Torino, 1893).
[*32]This lady was the inseparable companion of the Duchess Elisabetta. She was the daughter of Mario Pio, of the Lords of Carpi. Early the widow of Antonio of Montefeltro, natural brother of Guidobaldo, she remained at Urbino. She died, as it seems, a true lady of the Renaissance. "Senza alcun sacramento di la chiesa, disputando una parte del Cortegiano col Conte Ludovico da Canosso." Cf. Rossi,Appunti per la storia della musica alla Corte d'Urbino, in Rassegna Emiliana, Ann. I. (fasc. VIII.), p. 456, n. 1.
[*32]This lady was the inseparable companion of the Duchess Elisabetta. She was the daughter of Mario Pio, of the Lords of Carpi. Early the widow of Antonio of Montefeltro, natural brother of Guidobaldo, she remained at Urbino. She died, as it seems, a true lady of the Renaissance. "Senza alcun sacramento di la chiesa, disputando una parte del Cortegiano col Conte Ludovico da Canosso." Cf. Rossi,Appunti per la storia della musica alla Corte d'Urbino, in Rassegna Emiliana, Ann. I. (fasc. VIII.), p. 456, n. 1.
[33]See below,p. 57.
[33]See below,p. 57.
[34]Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1023, art. 21. There is a copy of this MS. in the library of Newbattle Abbey, Scotland.
[34]Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1023, art. 21. There is a copy of this MS. in the library of Newbattle Abbey, Scotland.
[35]Castiglione was related through his mother to several of the Urbino stars,—the Fregosi, Trivulzio, and Emilia Pia.
[35]Castiglione was related through his mother to several of the Urbino stars,—the Fregosi, Trivulzio, and Emilia Pia.
[*36]For the biography of Castiglione, seeMarlianiin the Cominana edition of theOpere Volgari(Padua, 1733), andSerassi, inPoesie volgari e latine del Castiglione(Roma, 1760), as well as the following works:—Mazzuchelli,Baldassare Castiglione(Narducci, Roma).Martinati,Notizie Stor. bibliogr. intorno al Conte B.C.(Firenze, 1890). Cf. on thisCian, inGiorn. St. della Lett. It., XVII., 113.Bufardeci,La vita letter. del c. B.C.(Ragusa, 1900). Cf. on thisGiorn. St. della Lett. It., XXXVIII., 203.Cian,Candidature nuziali di B.C.(Venezia, 1892, per nozze Salvioni-Taveggia).
[*36]For the biography of Castiglione, seeMarlianiin the Cominana edition of theOpere Volgari(Padua, 1733), andSerassi, inPoesie volgari e latine del Castiglione(Roma, 1760), as well as the following works:—
[*37]He was educated at Milan, where he probably learned Latin from Giorgio Merula, and Greek from Demetrio Calcondila, and cultivated at the same time thepoesia volgare(seeCian,Un Cod. ignoto, cited onp. 44,note *1). While he was still very young he was attached to the Court of Il Moro. His father died in 1499 from a wound got at the battle of the Taro. He returned to Casatico on the fall of Sforza, and then joined Marchese Francesco.
[*37]He was educated at Milan, where he probably learned Latin from Giorgio Merula, and Greek from Demetrio Calcondila, and cultivated at the same time thepoesia volgare(seeCian,Un Cod. ignoto, cited onp. 44,note *1). While he was still very young he was attached to the Court of Il Moro. His father died in 1499 from a wound got at the battle of the Taro. He returned to Casatico on the fall of Sforza, and then joined Marchese Francesco.
[*38]He was in England in 1506. Guidobaldo died in 1508. It was to Duke Francesco he attached himself on his return.
[*38]He was in England in 1506. Guidobaldo died in 1508. It was to Duke Francesco he attached himself on his return.
[*39]On the various designs for Castiglione's marriage, seeCian,op. cit., p. 46, note 1.
[*39]On the various designs for Castiglione's marriage, seeCian,op. cit., p. 46, note 1.
[*40]He died on February 7th, not 2nd.
[*40]He died on February 7th, not 2nd.
[*41]Giuliano was not so bad a poet himself. Cf. on this subjectSerassi, in the Annotazioni to theTirsiof Castiglione at stanza 43, and the five sonnets contained inCod. Palat., 206 (I Cod. Palat. della Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, vol. I., fasc. 4), and the six ofCod. Magliabech.II., I., 60 (Bartoli,I manoscritti della Bib. Nazionale di Firenze, tom. I., p. 38).
[*41]Giuliano was not so bad a poet himself. Cf. on this subjectSerassi, in the Annotazioni to theTirsiof Castiglione at stanza 43, and the five sonnets contained inCod. Palat., 206 (I Cod. Palat. della Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, vol. I., fasc. 4), and the six ofCod. Magliabech.II., I., 60 (Bartoli,I manoscritti della Bib. Nazionale di Firenze, tom. I., p. 38).
[*42]Serassi, inPoesie volgari e latine del B.C. aggiunti alcune Rime e Lettere di Cesare Gonzaga(Roma, 1760), gives a full notice of his life, andCastiglione, in the Fourth Book of theCortegiano, speaks affectionately of him.
[*42]Serassi, inPoesie volgari e latine del B.C. aggiunti alcune Rime e Lettere di Cesare Gonzaga(Roma, 1760), gives a full notice of his life, andCastiglione, in the Fourth Book of theCortegiano, speaks affectionately of him.
[*43]Cf.Tiraboschi,Storia della Lett. Ital.(ed. Class. It.), vol. VIII., p. 3.
[*43]Cf.Tiraboschi,Storia della Lett. Ital.(ed. Class. It.), vol. VIII., p. 3.
[*44]For a splendid account of Bembo, cf.Gaspary,Storia della Lett. Ital.(Torino, 1891), vol. II., part II., pp. 60-7, and theAppendice Bibliographicathere, pp. 284-5.
[*44]For a splendid account of Bembo, cf.Gaspary,Storia della Lett. Ital.(Torino, 1891), vol. II., part II., pp. 60-7, and theAppendice Bibliographicathere, pp. 284-5.
[*45]This is altogether unfair, uncalled for, and untrue. Dennistoun is not to be trusted where a Borgia is concerned; like Sigismondo Malatesta they hurt the Urbino dukes too much.
[*45]This is altogether unfair, uncalled for, and untrue. Dennistoun is not to be trusted where a Borgia is concerned; like Sigismondo Malatesta they hurt the Urbino dukes too much.
[*46]Cf.Morsolin,P. Bembo e Lucrezia Borgia, in theNuova Antologia(Roma, 1885), andBembo,Opere(Venice, 1729), vol. III., pp. 307-17; alsoCian, inGiorn. Stor. della Lett. Ital., XXIX., 425.
[*46]Cf.Morsolin,P. Bembo e Lucrezia Borgia, in theNuova Antologia(Roma, 1885), andBembo,Opere(Venice, 1729), vol. III., pp. 307-17; alsoCian, inGiorn. Stor. della Lett. Ital., XXIX., 425.
[*47]For all concerning this play and its performance at Urbino in 1513, seeVernarecci,Di Alcune Rappresentazioni Drammatiche alla Corte d'Urbino nel 1513inArchivio Storico per le Marche e per l'Umbria, vol. III., p. 181et seq.The original prologue, by Bibbiena, was only recently made known byDel Lungo,La Recitazione dei Menaechmi in Firenze e il doppio prologo della Calandria, in theArch. Stor. Ital., series III., vol. XXII., pp. 346-51. Machiavelli's estimate of Bibbiena will be found inLettere Famil. di N. Machiavelli, Firenze, 1883, p. 304, "Bibbiena, hora cardinale, in verità ha gentile ingegno, ed è homo faceto et discreto, et ha durato a' suoi di gran fatica."
[*47]For all concerning this play and its performance at Urbino in 1513, seeVernarecci,Di Alcune Rappresentazioni Drammatiche alla Corte d'Urbino nel 1513inArchivio Storico per le Marche e per l'Umbria, vol. III., p. 181et seq.The original prologue, by Bibbiena, was only recently made known byDel Lungo,La Recitazione dei Menaechmi in Firenze e il doppio prologo della Calandria, in theArch. Stor. Ital., series III., vol. XXII., pp. 346-51. Machiavelli's estimate of Bibbiena will be found inLettere Famil. di N. Machiavelli, Firenze, 1883, p. 304, "Bibbiena, hora cardinale, in verità ha gentile ingegno, ed è homo faceto et discreto, et ha durato a' suoi di gran fatica."
[*48]On the Unico Aretino Bernardo Accolti, see especiallyd'Ancona,Studi sulla Lett. Ital. de' primi secoli(Ancona, 1884), in the essay,Del Seicentismo nella poesia cortigiana del Secolo XV., pp. 217-18. He professed an extraordinary devotion for the Duchess of Urbino.
[*48]On the Unico Aretino Bernardo Accolti, see especiallyd'Ancona,Studi sulla Lett. Ital. de' primi secoli(Ancona, 1884), in the essay,Del Seicentismo nella poesia cortigiana del Secolo XV., pp. 217-18. He professed an extraordinary devotion for the Duchess of Urbino.
[*49]For Canossa, cf.Luzio e Renier,op. cit., p. 87, and especiallyOrti-Manara,Intorno alla vita ed alle gesta del Co. Lodovico di Canossa(Verona, 1845), andCavattoni,Lettere scelte di Mons. L. di Canossa(Verona, 1862).
[*49]For Canossa, cf.Luzio e Renier,op. cit., p. 87, and especiallyOrti-Manara,Intorno alla vita ed alle gesta del Co. Lodovico di Canossa(Verona, 1845), andCavattoni,Lettere scelte di Mons. L. di Canossa(Verona, 1862).
[*50]The books, pamphlets, poems, and stories, both contemporary and subsequent, dealing with the position, beauty, learning, dress, etc., of women would fill a library. I shall content myself by naming a very few among them under a few headings for the entertainment of the reader. The list of works I give is, of course, in no sense a bibliography. The best source isCastiglionehimself—for the sixteenth century and for court life, at any rate. But the picture he paints, remarkable as it is, was by no means altogether realistic, as a consultation with the following works will show. I have included a few dealing with earlier times, and have only quoted works with which I am familiar.GENERAL LIFE.Cecchi,La Donna e la famiglia Italiana del Secolo XIII. al sec. XVI., inNuova Antologia(new series), vol. XI., fasc. 19-20.Frati,La Donna Italiana secondo i più recenti studi(Torino, 1889).Varconi,La Donna Italiana descritta da Scrittrici Italiane in una serie di Conferenze(Firenze, 1890).Velluti,Cronica Domestica(Firenze, 1887).Dazzi,Alcune lettere familiari del sec. XIV.inCuriosità Letterarie, fasc. XC. (Bologna, 1868).Anon.,Difesa delle Donne(Bologna, 1876).Biagi,La vita Italiana nel Rinascimento(Milano, 1897).Biagi,La vita privata dei Fiorentini(Milan, 1893).Del Lungo,La Donna Fiorentina del buon tempo antico(Firenze, 1906).Guasti,Lettere di una gentildonna Fiorentina del sec. XV.(Firenze, 1877).Liborio Azzolini,La Compiuta Donzella di Firenze(Palermo, 1902).Zdekauer,La vita privata dei Senese(Conf. d. Com. Sen. di St. Pat.), (Siena, 1897).Casanova,La Donna Senese del Quattrocento nella vita privata(Siena, 1895).Frati,La vita privata in Bologna(Bologna, 1900).Belgrano,La vita privata Genovese(Genoa, 1866).Braggio,La donna Genovese del sec. XV., inGiornale Linguistico, Ann. XII. (1885).Molmenti,St. di Venezia nella Vita Privata(Torino, 1885).Cecchetti,La donna nel Medio Evo a Veneziain Arch. Ven. Ann., XVI. (1886).THEIR BEAUTY AND ADORNMENT.In Florence, Siena, and Venice certainly there were regulations of the fashions; but not in Naples.Firenzuola, The two discourses,Delle bellezze delle donneandDella perfetta bellezza d'una donna, in ed. Bianchi,Le Opere(Firenze, 1848).Morpurgo,El costume de le donne con un capitolo de le XXXIII. bellezze(Firenze, 1889).Zanelli, inBolletino di St. Pistoiese, vol. I., fasc. II., p. 50et seq.Aretino,Il Mareschaio, atto ii., sc. 5, andI Ragionamenti.Cennino Cennini,Trattato della Pittura, cap. clxi. Warning against the general use of cosmetics.L.B. Alberti,Opere Volgari(Firenze, 1849) (Del Governo della Famiglia), vol. V., pp. 52, 75, 77. How a wife ought and ought not to adorn herself.Franco Sacchetti,Novelle, 99, 136, 137, 177. "Formerly the women wore their bodices cut so open that they were uncovered to beneath their armpits! Then with one jump, they wore their collars up to their ears! And these are all outrageous fashions. I, the writer, could recite as many more of the customs and fashions which have changed in my days as would fill a book as large as this whole volume," etc. etc., with a long description of the dress of the women of his time. Consult all the novelists.Dante, inIl Paradiso, XV.Gio. Villani,Cronaca, lib. X., caps. x., xi., and cl.Matt. Villani,Cronaca, lib. I., cap. iv.Boccaccio,De Casibus virorum illustrium, lib. I., cap. xviii. He gives a list of the arts of the toilet of women.Biagi,Due corredi nuziali fiorentini(1320-1493). (Per nozze Corazzini-Benzini, Firenze, 1899.)Carnesecchi,Donne e lusso a Firenze nel secolo XVI.(Firenze, 1903).Allegretto, inMuratori R.I.S., XXIII., col. 823.Diario Ferrarese, inMuratori R.I.S., XXIV., cols. 297, 320, 376et seq., speaks of the German fashions—"Che pareno buffoni tali portatori."Gentile Sermini,Le Novelle(Livorno, 1874), Nov. XXI.Marchesini,Quello si convenga a una donna che abbia marito(Firenze, 1890, per nozze). AndDialogo della bella creanza delle donne(Milano, 1862), pp. 30, 31.ON WATERS FOR THE FACE, AND PERFUMES.Falletti Fossatti,Costumi Senesi(Siena, 1882), p. 133et seq.Pelissier,Le Trousseau d'une Siennoise en 1450, inBoll. Senese, vol. VI., fasc. 1.Sansovino,Venetia città nobilissima e singolare(1663), fol. 150et seq.Yriarte,La vie d'un Patricien de Venise au 16mesiècle(Les femmes à Venise) (Paris, 1874), and see rare authorities there quoted. In Venice, the prescribed bridal dress seems to have been that of Titian's Flora—the hair fell free on the shoulders. TheProveditori alle Pompewere established in Venice in 1514.On the whole subject see, for earlier time,Heywood,The Ensamples of Fra Filippo(Siena, 1901), cap. iii.; and for later time,Burckhardt,op. cit., vol. II., part V., caps., ii., iv., v., vii.
[*50]The books, pamphlets, poems, and stories, both contemporary and subsequent, dealing with the position, beauty, learning, dress, etc., of women would fill a library. I shall content myself by naming a very few among them under a few headings for the entertainment of the reader. The list of works I give is, of course, in no sense a bibliography. The best source isCastiglionehimself—for the sixteenth century and for court life, at any rate. But the picture he paints, remarkable as it is, was by no means altogether realistic, as a consultation with the following works will show. I have included a few dealing with earlier times, and have only quoted works with which I am familiar.
GENERAL LIFE.
Cecchi,La Donna e la famiglia Italiana del Secolo XIII. al sec. XVI., inNuova Antologia(new series), vol. XI., fasc. 19-20.
Frati,La Donna Italiana secondo i più recenti studi(Torino, 1889).
Varconi,La Donna Italiana descritta da Scrittrici Italiane in una serie di Conferenze(Firenze, 1890).
Velluti,Cronica Domestica(Firenze, 1887).
Dazzi,Alcune lettere familiari del sec. XIV.inCuriosità Letterarie, fasc. XC. (Bologna, 1868).
Anon.,Difesa delle Donne(Bologna, 1876).
Biagi,La vita Italiana nel Rinascimento(Milano, 1897).
Biagi,La vita privata dei Fiorentini(Milan, 1893).
Del Lungo,La Donna Fiorentina del buon tempo antico(Firenze, 1906).
Guasti,Lettere di una gentildonna Fiorentina del sec. XV.(Firenze, 1877).
Liborio Azzolini,La Compiuta Donzella di Firenze(Palermo, 1902).
Zdekauer,La vita privata dei Senese(Conf. d. Com. Sen. di St. Pat.), (Siena, 1897).
Casanova,La Donna Senese del Quattrocento nella vita privata(Siena, 1895).
Frati,La vita privata in Bologna(Bologna, 1900).
Belgrano,La vita privata Genovese(Genoa, 1866).
Braggio,La donna Genovese del sec. XV., inGiornale Linguistico, Ann. XII. (1885).
Molmenti,St. di Venezia nella Vita Privata(Torino, 1885).
Cecchetti,La donna nel Medio Evo a Veneziain Arch. Ven. Ann., XVI. (1886).
THEIR BEAUTY AND ADORNMENT.
In Florence, Siena, and Venice certainly there were regulations of the fashions; but not in Naples.
Firenzuola, The two discourses,Delle bellezze delle donneandDella perfetta bellezza d'una donna, in ed. Bianchi,Le Opere(Firenze, 1848).
Morpurgo,El costume de le donne con un capitolo de le XXXIII. bellezze(Firenze, 1889).
Zanelli, inBolletino di St. Pistoiese, vol. I., fasc. II., p. 50et seq.
Aretino,Il Mareschaio, atto ii., sc. 5, andI Ragionamenti.
Cennino Cennini,Trattato della Pittura, cap. clxi. Warning against the general use of cosmetics.
L.B. Alberti,Opere Volgari(Firenze, 1849) (Del Governo della Famiglia), vol. V., pp. 52, 75, 77. How a wife ought and ought not to adorn herself.
Franco Sacchetti,Novelle, 99, 136, 137, 177. "Formerly the women wore their bodices cut so open that they were uncovered to beneath their armpits! Then with one jump, they wore their collars up to their ears! And these are all outrageous fashions. I, the writer, could recite as many more of the customs and fashions which have changed in my days as would fill a book as large as this whole volume," etc. etc., with a long description of the dress of the women of his time. Consult all the novelists.
Dante, inIl Paradiso, XV.
Gio. Villani,Cronaca, lib. X., caps. x., xi., and cl.
Matt. Villani,Cronaca, lib. I., cap. iv.
Boccaccio,De Casibus virorum illustrium, lib. I., cap. xviii. He gives a list of the arts of the toilet of women.
Biagi,Due corredi nuziali fiorentini(1320-1493). (Per nozze Corazzini-Benzini, Firenze, 1899.)
Carnesecchi,Donne e lusso a Firenze nel secolo XVI.(Firenze, 1903).
Allegretto, inMuratori R.I.S., XXIII., col. 823.
Diario Ferrarese, inMuratori R.I.S., XXIV., cols. 297, 320, 376et seq., speaks of the German fashions—"Che pareno buffoni tali portatori."
Gentile Sermini,Le Novelle(Livorno, 1874), Nov. XXI.
Marchesini,Quello si convenga a una donna che abbia marito(Firenze, 1890, per nozze). AndDialogo della bella creanza delle donne(Milano, 1862), pp. 30, 31.
ON WATERS FOR THE FACE, AND PERFUMES.
Falletti Fossatti,Costumi Senesi(Siena, 1882), p. 133et seq.
Pelissier,Le Trousseau d'une Siennoise en 1450, inBoll. Senese, vol. VI., fasc. 1.
Sansovino,Venetia città nobilissima e singolare(1663), fol. 150et seq.
Yriarte,La vie d'un Patricien de Venise au 16mesiècle(Les femmes à Venise) (Paris, 1874), and see rare authorities there quoted. In Venice, the prescribed bridal dress seems to have been that of Titian's Flora—the hair fell free on the shoulders. TheProveditori alle Pompewere established in Venice in 1514.
On the whole subject see, for earlier time,Heywood,The Ensamples of Fra Filippo(Siena, 1901), cap. iii.; and for later time,Burckhardt,op. cit., vol. II., part V., caps., ii., iv., v., vii.
[*51]She died in 1528, not as Serassi, whom Dennistoun follows, says, in 1530.
[*51]She died in 1528, not as Serassi, whom Dennistoun follows, says, in 1530.
[52]Her maiden surname, Pio, was habitually punned into Pia.
[52]Her maiden surname, Pio, was habitually punned into Pia.
[*53]Cf.Il Cortegiano, lib. I., cap. vi.
[*53]Cf.Il Cortegiano, lib. I., cap. vi.
[54]Dolce, in theInstituto delle Donne, mentions a lady who, being asked to name some pastime at a party, sent for a basin and towel, that all of her sex might wash their faces, she being the only one present without paint.
[54]Dolce, in theInstituto delle Donne, mentions a lady who, being asked to name some pastime at a party, sent for a basin and towel, that all of her sex might wash their faces, she being the only one present without paint.
[55]Sanuto strangely ascribes his death tomal Francese, an example of the way in which that ill-understood scourge was then assumed as the origin of many fatal maladies.
[55]Sanuto strangely ascribes his death tomal Francese, an example of the way in which that ill-understood scourge was then assumed as the origin of many fatal maladies.
[56]"Una stagion fu già, che sì il terrenoArse, che 'l sol di nuovo a FaetonteDe' suoi corsier parea aver dato il freno:Secco ogni pozzo, secco era ogni fonte,Gli stagni, i rivi, e i fiumi più famosi,Tutti passar si potean senza ponte."Ariosto,Satiraiii.*Cf.Madiai,Diario, inArch. cit., vol.cit., p. 455.
[56]
*Cf.Madiai,Diario, inArch. cit., vol.cit., p. 455.
[57]"Me circum limus niger et deformis arundoCocyti, tardaque palus, inamabilis unda,Alligat, et novies Styx interfusa coercet."Virg.Georg.iv. 478.
[57]
[58]What are we to make of the words of Fregoso (as preserved by Bembo)—an archbishop who, in describing to the Pope his uncle's death, mentions his partaking of the last sacraments from the Bishop of Fossombrone, in these terms, "Quiquidem Deos illi superos atque manes placavit"? Such idioms will not bear retranslation. The expression employed by Castiglione, though tinged with the cold formality of classicism, is less startling: "Ut ungeretur more sanctæ matris ecclesiæ rogavit." But a pagan taint may often be sadly traced upon the devotion of this age. In the first volume of Vaissieux'sArchivio Storico d'Italia, the last hours of a convict, condemned at Florence in 1500, are thus narrated by an eye-witness:—Pietro Paolo Boscoli, a political reformer of the school of Savonarola, thirsted in his dying moments after the living waters of evangelical truth, and sought some better solace than the cold formalities of an ordinaryviaticum. Refusing to be shriven by any but a friar of St. Mark's, he adjured an attendant friend to aid in getting Brutus out of his head, in order that he might make a Christian end. Nor was this heterodoxy exclusively Italian. Cervantes, in a recently recovered fragment,El Buscapié, says, "I dislike to see the graceful and pious language befitting the Christian muse mingled with the profane phraseology of heathenism. Who can be otherwise than displeased to find the name of God, of the Holy Virgin, and of the Prophets, in conjunction with those of Apollo and Daphne, Pan and Syrinx, Jupiter and Europa, Vulcan, Cupid, Venus, and Mars?"—Bentley's Mag., XXIV., p. 203.
[58]What are we to make of the words of Fregoso (as preserved by Bembo)—an archbishop who, in describing to the Pope his uncle's death, mentions his partaking of the last sacraments from the Bishop of Fossombrone, in these terms, "Quiquidem Deos illi superos atque manes placavit"? Such idioms will not bear retranslation. The expression employed by Castiglione, though tinged with the cold formality of classicism, is less startling: "Ut ungeretur more sanctæ matris ecclesiæ rogavit." But a pagan taint may often be sadly traced upon the devotion of this age. In the first volume of Vaissieux'sArchivio Storico d'Italia, the last hours of a convict, condemned at Florence in 1500, are thus narrated by an eye-witness:—Pietro Paolo Boscoli, a political reformer of the school of Savonarola, thirsted in his dying moments after the living waters of evangelical truth, and sought some better solace than the cold formalities of an ordinaryviaticum. Refusing to be shriven by any but a friar of St. Mark's, he adjured an attendant friend to aid in getting Brutus out of his head, in order that he might make a Christian end. Nor was this heterodoxy exclusively Italian. Cervantes, in a recently recovered fragment,El Buscapié, says, "I dislike to see the graceful and pious language befitting the Christian muse mingled with the profane phraseology of heathenism. Who can be otherwise than displeased to find the name of God, of the Holy Virgin, and of the Prophets, in conjunction with those of Apollo and Daphne, Pan and Syrinx, Jupiter and Europa, Vulcan, Cupid, Venus, and Mars?"—Bentley's Mag., XXIV., p. 203.