I have reason to believe that Lord Dufferin is quite of your opinion about Russia, and thinks that the most truly sick man is not at Constantinople. He may be right. Meanwhile the Conference will fail. I happen to know that three of us will refuse—England, Italy, and France. Austria would like to do the same.
People are speaking no more of thescrutin de listethan if the question did not exist. It was in fact altogether artificial; but the talk will begin again with the meeting of the Chamber. Thescrutin d'arrondissementappears to gain ground. Its success is much to be desired; for if it is rejected, we shall pretty quickly find ourselves in a critical position.
May 16th.—Your letter is gloomy indeed, and should your forebodings be realised you may be sure that I should be as grieved as yourself. All my life, and now as much as ever, I have looked upon the alliance of France and England as infinitely desirable for both; and if I were so unfortunate as to cause a breach between the two countries, it would be very much against my will, and without my knowledge. Tunis cannot be a source of discord between us, and I hope that public opinion, over-excited at present, will return to a more calm and just appreciation of the case. We have declared to Europe that we wish for no annexations or conquests, and will attempt none; we have quite enough with the two million five hundred thousand Mussulmans in Algeria; it would be madness to add fifteen or sixteen hundred thousand more to them, and a hundred and fifty leagues to our frontier. For Algeria thus extended we should require an army of 100,000 men, who would be much missed in case of any complication in Europe. All that we want in Tunis is a power which will not be hostile to us, and continually threaten our African possessions. We shall only occupy Biserta and the other places as long as appears necessary; but we will not make a port of it; for that, as Sir Charles Dilke has said, would involve a cost of some 200 millions. I have just sent Lord Lyons a despatch upon that special subject, which will appear in the next Blue Book.
Tunis will never belong to France; she does not want it; but should it belong to Italy, who already owns Sicily, the passage to Malta might be made difficult. I know that England has not much to fear from Italy; but circumstances may change; and the gratitude she shows towards us now proves how much she will have for other benefactors. I cannot understand how my despatch of May 9th can have been interpreted as the announcement of our taking possession. In form and intention it was quite the contrary. Our actions will show that we only speak the truth. Neither can I admit that even the conquest of Tunis can ever equal in importance the taking of Constantinople by the Russians, which in my eyes will be the greatest event of modern times, as the taking of it by the Turks in 1453 was an important event in the fifteenth century.
As to the Treaty of Commerce, I am doing all in my power to facilitate the negotiations. I suppose that public opinion in England is at present principally occupied with this; and that, if it is satisfactorily arranged, Tunis will very soon be forgotten. A thousand more interests are engaged in the agreement on a specific tariff than could ever be involved in this unfortunate Regency.
But I content myself with saying with the poet—Di avertant omen; and I desire that England may be as well disposed towards us as we are towards her.
May 23rd.—I knew of the correspondence between Lord Salisbury and Mr. Waddington long ago. I should never have thought myself authorised to publish it; but I will take it from the Blue Book and publish it in the Yellow Book. It is quite allowable.
My declarations of our intentions in Tunis are the exact truth. Annexation would be an act of folly. We have quite enough with three million Mussulmans in Algeria without adding another two million in Tunis, and another hundred and fifty leagues to the length of our frontier, which already reaches from Nemours to La Calle. In doing good to the Regency we are serving ourselves, and we only ask one thing in return—that it should be as well disposed to us as we are towards it. But it is not easy to establish the good terms which would be so profitable to all. England ought to be very well pleased that both sides of the passage to Malta are not in the hands of the same Power, which would be the case if Italy, who already possesses Sicily, had possession of Tunis on the other side. Geography demonstrates the fact. As to us, we wish to do nothing at Biserta. Our port is necessarily at Algiers in the centre of our possessions.
Like you, I deplore thescrutin de liste. It will give rise to formidable difficulties in the near future. I am an optimist by nature, but that future seems to me very dark. I do all I can to prevent it by foretelling it to everyone; but I only play the part of Cassandra. In the Council, M. Ferry and myself were the only ones who supported thescrutin d'arrondissement.
July 9th.—I did not think that the Tunis affair was concluded by the treaty of May 12th; that is the first stage if you like; but it was rather difficult. The difficulties which arise are very simple consequences; we will put down rebellion, but this will not incite us to conquest, which we do not want. The interests of the English, and those of other nations, would not suffer by our preponderance; and unless all the advantages of civilisation are ignored, it is certainly better to treat with the French than with the Moors. Europe will soon see [Footnote: Europe has seen; though not quite in the sense that St.-Hilaire wished to convey.] that our promises are not vain, and that we have only good intentions towards Tunis. We wish for nothing but the security of our great African colony.
The commercial negotiations have been transferred to Paris, at the request of the English Cabinet, which had at first expressed a wish that they should take place in London. This seems to me to imply the very opposite of a rupture, which, for our part, I can answer for it, we ardently desire to avoid. We only wish for an equitable treaty, and this I hope we shall manage….
Est-ce qu'on ne vous verra pas durant les vacances? Mistress Ross est passée par Paris il y a huit ou dix jours; elle est venue me voir un instant; elle m'a paru très bien portante. Bonne santé et bien des amitiés.
July 22nd.—I assure you that should any rupture take place between England and France, it will be very much in spite of all my efforts to preserve harmony between two great nations. The English alliance is, in my opinion, the right one for France; for many reasons, with which you are as familiar as myself, it is the one which should take precedence of all others. I do not by any means disdain other alliances, but the English is the first, the most important, and, I may add, the most natural. It was sincerely desired under Louis Philippe, in spite of a few passing clouds. Under Napoleon III. they were, in reality, strongly inclined to break it, notwithstanding the Crimean war. To-day we are anxious for an agreement with England, if both sides will consent to reciprocal concessions.
I am deeply grieved—surprised too—at the death of Dean Stanley. Sixty-two is too early to die, and nothing seemed to foretell his premature end. He passed through Paris, scarcely two months ago, and came to see me at the Ministère.
Like yourself, I should be happy to escape, but my chain is too short; and whilst I am minister I shall not go the length of a day's journey away. We must be at the command of circumstances, since they are not at ours, and the shortest absence is enough to spoil many things. But I shall be happy on the day when I can break my bonds, and return to philosophy.
July 27th.—I hope that my answer to the Duc de Broglie the day before yesterday will convince England of the value I set upon our good intelligence, and of the open honesty of French policy. I hope, too, that my declarations may appease Italy and Turkey. I have done my best, and if I do not succeed it will not be my fault.
Our treaty of commerce is my chief source of anxiety, and for my part I am trying to avoid a rupture. But there are the resolutions of the two Chambers which cripple the negotiators and above all our minister of commerce. These are impassable limits to the best will. The negotiations will doubtless begin again in Paris, in about a fortnight, but it is not yet certain. The incident you point out is very curious, and England becoming Protectionist, and England becoming Protectionist again under Mr. Gladstone, would be an astonishing spectacle….
Je ne savais pas que l'île de Man fût 'le royaume des chats sans queue.'
The Journal meantime notes:—
June 3rd.—To Foxholes: beautiful weather; 13th, back to town. More dinners.
30th.—To Drury Lane to see the German company act 'Julius Caesar.'
July 2nd.—Dinner at Walpole's to meet Archbishop Tait, Arthur Stanley, Lord Coleridge, Lord Eustace Cecil.
6th.—Arthur Stanley's garden party at the Abbey. Lord Carnarvon's dinner to the Antiquaries. [Footnote: Lord Carnarvon was president of the Society of Antiquaries, of which Reeve was, at this time, a vice-president.]
July 13th.—Breakfast of Philobiblon at Lord Crawford's. Large garden party at Holland House. Great heat.
16th.—To Foxholes and back. 18th, Arthur Stanley died.
July 23rd.—From London to Government House, Isle of Man, on a visit to the Henry Lochs—eleven hours.
25th.—To Peel Castle with Loch and Coleridge; thence to Castletown. 27th, Ramsay.
July 29th.—To Barrow in Furness. Furness Abbey. [Thence to Scotland—Ormiston, Novar, Perth, Abington, &c.]
August 24th.—Back at Foxholes.
From Archbishop Tait
August 16th.
My dear Reeve,—It seems to me that a most important service might be done if a good article was published in the 'Edinburgh' on the pernicious periodical literature which spreads low Radicalism and second-hand scraps of infidelity amongst the labouring classes, both of town and country. My friend Mr. Benham lately gave a lecture at Birmingham on the literature of this or a kindred style, written for boys—'Police News' and the like. We do little for the people if we only educate them to read and rejoice in this trash. Ever yours,
The hint was not lost on Reeve, but it did not bear fruit till nearly six years later. In January 1887 the 'Edinburgh Review' contained a strong article on 'The Literature of the Streets,' in which the proposal was definitely made for the issue of wholesome fiction and good works of good writers, sensational and otherwise, in penny booklets. Eight or nine years later the idea was taken up by at least two publishers; such penny books are now issued by thousands, and, together with the countless number of halfpenny and penny periodicals, do something to mitigate the evil complained of by the Archbishop. The Journal notes:—
September 9th.—Picnic in New Forest with the Lochs and Clerkes. 30th, steamed round the Isle of Wight.
To Lord Derby
Foxholes, October 6th.—I must express to you the very great pleasure with which I have read your article [Footnote: 'Ireland and the Land Act,' in theNineteenth Centuryfor October. It does not attempt to argue the question of Home Rule, but concludes with the pregnant words: 'My present object will be sufficiently accomplished if I have indicated some of the difficulties which lie before us, and explained why—at least in my belief—it is premature to say, "Now we have settled our Irish troubles and may deal in peace with questions that concern England."'] on the Irish Land Act. It states in the most terse and telling language precisely the views I have entertained for the last two years; and the conclusions it suggests are even more striking than those it expresses. The ministers of England, be they who they may, have a difficult task before them. The odd thing is that our present ministers seem totally unconscious of the difficulty and the dangers. I am told that they view the state of Ireland with great complacency. It is astonishing how office blinds people's eyes.
We have lost two members of The Club—Lord Hatherley and alas! ArthurStanley. I hope you will be able to suggest somebody to replace them.
From Lord Derby
October 8th.—I am glad you liked the article in the 'Nineteenth Century.' I do believe it comes near to an accurate statement of the facts of the case—no one can hope for more than approximate accuracy in such matters—and on that account I expected it to be equally disagreeable to both sides. Its reception has been better than seemed probable. Gladstone has spoken out his mind about Parnell, and quite right too; but I wish he had not accused the unlucky loyalists in Ireland of being slack in their own defence. He does not know, evidently, how much they are overmatched…
As to The Club. Two names have occurred to me—one, Browning the poet, who is an excellent talker (I have heard him), and as unlike his books as possible; the other, Sir John Lubbock. What do you say?
The opening sentence of the next letter, from Lord Derby, appears to refer to an after-dinner speech made by Mr. Gladstone at Leeds, on the 7th, when he had alternately complimented Mr. Dillon and denounced Mr. Parnell. The latter part, the denunciation of Mr. Parnell and his faction, is unusually straightforward, and might profitably be studied in connection with some of Mr. Gladstone's later speeches.
October 11th.—I don't understand Gladstone's phrase any better than you. Probably the explanation of it is that in Ireland it will be read as meaning fresh concession, in England as meaning coercion. For anybody who had leisure and disposition to take it up, I think a very interesting and useful article for the 'Edinburgh Review' might be made out of the present state of Irish literature and journalism. I do not believe the Irish lower and middle classes ever read an English book or newspaper, and their native literature is saturated throughout with the bitterest hatred to England and all that belongs to our side the water. We do not in the least know here the kind of mental food which is supplied to the amiable Celt. A good analysis of it would throw more light on the very old subject of why they hate us so.
Reeve adopted the suggestion, and the subject was discussed in an article on 'Irish Discontent' in the next number of the 'Review.' Lord Derby goes on:—
October 15th.—Since you wrote the Government has screwed up its courage to act. I never knew any proceedings so universally approved as the arrest of Parnell. [Footnote: Mr. Parnell, Mr. Dillon, Mr. Sexton, and the chief officials of the League were arrested in Dublin on the 13th and lodged in Kilmainham.] But we have not seen the end yet.
October 21st.—Many thanks for your letter, which is returned. I do believe that it would be of use, as making intelligible the present state of Irish feeling, to show to the English public (which is absolutely ignorant on the subject) what the kind of instruction is that the Irish peasant and farmer receives.
Another matter. What do you think of Matthew Arnold as a possible member of The Club? He is a good fellow and his literary reputation is very considerable. I think we could do with him if he would attend.
From M. B. St.-Hilaire
November 22nd.—You know how little value I set on my office; I only accepted it from a sense of duty, and quit it to-day, not only without regret but with great pleasure. I am glad to receive your congratulations because you correctly estimate the person to whom they are addressed.
Like yourself, I am not without anxiety for the future. In placing matters in the hands of M. Gambetta, I said all I possibly could on the affairs of Europe and our relations with Germany; but I will not swear that more attention will be paid to my advice than to that of many others.
The Journal has:—
December 10th.—To Timsbury; 13th to Foxholes. The Mintos were living at Bournemouth. Lunched with them on the 31st.
1882,January 1st.—At Foxholes. Sir A. Lyall came.
9th.—Returned to London. A few dinners.
From Mr. E. Cheney
Badger Hall, January 19th.—I have been reading the political articles in the last number of the 'Edinburgh' with great interest and pleasure. The one on 'The Bonapartes,' though not strictly political, amused me much, as at one time of my life I knew Hortense and Louis Bonaparte intimately. Hortense was an agreeable woman, very French, but lively and full of anecdote. She had been and wastrès galante, but with decency. When I knew her at Rome she was near fifty, and though not handsome, had still the appearance of once having been a desirable woman…. Her son was then with her—a youth of my own age, with whom I was intimate without liking him. He was cold, disagreeable, and full of pretension, silent and reserved in his own family, and anxious for distinction, which no one seemed willing to accord him. I believe—contrary to the usual opinion—that he was the son of Louis Bonaparte; he was like him. He was short, not ill-made, but ungraceful; his face was plain, his skin bad, complexion muddy; small pig's eyes, a coarse nose and mouth, lank hair, with little expression, and what he had far from good. Neither I, nor any that then knew him, thought him at all clever. I remember he got into a ludicrous scrape by intruding, in female attire, into the apartments of the mistress of the Spanish ambassador, from whence he was kicked out with every circumstance of ignominy.
When the disturbances broke out in the Papal States, he took a part in them which was eminently unfitting, as he and his mother had found hospitality in the States of the Church which they were refused in every other country. I saw Hortense at night, just before her hurried departure from Rome, when the news of her son's participation in the revolt at Ancona became public. I had always been well treated by her, and had tasted her hospitality both at Rome and at Arenenberg, and wished to show her sympathy and interest, though I had nothing else in my power…. She received a passport from Sir Hamilton Seymour and travelled through France. In Paris she had an interview with Louis Philippe, who was kind to her. In the days of her prosperity she had had an opportunity of showing kindness to the King's mother. She showed me a letter from that princess, in which there were very ardent expressions of gratitude for the service rendered to her. This she told me she intended to show to L. Philippe as the certificate for her claims on his protection. I saw her in London several times during her stay; she returned to Switzerland, and I never saw her again.
Louis Bonaparte I only spoke to once afterwards. I happened to be at Cork when he landed there from America. I was at the same inn, and I understood he was in great distress for money. I asked to see him, and we met. I asked him if he required any trifling service that I could render him, thinking a five-pound note might take him to London. He thanked me, but said he was supplied for the moment. He lived with the D'Orsay and Blessington set, which I did not frequent. I did not call on him, and in Paris I never afterwards made the slightest effort to renew my former acquaintance with him….
I had intended saying something about the two other articles that relate to home politics, but I have been already too prolix. I must tell you, however, how much I like them. Whigs as well as Tories will soon cease to be separate; the struggle will soon be between those who haveculottesand those who have not. We have got already to the Girondist ministry—a party I hate particularly, in spite of their pretensions to virtue and philosophy, or perhaps in consequence of it. There are some men of birth and distinction who belong to the party; but the Levesons and the Cavendishes may soon find themselves stranded like the Narbonnes and Montmorencies amongst the Rolands and the Condorcets….
When are your new volumes to make their appearance? I long to have them as though I had not already read them.
To Mr. E. Cheney
Rutland Gate, January 20th.—I am uncommonly glad to hear from you again, and I have to thank you for a most interesting and amusing letter. My acquaintance with Louis Napoleon began when yours left off, and I saw a good deal of him in 1838 and 1839. He wanted me to translate his 'Idées Napoléoniennes.' But when he became a great man I dropped his acquaintance.
I am glad you like my tirade. I suspect my Whig friends do not; for the more one asserts Whig principles, the bitterer is the reflection on those who desert and betray them. I do not believe that the majority of the country or of the Liberal Party is Radical; but the danger is that a violent minority always overpowers an inert majority. I care nothing at all for any political persons, and but little for parties. It seems to me that the right and the wrong of government lies in the principles that regulate it, some of which are as certain as the truths of mathematics.
The 'Greville Memoirs' have rather slumbered of late, but I am gradually screwing up my courage to begin printing, slowly.
We are very well, and spent our Christmas pleasantly in Hampshire, the weather being delightful. London is dark and _un_delightful.
Then the Journal:—
February 24th.—Visit to the Markbys at Oxford. Vespers at New College. Dined at All Souls.
28th.—The Club. I was in the Chair. Mr. Gladstone attended; Lord Derby, Maine, Hewett, Tyndall, Coleridge. Matthew Arnold elected.
March 23rd.—Electrical Exhibition at Crystal Palace, with Dr. Mann.
April 1st.—To Foxholes. Very fine weather. No rain for three months.
To Mr. T. Norton Longman
Foxholes, April 4th.—I like the concluding pages by Froude in the Carlyle book, but I am disappointed in Mrs. Carlyle's letters. They are pleasant and cheery, but there are thousands of women who write as well. As for Carlyle himself, he isodious—arrogance, vanity, self-conceit, ingratitude to old friends—I never thought I should dislike him so much. He seems to have looked at everything the wrong side outwards.
The Journal notes:—
April 11th.—Lunched with the Mintos. They drove me to Christchurch. Lady Minto died on the 21st.
29th.—A great salt hurricane that singed the trees all over the country, and also in France.
May 5th.—Saw Lord Frederick Cavendish before he started for Dublin. On the 6th he was murdered.
From the Duke of Argyll
May 8th.—You ask a difficult question about politics. On the one hand, I see no possibility of a Conservative Government being formed just now, nor do I believe that a Liberal Government could be formed on purely Whig lines. On the other hand, I have the deepest conviction of the mischievous tendencies of Gladstone's leadership, and of the utter instability he is imparting to all the fundamental principles of government as hitherto understood in all civilised countries. I can only advise that the truth in this matter should be spoken freely, in the hope that when Gladstone disappears from the stage, there may be some return to sounder principles of legislation. I do not wish to see a change of Government just now. The Tories could not govern Ireland in its present condition; at least it would be a dangerous experiment. Half the Liberal party, which now supports coercion when it is forced on Gladstone, would undoubtedly oppose every possible form of it if proposed by Tories. The deplorable disaster made known to-day will have its effect. I hope it will force the Government to give form and substance to an amended Coercion Act—strengthening the ordinary law and widely extending the sphere of summary jurisdiction. If this be done well and sufficiently, it will be better than the power of arbitrary arrest. But before this event, I really feared that die Government might do nothing of the kind.
The Journal mentions:—
May 20th.—At Foxholes, till June 13th. Bought rowing boat.
June 20th.—Great dinner at The Club to the Duc d'Aumale. Nineteen present.
21st.—Great dinner at Archbishop Tait's at Lambeth. Forty-three people. Evening service in Lambeth Chapel.
22nd.—Wagner's 'Meistersinger' at Drury Lane.
From Sir Henry Taylor[Footnote: A very old friend of Reeve's. Seeante, vol. i. p. 91.]
Bournemouth, June 22nd.
Dear Mr. Reeve,—Thanks for telling me what splendours I missed at The Club dinner. You ask what Dr. Johnson would have said if he had stepped in. As it was his own Club, he would have been gracious; but it was not every dinner that could please him. Do you remember his remark as he went away with Boswell from a dinner at one of the colleges at Oxford? 'This merriment amongst parsons is mighty offensive.'
I always remember the singularly representative character of the onlydinner I have had an opportunity of attending since I was elected.Literature and Learning represented by yourself, Dr. Dictionary Smith,Lecky and Lord Acton; the Church by the Archbishop of Canterbury and DeanStanley; political life by Lord Derby and Spencer Walpole; the Law by LordRomilly, and the Dukes by the Duke of Cleveland—and there was no one else.It was very pleasant, and there were not too many for conversation incommon.
I always feel that, as I have not been in London for more than a day since that dinner, and am not likely to be there again, it is hardly right to occupy a place which might afford so much pleasure to some one else; but I have said this before, and your answer was that no one ever retired from The Club. As I am in my eighty-second year, I suppose it will not be long [Footnote: He lived four years longer, dying in 1886.] before Providence will place my seat at the disposal of some one who will turn it to more account. Believe me, yours sincerely,
Henry Taylor.
From the Comte de Paris
Château d'Eu, 22 juin.
Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,—J'apprends par M. Gavard que vous avez l'intention de venir en France vers le 20 juillet. Je m'empresse de vous dire tout le plaisir que vous nous ferez, à la comtesse de Paris et à moi, en commençant ce voyage par un séjour au Château d'Eu. Je regrette seulement que vous ayez l'intention de l'entreprendre seul. J'ai fait ici, il y a trois semaines, de fort belles pêches à la truite, qui m'ont fait regretter que Mademoiselle Reeve ne fût pas ici. Vous trouverez chez nous le Duc d'Audiffret Pasquier, que vous avez déjà vu ici, je crois, il y a deux ans; et un général américain, qui a servi avec moi sous M'Clellan, M. de Trobriand.
Je ne vous parle pas de la situation de nos deux pays en Orient: elle est pénible, et il me semble que le dernier numéro duPunchl'exprime avec une vérité parfaite.
Veuillez offrir mes hommages à Madame Reeve et me croire votre affectionné,
The Journal here notes:—
July.—The Egyptian Expedition was now resolved on. [Alexandria was bombarded on the 11th: the Army Reserves were called out on the 25th.] Lord Granville thought it would be finished before the end of August.
16th.—Crossed to Boulogne. Thence by Abbeville to Château d'Eu. Duc d'Audiffret, St. Marc Girardin, Duchesse de Montpensier. 21st, drive in the Great Park. Tréport. 24th, returned to London. 28th, to Foxholes: quiet life.
To Mr. E. Cheney
Foxholes, October 20th.—I am glad the article on Shelley [Footnote: 'Shelley and Mary,'Edinburgh Review, October 1882.] has interested you. The perusal of these private letters and correspondence has considerably altered and raised my estimate of Shelley as a man. As to his poetry, it produces on me exactly the effect of delicious music, which enchants the ear even when you can't understand it. But these papers, which Lady Shelley has had printed in order to secure their preservation, are a sealed book. I believe she never can show them again to anyone—at least not at present. The copy she lent me has been returned to her and I do not possess it. Nobody else does. It is, therefore, impossible to ask her for a copy. I undertook to compile an article—as I did for Lady Dorchester, on her father—omissis omittendis. But that is all. I think the history of Allegra is in great part new, and one of the difficulties in this matter is the connexion existing between these papers and the papers of Lord Byron, which are unpublished.
Are you going to stay in London? I hope so. I shall return to town onNovember 6, and should be very glad to find you there.
And the Journal accordingly has:—
November 6th.—Returned to London.
18th.—The troops came back from Egypt.
December 3rd.—Archbishop of Canterbury (Tait) died.
4th.—The Law Courts opened.
16th.—To Foxholes till the end of the year. Gambetta died just as the year expired.
To Lord Derby
Foxholes, December 23rd.—The Club has lost one of its most respected members in the Archbishop, and all parties seem now to feel how great and wise a man he was. Huxley would be rather an odd successor to an archbishop; but I am inclined to think that he ought to be one of our next additions.
I am a very old and fervent supporter of the Anglo-French alliance, but in the present state of France I doubt whether anything is to be gained by making sacrifices to her pretensions. In justice to other States, such as Italy and Austria, I see no reason for conceding to France any exceptional position in Egypt, and I think all countries should be treated with equal justice and liberality. It is probable that a firm though friendly attitude towards the French will answer best for them and for us. Their expeditions to Congo, Tonkin, and Madagascar will do more harm to themselves than to anyone else; but they prove the weakness of the present French Government.
From Lord Derby
Knowsley, December 25th.—I agree in what you say about France, if you mean that the dual control is dead and cannot be revived; nor ought it, if it could. Other nations may fairly claim a voice in Egyptian affairs. What I lay stress upon is that we should make it clear that we are not going to take Egypt for ourselves; which nearly all foreigners suppose to be our intention, and give us credit for disguising it so well.
It is odd that the French are doing badly. The country is fairly prosperous, there is no war of classes, no apparent revolutionary feeling, yet distrust and doubt as to the future seem universal. It almost looks as if revolutions had driven the better sort of men out of public life. I cannot believe that their colonial craze will last long. There is, in all Europe, no country to which colonies are so entirely useless; for the French never emigrate and seldom even travel; and to send conscripts to tropical settlements cannot be popular with the peasantry.
As to The Club—I am quite in favour of Huxley's admission; but have we only one vacancy? Would not any possible opposition to him be disarmed, if he were brought in, not singly, but as one of two or three? We must talk over candidates when we meet…. Poor old Owen cannot, in the course of nature, last long. [Footnote: He lived, however, for another ten years, dying at the age of eighty-eight in 1892.] Huxley would be his natural heir; more than the Archbishop's.
To Lord Derby
Foxholes, December 27th.—To return to what you say of France. Do you not think that a democratic republic, in which every citizen is striving to get all he can for his vote at the expense of the State, necessarily becomes the most rapacious and corrupt form of government? It is this which has raised the budgets of France for 1883 to 122 millions sterling; and if you add the communal expense, to 154 millions. It is this which compels them to persist in a reckless expenditure, and to invent new modes of spending money and creating places by absurd expeditions abroad. The system there, as you say, drives every man of honour and honesty out of political life, and substitutes for them adventurers and idiots. The evil will become more intolerable still, and there will come another revolution, probably at first violent in form and ultimately put down by force. This is a melancholy forecast, but it is that of all the persons in France whose judgement is of value.
As to The Club—we had better not propose Huxley while Owen is amongst us. But we have several octogenarians—Overstone, Henry Taylor; and as for the lower grade of septuagenarians, they are numerous; but I will say nothing of them, as I shall shortly join that body. Altogether The Club presents a respectable array of years, and tends to longevity. I should like an engineer, if we could catch an agreeable one. What would you say to Sir Henry Loch? Few men have seen more of the world—in India, China, the Crimea, down to the Isle of Man; and I think him vastly agreeable. However, we can talk this over when we meet.
Many others besides Lord Derby were at this time speculating on the chances of one more revolution in France. The state of public opinion seemed to point to a coming weariness of the corruption incidental to a republic, and a desire for the restoration of the monarchy. Since the obstinate refusal of the Comte de Chambord, in 1873, to accept the change from thedrapeau blancof the Bourbon dynasty to the flauntingtricolorwhich savoured of democracy, monarchy had seemed impossible. But the Comte de Chambord was known to be in feeble health, and he had no children. If he should die, the fusion of the antagonistic parties was possible, was indeed probable; and it was generally understood that the Comte de Paris was singularly free from the prejudices which had rendered impossible a restoration in the person of his cousin. He was, indeed, not ambitious, and he was wealthy. The two ordinary motives of conspirators were wanting; but he loved France by force of sympathy and education, and he honestly believed that a restoration would be the best thing for his country. As a matter of love and duty he felt bound to work in order to bring about this most desirable of changes.
From the Comte de Paris
Chateau d'Eu, le 2 janvier 1883.
Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,—Je suis bien touché de la bonne pensée que vous avez eue de m'écrire à l'occasion de la nouvelle année. Je vous remercie de tous vos bons voeux, et je vous prie de recevoir ici l'assurance de ceux que je forme pour vous et pour les vôtres.
I am greatly obliged by your remarks on the future of France. This is indeed dark; and, as you so well express it, the sterility of democracy and the impotence of the institutions based on it are most striking. They are especially so here. This dearth, this void, of which you speak increases from day to day. The men of note who were formed under a different rule, and who came to the front under special circumstances, are dying off and are not replaced. It is only a few days since one, [Footnote: Gambetta, died December 31st, 1882.] the most able we have had since the death of M. Thiers, has been carried off by an obscure—a mysterious—illness. Of those left, there is no one who can take his place. In some respects he was a truly remarkable man. He, and he alone, was known from one end of France to the other; he, and none but he, could even for one day have united the blind and jealous forces of democracy; he alone could give the republicans the organisation and appearance of a party, but owing to the violence of his temperament he could never have held the reins of government. He would have been exceedingly dangerous in the department of foreign affairs, which would have been his choice. He would, indeed, have brought to it a most honourable sentiment of the dignity of France, but he had neither prudence nor experience. There were in Europe some who counted on him; others who feared him; every one, I think, exaggerated what he would have done or tried to do.
I regret extremely the difficulties which are rising between France and England about Egypt, and I confess I do not understand the attitude of our Government. The temper of France towards England resembles that of a man who has been offered an equal share in a profitable adventure, who has refused to accept the risk, and who is now vexed at the success of his neighbour. But no Government worthy of the name will allow itself to be influenced by such feelings, or is unable to adapt itself to the changes which circumstances may give rise to. And besides, so little attention is paid in France to foreign politics that the Government may do whatever it likes, provided that does not lead to war—under any form or against any enemy….
J'ai bien regretté de ne pas pouvoir rencontrer Mlle. Reeve à Paris. Veuillez lui dire que si elle veut prendre quelques truites, elle devrait venir ici du 28 ou 29 mai au 5 ou 6 pin. C'est la date exacte de l'éclosion du May-fly, et à ce moment-là nous faisons vraiment de très belles pêches. En attendant nous partons pour Cannes la semaine prochaine. J'espère y rencontrer quelques amis d'Angleterre, dont plusieurs sont déjà fort anciens—comme Lord Cardwell, Sir C. Murray, Lord Clarence Paget, le Duc d'Argyll, &c.
Veuillez offrir mes hommages à Madame Reeve, et me croire.
Votre bien affectionné,
From Lord Granville
Walmer Castle, January 7th.—I return you, with many thanks, the Comte de Paris' remarkable letter. If the Duc de Bordeaux would follow the example which has been sadly set by Gambetta and Chanzy, [Footnote: Chanzy had died two days before, January 5th. The Duc de Bordeaux better known at this time as the Comte de Chambord, did follow the example a few months later, August 24th.] the prospects at Eu would be good.
With you, I do not feel inclined to gush over Gambetta. It is true that he was well disposed towards England, but his love would have been of a troublesome and exacting character.
The Journal has little of interest. It notes the return to London on January 13th; a journey to York on the 29th, on a visit to the Archbishop [Thomson], who wrote an article for the 'Review' on the Ecclesiastical Commission; and, on February 17th, to Battle Abbey. Beyond these trivial entries, nothing except the mention of several dinner parties—some 'good,' some 'dull.' Then, later:—
April 16th to May 22nd.—At Foxholes. Very cold. Snow in May.
June 8th.—Dinner at Lord Carnarvon's. Sir R. and Lady Wallace, Lord Salisbury, Lady Portsmouth.
15th.—Dinner at Alfred Morrison's, [Footnote: Mr. Morrison, so well known to historical students by his splendid collection of MSS., died on December 22nd, 1897.] first time. Splendid house.
21st.—Dinner at home. Duc d'Aumale, Granvilles, Malmesburys, Carlingford, G. Trevelyans, and others.
23rd.—Philobiblon breakfast at Gibbs's. Duc d'Aumale, Duke of Albany. To Military Tournament with Lady Malmesbury.
25th.—Duke of Cleveland's dinner to Duc d'Aumale. Duke of Grafton, Lady Cork.
From the Comte de Paris
Château d'Eu, 16 juin.
Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,—J'ai hâte de répondre à votre aimable lettre du 8, et de vous remercier de votre bienveillante appréciation d'un travail qui prend des proportions vraiment formidables. Je suis en effet en train d'imprimer le 7me volume, et d'écrire le 8me, qui sera suivi encore de deux autres, si Dieu me prête vie. Je suis obligé d'entrer dans beaucoup de détails pour donner à cette histoire un véritable intérêt aux yeux du public américain, qui est celui auquel je m'adresse particuliérement, le seul qui puisse me fournir beaucoup de lecteurs. La traduction anglaise en un gros volume a dû paraître ou paraîtra incessamment à Philadelphie.
Vous trouverez le Duc d'Aumale en fort bellé sante et très brillant, malgré toutes les préoccupations que nous avons eues, et la blessure très vive que lui a faite l'odieuse mesure militaire [Footnote: The removal of the Orleanist princes from the active list of the army in February.] dont il a été l'objet. Je regrette de ne pouvoir l'accompagner en Angleterre, où j'ai tant d'amis que je serais heureux de revoir. Mais ne puis-je au moins espérer que vous nous ferez cette année, avec Madame et Mademoiselle Reeve, une visite au Château d'Eu? Nous resterons ici tout le mois de Juillet. J'ai été assez heureux à la pêche ici dans notre petite rivéire. Pendant une quinzaine, du 25 mai au 10 juin, j'ai pris à la mouche 82 truites pesant 42 livres.
This was the sport to which he had particularly invited Miss Reeve inJanuary, and which, he goes on to say, has given him the idea of going toNorway in August. As to this, he begs Reeve to make some inquiries for him,and concludes—Veuillez me croire votre bien affectionné,
Another chatty letter, four days later, June 20th, has:—
Nous serons charmés de vous voir venir ici vers le 24 juillet avec Madame Reeve, tout en regrettant que Mademoiselle votre fille ne puisse pas vous accompagner. Nous espérons qu'elle pourra venir ici l'année prochaine en mai. Mais qui peut faire sous un gouvernement démocratique des projets à si longue échéance?
The visit was, however, prevented by an event of the most serious political importance; an event which during the next three or four years was thought by many to be likely to change the destinies of France, to affect the fortunes of Europe. It may be best told in the words of the person most affected.
From the Comte de Paris
Château d'Eu, le 18 juillet.
Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,—Je suis revenu ici il y a deux jours après avoir fait en Autriche un voyage imprévu dont vous avez connu le motif et le résultat. J'ai été reçu par l'auguste malade [Footnote: The Comte de Chambord, known among the Legitimists as Henri V.] avec une affectueuse cordialité qui m'a profondément touché, et j'ai quitté Vienne en conservant quelque espoir de le voir sortir de la crise cruelle qu'il vient de traverser. Les dernières nouvelles reçues ne démentent pas cet espoir, quoique son état soit toujours fort grave et plein de périls. Je ne puis naturellement faire dans une pareille situation de projets à longue échéance. Non seulement tout plan de voyage est abandonné pour le moment, mais je vis au jour le jour, toujours prêt à partir au reçu d'une dépêche annonçant le dénouement fatal. Aussi ne puis-je dans ce moment insister pour vous engager à faire au Château d'Eu cette visite dont je me promettais tant de plaisir et d'intérêt, mais qui, dans les circonstances actuelles, risquerait fort d'être brusquement interrompue. Je le regrette vivement, et j'espère pouvoir m'en dédommager plus tard.
En attendant, j'ai hâte de vous remercier de tout ce que vous me dites sur ma situation actuelle et sur l'intérêt que vous y portez. Je vous remercie également de ce que vous avez écrit sur ce sujet à la fin du dernier numéro de laRevue d'Edimbourg. On sent en lisant ce morceau combien celui qui l'a écrit aime et connaît bien la France. Il a été fort remarqué chez nous. Si vous me permettez d'ajouter un seul mot qui vous prouvera que je l'ai lu avec attention, je vous signalerai unlapsus calamiqui vous a échappé. Le fondateur de notre branche d'Orléans, fils de Louis XIII, frère de Louis XIV, s'appelait Philippe et non Gaston. Gaston était le nom du fils de Henri IV, frère de Louis XIII, le Duc d'Orléans de la Fronde, qui ne laissa que des filles, entre autres Mlle. de Montpensier.
Like you, I am uneasy at the existing relations of France and England, though I fully believe that the two Governments are respectively animated by the most conciliatory intentions. In my opinion, the blame rests on what is now called 'the colonial policy,' which consists in scattering our forces to the four corners of the world, while Continental Europe is armed to the teeth and does not afford us a single ally. But even this policy might be followed without causing any difficulty with England, if there was a readiness to anticipate it by frank explanations. The world is big enough for it. Unfortunately, since the Egyptian business—which might easily have been the opportunity for a friendly agreement, but which we have made such a mess of—all these questions are confused and taken amiss….
Je termine en vous renouvelant encore tous mes remerciments, et en vous priant de me croire votre bien affectionné,
The Journal then has:—
July 24th.—Great dinner at the Granvilles' to receive Waddington [Footnote: M. Waddington had a career that has perhaps no parallel. The son of an Englishman settled in France, he was educated at Rugby and at Trinity College, Cambridge; and was second classic, Chancellor's medallist, and No. 6 in the University boat in 1849. Having elected to be a Frenchman, he travelled in Asia Minor, and achieved a reputation as an archaeologist and numismatist. After the fall of the Empire he entered into public life; was foreign minister and the representative of France at Berlin in 1878; was prime minister and the representative of France at the Coronation of the Tsar in 1881, and was French ambassador in London from 1883 to 1893. He died in 1894 at the age of 68.] [the new French Ambassador]. I was introduced to Count Herbert Bismarck. Sat by Errington. Forty-two people there at several tables.
26th.—To Foxholes.
September 10th.—Left Foxholes for BroglieviâHavre. Slept at Rouen. 11th, Broglie, by rail to Bernay; at Broglie, Vieil Castel, Laugel, Target, Gavard. Old name of Broglie, Chambrey.
15th.—Left Broglie for Val Richer. Drive with De Witt.
17th.—Gout coming on in foot. Started for Honfleur and Havre; quite lame. Spent the day on board the Wolf; met Prothero again. Managed to get home on the 18th. Laid up in bed for a week.
From Lord Granville
September 29th.—The Comte de Paris has a difficult game to play; and the large intelligent family, living in great luxury and consideration, is not the best machine for carrying hopes more or less forlorn; but I expect it would be difficult to find an abler or more judicious pretender. My fear is that—as you say—their way to success lies through some disaster. I do not feel convinced, if an opportunity or a necessity arose, that men like Waddington and Ferry would not be among the first to act as civil Moncks.
In the meantime, we shall know in a very few days whether the wisest among the present ministry will have their way and do the right thing by us in the Madagascar matter. It will take a little longer to settle the Chinese difficulty. This can only be done by great sacrifices on the part of the French. The Chinese will not hurry themselves, and believe they have the French in their pockets.
From the Comte de Paris
Château d'Eu, 3 octobre.
Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,—J'ai reçu votre lettre du 4 septembre à mon retour de Frohsdorf, mais j'ai eu tant à faire depuis lors que je n'ai pas, jusqu'à ce jour, trouvé un instant pour vous remercier de la preuve d'amitié et de sympathie que vous m'avez donnée dans ces circonstances si graves pour moi. J'ai eu depuis des nouvelles de votre séjour à Broglie et au Val Richcr par Messieurs Gavard et de Witt, et j'ai bien regretté que les convenances du deuil ne m'aient pas permis de vous demander cette année de venir an Château d'Eu. J'aurais été, en effet, fort heureux de pouvoir causer avec vous de toutes les graves questions qui se posent aujourd'hui devant nous, tant à l'intérieur qu'à l'extérieur.
Je serai heureux d'en retrouver l'occasion; car, plus les événements rendent ma situation grave et difficile, plus ils grandissent ma responsabilité, plus naturellement je tiens à recueillir les avis d'un observateur éclairé, impartial et bienveillant pour la France. Dans cette situation si nouvelle, et, je puis dire, sans précédents, je tiens à resserrer les liens de mes vieilles amitiés, et je tiens particulièrement à entretenir mes relations avec la société anglaise, ce grand centre intellectuel qui recueille et juge les affaires du monde entier….
Je vous prie d'offrir mes hommages à Madame et à Mademoiselle Reeve et de me croire Votre bien affectionné,
All the Comte de Paris' earlier letters are signed Louis-Philippe D'Orleans, the capital D' being a noticeable peculiarity. By the death of the Comte de Chambord at Frohsdorf on August 24th, the Comte de Paris had become the head of the Bourbons, [Footnote: Always excepting the impossible Don Carlos.] and linked the Legitimists and Orleanists in the person of one capable man. At the same time he changed his signature, as now claiming the throne by hereditary right. Among the Orleanists, however, there were many—including the Duc d'Aumale—who considered the change ill-judged, as implying that his grandfather, Louis Philippe, was a usurper—as, of course, he was, if the will of the people is to count for nothing. [Footnote: Cf.Le Duc d'Aumale, par Ernest Daudet, pp. 334-5.] Among the Legitimists, on the other hand, there were many who protested that under no circumstances could they accept one of the line of Philippe Égalité as their lawful sovereign. Still, for the next two or three years, it seemed not impossible that the Comte de Paris might be called to the throne by a constitutional reaction and a popular vote. He does not seem to have had any wish to head or stir up a revolution of force and bloodshed.
The Journal records:—
October 29th.—To Oxford. Dined at the Deanery. Jowett, Duke of Buckingham, Max Müller, Brodrick. 31st, dined at All Souls. Sir William Anson. November 1st, lunched with Max Müller.
From M. B. St.-Hilaire
November 21st.—I notice that to you, as to me, the situation of France appears very sad. I conceive that it is a source of alarm to all Europe. We are falling lower and lower towards the Radicals and the Extreme Left. If that party should come into power, it would be a very serious threat to the peace of the world. From the weakness of our Government, everything is to be feared; and as this weakness must become greater, there does not seem any remedy in the near future. Notwithstanding our wealth, our finances are in a bad state, and it is on that side that the inevitable storm will burst. To ward it off an entire change of conduct would be necessary; and at the present time we have no one strong enough to guide our policy in the right direction.
To Mrs. Parker
Foxholes, December 18th.—If anyone is to write Lord Westbury's Life, yours is the pen to do it. Nobody expects a daughter to be impartial, or wishes it. I will see what letters I can find, and will write again when I have looked over my packets of letters.
This promise was afterwards fulfilled. Lord Westbury's letters were sent toMrs. Parker, and several of them, with some of Reeve's, were incorporatedin the 'Life of Lord Westbury' (2 vols. 8vo. 1888), by Mr. T. A. Nash, whomMrs. Parker afterwards married.
Early in January 1884, Mrs. Reeve went to Paris, on a visit to Lady Metcalfe—one of Mr. Dempster's nieces. On the 16th Reeve joined her there. Among other entries, the Journal notes a breakfast at Chantilly on the 27th—'château finished, galleries splendid'—and on the 30th, dinner at the Embassy. They returned to London on the 31st. A few dinners in town are noted, and a visit to Covent Garden on March 5th, to see Salvini in 'King Lear.' To Foxholes on April 9th.
This meagre chronicle of course gives no idea of Reeve's intellectual activity at the time, which was really very great. With his official duties, the conduct of the 'Review,' an extensive correspondence, and, at this time, the preparation of the second part of the 'Greville Memoirs,' with dinner parties or receptions three or four times a week, it would seem as if Reeve's days must have consisted of an abnormal number of hours. And effectively they did; for, though on pleasure—at proper seasons—Reeve might be bent, he had always a frugal mind as to the disposal of time. Most, if not all, of his correspondence, much even of his more serious work, was got through in spare half-hours at the Council Office; and when at home, in his study in the house in Rutland Gate, it was a standing rule that he was not to be disturbed. The study was a cosy room on the ground floor, built out at the back, and so removed from all noise of passing to and fro. It had no outlook to distract the attention, and no man was ever less addicted to day-dreaming. To work whilst he worked and play whilst he played was the golden rule which enabled Reeve for over fifty years to get through as much hard work as a successful lawyer, to do as much hard writing as a successful novelist, to hunt, shoot, or travel whenever opportunity offered, and to be one of the best known figures in the world of London society.
From the Duke of Argyll
March 8th.—Many thanks for your letter. I am pleased to know that the scientists find my science accurate. Writers in the interest of religion have generally, of late, been disposed to make as much as possible of the distinction between man and nature. The speciality of my book [Footnote:The Unity of Nature.There is an article on it in the April number of the Review.] is, on the contrary, to maintain the unity, as really essential to all belief, thus going back to the paths of Butler.
From M. B. St.-Hilaire
Paris, 15 avril.—Cher Monsieur Reeve,—J'étais bien sûr de vous faire plaisir en vous envoyant les discours prononcés sur la tombe de M. Mignet. Celui de M. Martha est le plus remarquable; M. Jules Simon a très bien parlé aussi; mais on peut trouver cependant que M. Martha l'emporte.
Je suis très sensible à votre amicale invitation, et je serai heureux de visiter cet été votre ermitage de Foxholes. Nos vacances commenceront probablement en août, et je réglerai mes mouvements sur les vôtres.
Je vous remercie de votre bienveillance pour l'Histoire des Animaux; je ne crois pas que nulle part le génie d'Aristote se soit montré plus grand, plus scientifique et, l'on peut ajouter, plus moderne. Entre lui et Linné, Buffon et Cuvier, il n'y a rien. L'histoire de la science a beaucoup à profiter de cet exemple frappant.
Je suis absolument de votre avis sur le rôle de l'Angleterre en Égypte; vous n'avez qu'à faire ce que nous avons fait à Tunis, où les choses marchent à souhait. C'est l'intérêt de votre grand pays, en même temps que l'intérêt de la civilisation et de l'humanité. Les affaires égyptiennes ne peuvent rester dans l'état où elles sont; et il faut les régler au plus vite, pour l'honneur de tout le monde.
Je présente mes hommages bien respectueux a Madame Reeve, en attendant le petit voyage a Foxholes vers l'automne. Votre bien dévoué,
B. St.-HILAIRE.
And here the Journal notes:—
April 16th.—Edward Cheney died, aetat. 82.
From Dr. Vaughan [Footnote: Then Master of the Temple; he died November 15, 1897, aged 81.]
The Deanery, Llandaff: April 19th.
Dear Mr. Reeve,—I am grateful to you for your kind letter. I will try to remember to make the reference with which you furnish me when I am again at the Athenaeum.
The year 1185 is always in my recollection as the date of the consecration of the Round Church by the Patriarch Heraclius. I am already in communication with Dr. Hopkins about the musical part of its celebration, on or about the day (I think February 10) next year. And there must be a sermon about it on the nearest Sunday. So you see how exactly your thoughts and mine agree on the subject.
Ever truly yours,
The other part of the church was consecrated on Ascension Day 1240. Who will be Master whenthatseventh centenary comes round?
From the Duke of Argyll
Argyll Lodge, Kensington: April 19th.
My Dear Mr. Reeve,[Footnote: Written in pencil.]—I am laid up with a very sudden and sharp attack of the enemy; but I must write a line from bed to say howmorethan satisfied I am by the article in the Review, which goes straight to the main points of my Essay, and which distinguishes exactly those which best deserve notice. I am the more grateful as all the others I have seen—whether laudatory or not—have all been the production of ignorant men who did not see, or of learned men who did not wish to see, any of the specialties of the book.
I am better, but unfit for any work.
Yours very truly,
To Mr. T. Norton Longman
Foxholes, April 20th.—Much obliged to you for the Beaconsfield book, [Footnote: TheBeaconsfield Birthday-Book.] which is very pretty. I hope you will sell as many as there are bunches of primroses in Covent Garden Market. The extent of Lord Beaconsfield's popularity is really curious. Yet this is the man whom Gladstone hunted to death and called a fiend!!
And the Journal for the summer runs:—
At Foxholes all May.
June 26th.—Marriage of Hallam Tennyson and Miss Boyle in Henry VII.'s Chapel.
July 12th.—Dinner at Sir Henry Maine's. The Actons, Lindleys, Evelyn Barings, Brookfield, Venables—interesting party.
16th.—Duchess of Argyll's garden party.
17th.—The great Canadian case between the Provinces of Ontario and Manitoba was argued for six days before the Judicial Committee.
24th.—To Foxholes. On August 11th we went to Strode, to see Mr. Gollop, aetat. 93. 15th, back to Foxholes.
* * * * *
At this time, on behalf of Sir Henry Taylor, Reeve had been conducting a negotiation with Longmans for the publication of Taylor's Autobiography, and an agreement had been come to which was to take effect after Taylor's death.
From Sir Henry Taylor
Bournemouth, August 26th.
My dear Mr. Reeve,—Thanks for your very kind letter. I am so glad you can take a favourable view of my autobiography.
I am rather surprised myself that there is nothing in it of Mrs. Austin and Lucy. I was intimately acquainted with them, and I may perhaps find something said of them in letters, as I proceed with the task of sorting my correspondence. Of Mr. Austin I saw very little. He led such a secluded life. But one could not see him at all without knowing something of the intellect which lay hidden in him for so many years.
As to the date of publication, I shall leave the necessary instructions. I wish the work to be published as soon as possible after my death.
Believe me, yours sincerely,
From the Comte de Paris
Château d'Eu, 17 septembre.
Mon cher Monsieur Reeve,—Je ne veux pas tarder un instant à vous remercier de votre lettre du 14, et des félicitations que vous m'adressez à l'occasion de la naissance de mon fils Ferdinand…. Grâces à Dieu, tout s'est passé aussi bien que possible et, depuis l'événement, la mère et l'enfant vont à merveille. Je vous remercie bien cordialement des voeux que vous formez pour celui-ci. Je connais de longue date les sentiments qui vous inspirent, et vous savez tout le prix que j'y attache.
Vous avez raison de dire que l'avenir se montre assez sombre pour toutes les nations de l'Europe. Les opérations de l'Amiral Courbet au Tonkin et en Chine montrent que notre marine se maintient à la hauteur de sa vieille réputation; elle le doit aux traditions, à l'esprit de corps, aux sentiments de respect pour les chefs qui s'est conservé chez elle tandis qu'il disparaissait ou s'affaiblissait partout ailleurs. Mais cette démonstration nous coûte bien cher. La guerre avec la Chine nous alarme, parce qu'il n'y a pas de guerre plus difficile à terminer que celle-là. La politique coloniale est un luxe que nous aurions pu nous donner dans un autre temps, mais que ne nous convient pas dans notre situation européenne. Elle a de plus été conduite d'une façon irrégulière, l'action au Tonkin succédant à l'inaction en Egypte. Cette affaire d'Egypte aurait pu servir de base à une entente avec l'Angleterre. Au lieu de cela on n'a pas voulu l'aider, puis on a boudé parce qu'elle agissait seule, et lorsque les difficultés ont commencé pour elle, on n'a su ni s'entendre absolument pour agir en commun, ni s'effacer derrière l'Europe pour ne pas assumer la responsabilité de l'echec de la conférence. Bien des gens croient ici que toute cette politique a eu pour but de sauver le ministère Gladstone. Cela n'en valait pas la peine. Il en est résulté de l'aigreur dans les journaux. Mais cette aigreur sent bien un peu le fonds des reptiles, et personne n'a sérieusement envie de chercher querelle à la perfide Albion.
Ceux qui admirent ses institutions et qui croient que leur pondération est la garantie du plus précieux de tous les biens—la liberté, se préoccupent vivement des tendances jacobines de notre ami Gladstone. L'extension du suffrage est logique, l'anéantissement de la chambre des Lords est logique. Mais les meilleures institutions ne sont pas les plus logiques. À force de logique on tend à remplacer le gouvernement pondéré de l'Angleterre par ce que nous appelons le gouvernement conventionnel, c'est à dire le despotisme d'une Assemblée unique appuyée sur la brutale loi du nombre. Que Dieu vous garde d'un tel avenir. C'est le voeu d'un ami sincère de vos institutions.
Ce qui préoccupe ici bien plus, et à bon titre, que les aventures coloniales, c'est la situation économique. La France s'appauvrit parce qu'elle perd en impôts improductifs une partie de son épargne, parce que ses fils travaillent moins, dépensent plus et boivent davantage, parce qu'ils demandent des salaires trop élevés, et parce que la concurrence allemande, américaine, italienne, anglaise, nous ferme peu à peu tous les marchés, et enfin parce que le phylloxera ruine la moitié du pays. Le courant protectionniste se prononce avec une force irrésistible en ce moment.
Je vous prie d'offrir mes hommages à Madame et à Mademoiselle Reeve, et de me croire Votre bien affectionné,
From M. B. St.-Hilaire
Paris, 19 octobre.
Cher Monsieur Reeve,—J'ai reçu le numéro de laRevue d'Edimbourg, et je vous en remercie. Le rédacteur de l'article a été plein de bienveillance à mon égard, et je vous prie de lui faire savoir que je suis fort touché de l'appréciation qu'il veut bien faire de mes travaux. Je profiterai de ses justes critiques pour mes autres traductions; mais il est un point où je ne suis pas tout à fait d'accord avec lui. Je ne trouve pas qu'il tienne assez compte à Aristote d'avoir commencé la science, et de l'avoir fondée. Les débuts sont toujours excessivement difficiles, et il ne serait pas équitable de demander à ces temps reculés de savoir tout ce que nous savons aujourd'hui. Nous devons toujours nous dire que dans deux mille ans d'ici on en saura beaucoup plus que nous, tout savants que nous sommes. Ceci doit nous engager à être reconnaissants et modestes.
Je vais mettre sous presse le Traité des Parties des Animaux en deux volumes, et je prépare celui de la Génération, qui, sans doute, en aura trois.
J'espère que vous vous portez bien, ainsi que Madame Henry Reeve; je lui présente mes respects et mes amitiés, avec tons mes voeux pour sa santé et pour la vôtre.
Votre bien dévoué,
The Journal here has:—
October 28th.—Dinner of The Club to Lord Dufferin before his departure for India.
November 14th.—Dinner at Lady Molesworth's to the Waddingtons.
December 3rd.—Small dinner at Lord Cork's, with Gladstone and Sir H. James.
From Sir Henry Taylor
Bournemouth, December 10th.
Dear Mr. Reeve,—It has come into the head of my family, and through theirs into mine, that there is no particular reason why my Autobiography should not be published now, instead of posthumously, and that there are some motives for giving a preference to present publication. The agreement with Messrs. Longman which you brought about has been, perhaps, a sort of suggestion of this change of purpose; so I write to mention it. The work was written with more unreserve than would be natural to a man who hears what he says, and some erasures will be required; but a man in his eighty-fifth year is, in some respects, as good as dead, or, at all events, as deaf: so there need not be much alteration. I hope you will not disapprove.
Believe me, yours very sincerely,
On December 17th the Reeves went to Foxholes, where they spent Christmas, ushered in the New Year, and returned to London on January 15th, 1885. The entries in the Journal are for the most part trivial, though politically the year was one of extreme interest and excitement, much of which is reflected in the correspondence.
From the Comte de Paris
6janvier.—J'ai été vivement touché de la lettre que vous m'avez écrite, des voeux que vous m'adressez au moment où nous entrons dans une année qui semble nous réserver bien des surprises. L'avenir est plein d'incertitudes et de dangers. Je n'ai pas besoin de vous dire que j'observe avec une sérieuse inquiétude l'état des relations entre l'Angleterre et la France, non que je croie même à la possibilité d'un conflit qui répugnerait également à tous les membres des deux nations voisines, mais parce qu'une hostilité diplomatique seule serait déjà un grand malheur pour l'une et pour l'autre…. Vous avez raison de croire que le désir universel de la paix prévaudra sur les périls de la situation internationale. Ce désir est bien puissant en France, et les aventures de l'extrême Orient, dans lesquelles on nous a lancés si mal à propos, ne font que lui donner l'occasion de se manifester.
Ces aventures ne font pas diversion à la crise si grave qui éprouve notre industrie et notre agriculture. Les causes de cette crise sont multiples. Quelques-unes sont communes à toute l'Europe, d'autres le sont aux quelques nations qui avaient le monopole de certaines industries, et le perdent, grâce aux facilités actuelles des transports. Il en est une, malheureusement très-active, qui nous est propre; c'est la tendance des ouvriers depuis l'établissement de la Rèpublique à chercher l'amélioration de leur sort, moins dans l'accroissement de leur salaire que dans la diminution de leur travail. Cette funeste tendance leur a été inspirée par les flatteries de tous ceux qui briguent leurs suffrages, et leur rappellent que toute législation émane d'eux. Le pays produit moins, et par conséquent s'appauvrit. L'imprévoyance de nos gouvernants a aggravé la crise. Aujourd'hui un cri puissant s'élève en faveur des droits protecteurs, même sur le blé. Il est probable qu'on en fera assez pour inquiéter les consommateurs des villes, pas assez pour satisfaire l'agriculture…. Si Mademoiselle Reeve voulait faire de jolies pêches de truites, c'est le 1er juin qu'elle devrait venir à Eu.