MEMOIRSOF THERevolutioninBENGAL.
The late Revolution inBengalis so extraordinary in its Nature, of such immediate Consequence to theEast IndiaCompany, and may possibly be of such Importance to the Nation, that a short and perspicuous Relation of this memorable Transaction cannot but be acceptable to the Public. Such a Relation will give a distinct Idea of Things, as to which the World has hitherto had but confused Notions; dispose all Events relating thereto in their proper Places, so that their Motives and Consequences may be clearly understood; and supply those Chasms, that disturb the Order and destroy the Connection between the Narratives which have been writtenoccasionally of particular Points of Fact. Besides, it will explain the Conduct of those who have been chiefly instrumental in bringing such an hazardous, as well as arduous Attempt as this to a happy Conclusion; will shew why it was thought necessary, and on what Account it was originally undertaken; the many, and some of them formidable, Obstacles that were in the Way; and how these were either gradually removed, or gloriously overcome. In a Word, when thoroughly and circumstantially explained, it will open as singular and surprizing a Scene to the View of the inquisitive and judicious Reader, as perhaps he will find in any History respecting our own Times, which, let me have Leave to say, are those that concern us most.
But previous to the Narrative, it will be expedient to give a concise Account of the Inhabitants, and the State of the Government in that Country, where this surprizing Political Catastrophe fell out; and without being well acquainted with which, these succinct Memoirs would not only be less intelligible, but, which is yet worse, would become also very liable to be misunderstood. The Natureof Things depends on their Properties, alike discernable by all who will examine them with equal Care, and with the same Degree of Attention. But the Nature of Facts is determined by the Circumstances that attend them; and if these be not fairly and fully represented, they must be falsely, or at least imperfectly apprehended. In Cases relative to the Alteration of States, a bare Recital of Events establishes only what Alteration they produced, and does not at all inform us to what the Change was owing; gives us no Grounds to conclude, as to the Advantages or Disadvantages flowing from such a Mutation, and does not furnish us with the Means of framing any probable Conjecture as to the Stability or Instability of the New Government.
The two great Nations, inhabiting this Part of theIndies, differ widely from each other in their Complexions, Language, Manners, Disposition, and Religion. TheMoguls(Moghuls) who are commonly calledMoorsorMoormen, are a robust, stately, and, in respect to the original Natives, a fair People. They speak what theEnglishinIndiacommonly call theMoorsTongue, which is in truth thePersian,or at least a Dialect of thePersian. They are naturally vain, affect Shew and Pomp in every thing, are much addicted to Luxury, fierce, oppressive, and, for the most part, very rapacious. In respect to Religion, they areMohammedans; the common Sort of the Sect ofOmar(in which they agree with theTurks), but those of Superior Rank are mostly of the Sect ofAli(which is followed by thePersians), and some affect to be very devout. These have the Dominion, and are possessed of all the Offices of Trust and Power, in virtue of their Descent from theMoguls, whose Empire was established byTimûr, commonly calledTamerlanein this Country; but they are now a very mixed People, composed ofTartars,Arabs, andPersians; more especially of the last mentioned Nation; who for various Reasons have quitted their own Country, but chiefly for the Sake of that Favour and Preferment, which for many Ages they have met with at the Court of (Dehli)Delly. TheGentoows, or NativeIndians, are of a swarthy Aspect, as their proper AppellationHinduimplies; less warlike but more active and industrious than theMoors. They are a mild, subtle, frugal Race of Men, exceedinglysuperstitious, submissive in appearance, but naturally jealous, suspicious, and perfidious; which is principally owing to that abject Slavery they are kept in by theMoors; and their Vices are such as innate Cunning, of which they have a great deal, suggests to counteract those of their Masters. They are divided into several Casts or Tribes, of which the most noble is that of theBramins, and there are also several Casts of these. Their Religion isPaganism, gross and absurd among the Vulgar, but not so amongst the wiser and better Sort. These Characters are not drawn through any Spirit of Prejudice or Partiality, but from Experience and Observation, and the Faults of both do not so much arise from any Want of Parts, or Defect in their natural Talents, as from their respective Conditions, and the barbarous Severity and perpetual Instability of their Governments.
TheMogul, or, as we commonly call him, theGreat Mogul, is, according to the Constitution ofIndostan, if Despotism can with any Propriety be stiled a Constitution, as absolute as a Monarch can be. He is the sole Possessor of Property, the single Fountain ofHonour, and the supreme Oracle of Justice. The whole Country belongs to him; all Honours are Personal, are bestowed by his Bounty, and resumed at his Pleasure; his Subjects having no other Laws than the Dictates of his Will. The Omrahs, or Great Lords of his Court, who discharge the high Offices in his Household, exercise the Functions of Ministers of State, or hold superior Commands in his Armies, are all Creatures of his own, and so are the Governors of Provinces, stiled in the Language of the CountryNabobs, who have again lesser Governments, to which they appoint, calledPhousdaries. Thus things actually stood under the long Reign ofAurengzebe, and under the short one of his Son; but since the Days of his unfortunate Grandson,Mohammed Shah, who was dethroned, and restored byThamas Kouli Khan, theMogulsare no more than Shadows of what they were; and their Prerogatives become rather Sounds than Substance. Those Emirs or Nabobs, who govern great Provinces, are stiled Subahs, which imports the same as Lord-Lieutenants or Vice-Roys. These Vice-Roys have ever held their Provinces of the Mogul, by rendering him ayearly Tribute, and furnishing their Contingent of Troops, when demanded for his Service; each of them exacting the like Services from their subordinate Governments; in both the Nabobs and Phousdars were supreme, and executed a kind of Sovereign Authority, subject only to those from whom it was delegated, and by whom it might be again taken away when they thought fit. But now they affect a kind of Independence, send their Tribute to Court when they esteem it convenient, and that is but seldom: and devolve their Employments on their Heirs, who having immediate Possession of the Means, find no great Difficulty in getting themselves confirmed, by making proper Presents atDelly. If the Mogul attempts to depose any of them, the Person to whom he gives the Commission must raise an Army, and force a Passage to the Government bestowed upon him with his Sword. The same thing happens with regard to the Phousdars, removed by the Suba's; and hence the Confusions that ensue, whenever the Pretenders to the same Post (who are also sometimes supported, as their Interest leads them, by the different trading Nations upon the Coast) to gratify their Ambition,create implacable, ruinous, and endless civil Wars.
As to theGentoows, though Multitudes of them live in the Cities and Provinces governed by the Officers of the Mogul, yet in the mountainous Countries, and in some others, there are many who still maintain their Freedom, or rather are Slaves to Princes of their own, stiled Rajahs, amongst whom the Mahah Rajah, or King of the Marattes, is the most powerful. His Subjects inhabit the Mountains to the South-East ofGoa, and he has sometimes brought Armies of one Hundred, and sometimes of two Hundred Thousand Men into the Field, composed mostly of Horse. These, as well as the Troops of the lesser Rajahs, of whom there are many, are employed chiefly in predatory Expeditions, and by making very rapid Incursions, and no less rapid Retreats, do a great deal of Mischief in a very little time. This has induced some of the wisest amongst the Mogul Governors to consent to the Payment of an annual Tribute, stiled the Chout, amounting to a fourth Part of the Revenue of the Province, to prevent these Inroads. The Nabobs likewisefrequently entertain the Troops of these Rajahs in Pay, in order to increase the Strength of their own Armies. From this concise Account of Things, it will sufficiently appear, that the Power of the Mogul is rather nominal than real; that a kind of Anarchy reigns through the Country; and that where there is any Thing that resembles ever so imperfectly a Form of Government, it has Force for its Basis, is supported by Fraud, and that in Fact there is hardly any such thing as legal Authority subsisting in any Part of the Empire; so that to measure the Rectitude of Men's Actions in such a Country as this, and in relation to such Governors as these, by the same Rules that take Place under regular Establishments, where Laws are settled and known, and where Justice is duly administred, is not at all founded either in Reason or Equity.
The English established their Presidency atCalcutta, towards the Close of the last Century, in virtue of a Phirmaund (Firmân) from the famousAurengzebe, who much extended the Bounds of the Empire on this Side. His Firmân was confirmed, and the Privilegesof theEast IndiaCompany much augmented by his great GrandsonMohammed Furruksîr. It is therefore indubitable, that having these Concessions made to them in the most ample and honourable Manner, and when theMogulEmpire was in its most flourishing Condition, theEnglishNation had as firm and solid a Right to their Possessions and Immunities as that Constitution could give. They were not therefore certainly to be disturbed or controuled by the Governor of the Province, while they behaved themselves peaceably and properly towards him.
The Company and the Servants of the Company had strictly observed the Terms upon which they were bestowed, and were so modest, or rather so cautious, as to keep much within the Bounds of those Concessions, and chose rather to wave some of their Rights than run the Hazard, under so unsettled a Government, of affording any Colour of Complaint. The same Spirit prevailed; the same Care was taken in all the Factories subordinate to this Presidency. When Injuries were done them, they applied to the Suba's for Relief; when the Officers of those Vice-Roys, either withor without their Knowlege, ventured upon Exactions, they proceeded by Remonstrance. If this had its Effect, they thought themselves happy; if not, they bore it with Patience, of which many Instances might be given. They knew very well that Trade was their Business, and that Disputes with the Country Government must be detrimental to their Interests; and therefore studied to avoid them. That this was really the Case, that they had no ambitious Views, that they had not the smallest Intention to perplex or to interfere with the late Suba, appears to Demonstration, from his not attempting to fix any such thing upon them; and still more so, from the Condition in which he found them.
The old Suba of the three Provinces ofBengal,Bahar, andOrixa, who had advanced himself, and seized that Dignity in the usual Way, by a fortunate Audacity, sticking at nothing to gratify his Thirst for Power,Aliverdy Cawn, died much advanced in Years,Aprilthe 9th, 1756, and was succeeded by his adopted SonSuraja Dowlat(Sur Rajah al Dowlat) who began his Administration with Acts of Violence, and Breach of Faith to someof his own Family; and by that time he had been a Month in Possession of the high Office he assumed, manifested his Aversion to theEnglish.
On what his Resentment to theBritishNation was founded, he was himself at a Loss to say; and the trivial, inconsistent, and in various respects ill-grounded Pretences, he afterwards suggested, as the Motives to his Conduct, evidently shew they were contrived rather to hide, than to declare the Intentions from which he really acted. It has been asserted, and very probably not without sufficient Foundation, that some who knew his violent and rapacious Disposition, made their Court to him, by representing, that theEuropeanssettled in the Provinces he possessed were immensely rich; that he might well expect considerable Sums from them to merit his Favour and Protection upon his Accession to the Government; that he had a Force much more than was adequate to the crushing them absolutely, if he so pleased; that by compelling them, under Colour of their coming as Merchants only intoIndostan, to desist from raising any new Fortifications, he would havethem always at his Mercy; and that in order to succeed effectually, and with little Trouble, he should, to prevent their making it a common Cause, break only with one Nation at a time; and first with theBritish, who could pay him best, and whose Submission would prove an effectual Precedent to theFrenchandDutch. It is not unlikely, that the Authors of this Advice might also undertake to negotiate a Compromise at a proper Juncture. This, however, is certain; that, before he proceeded to Hostilities, he had determined to reduceCalcutta, and had taken all his Measures for that Purpose, and disposed his Instruments properly with that View.
Cassimbuzarbeing situated, as it were, at his Door, was of course the first attacked. He caused the Place to be invested on the Twenty-second ofMay, by a numerous Body of Troops, and then invited Mr.Watts, who was Chief of the Factory, to a Conference, upon a Safe-Conduct. As the Place (in the Opinion of the best Judges) was indefensible, and if it had been defensible, was without a Garrison; as in point of Ceremony it was the usual Custom for the Chief of that Factory tocompliment every new Suba on his assuming that Office, and Mr.Wattshad all imaginable Reason to hope a good Reception, he accepted that Invitation, and went to the Suba's Camp, where, contrary to his Faith, and in Breach of those Engagements which are in that Country held sacred, he seized and detained him, till by pursuing the same Conduct, and intermixing Fraud and Force against those who had not the Means, and perhaps were doubtful whether they had any Authority to resist, he possessed himself ofCassimbuzar, on the fourth ofJune, and then made no farther Secret of his Design to deprive theEnglishof all their Settlements, to which, according to the Constitution of theMogulEmpire, they had a much better Right than he had to his Dominions. Thus the Troubles ofBengalwere begun by him in whose Ruin they ended.
This Step taken, his next Enterprize was directly againstCalcutta; to reduce which, the Suba marched with an Army of Seventy thousand Men, and, when he became Master of it, acted with a Degree of insolent Cruelty, of which the World is too well apprized already, to need any Detail of it here. Let itsuffice then to say, that the Suba wreaked his Malice, for Vengeance it could not be stiled, upon a Multitude of innocent People, who had never given him the smallest Offence. Having destroyed the Place, recalled, and then again dispersed the Inhabitants, and with the same lawless Violence extorted large Sums from theFrenchandDutchFactories, that he might seem to manifest a general Distaste toEuropeans, he returned toMuxadavadin Triumph.
He had full five Months from this Period to recollect himself, and to consider the Effects of these bold and arbitrary Proceedings, and in which he might have concerted either the Means of restoring the Peace of the Province, or of fortifying his own Strength in such a manner as to be able to make Head against all his Enemies; for he began to find, that besides those this wanton Exercise of his Power had excited, he had several amongst such as had been subject to the Authority, and even sincerely attached to the Person of his Predecessor. But his extreme Haughtiness, and his perpetual Suspicions, joined to the natural Mutability of his Temper, and Want of Experience,being a very young Man, rendered him equally incapable of correcting past Errors, or of digesting any well-connected Plan, and supporting it with that Firmness, without which Success is not to be expected. Sometimes obstinate, mostly irresolute, he forfeited equally the Esteem of Foreigners and Neighbours; and by an unaccountable Compound of Fickleness and Severity, lost the Confidence of all, and excited the Secret Hatred of most of those who were about him.
On the Fifth ofDecemberAdmiralWatsonanchored with his Squadron inBallasoreRoad, to which Place Mr.Wattsand Mr.Becher, both Gentlemen of the Council, were sent to congratulate his Arrival, and to acquaint him with the Situation of their Affairs; Mr.Wattshaving been released by the Nabob inJuly. Ten Days after the Squadron arrived atFulta, where, without Loss of Time, Measures were concerted for retrieving the Honour of theEnglishNation, and restoring the Affairs of the Company. The Force was not great, but it was directed by Men of determined Courage, and of distinguished Capacities. AdmiralWatson, and the Commander in Chief ofthe Land Forces, ColonelClive, who, after performing Wonders in other Parts of theIndies, came to perform still greater Wonders here, and brought with him a Reputation that abundantly supplied the Want of Numbers. On the Twenty-eighth, the Fleet proceeded up the River. On the Twenty-ninth, ColonelClivelanded; and the very next Day, with the Assistance of the Squadron, made himself Master of the Fort ofBusbudgia; which, though a Place of great Strength, if it had been well defended, was taken with little Loss, and proved the happy Omen of all the mighty Things which afterwards followed.
On New-Year's-Day, 1757, some of his Majesty's Ships cannonaded the Batteries, which had been constructed by the Enemy for the Defence ofCalcutta, where they had a considerable Force; and this with such Success, that when the Troops debarked, they were abandoned. On the Second, theEnglishre-possessed themselves of their demolished Settlement; finding in the Fort, as they had done on the Batteries, a numerous Artillery left behind, by those, who had not either Skill or Courage to use them. After this Success,it was resolved to proceed up the River toHughley, a very populous Town, full of Warehouses and Magazines; and in that, as well as other respects, a Place of Consequence; and so much the safer from our Naval Force, as it could not be reached by large Ships. On the Fifth, CaptainSmithin theBridgewater, and the Sloop of War, anchored within Reach, and fired warmly upon the Town; and being seconded by all the armed Boats in the Fleet, it was very soon reduced. The better to distress the Enemy, the more to alarm the Province, and to work upon the Suba's governing Passion, Fear; Orders were given, though with much Reluctance, for burning the Houses, and for destroying, particularly, all the Magazines on both Sides of the River; which Orders were very punctually executed, and thereby speedily produced the desired Effects.
Both Vice-AdmiralWatsonand ColonelClivehad written, towards the Close of the preceding Year, in as civil and polite Terms to the Suba, as the Circumstances of Things would allow, with a View to bring about a Treaty. But that Prince, who had an Armyabout him, and whose Resentments ran as high as ever, was either not inclined, or did not care to shew an Inclination, to come to any Terms. It was this, that made the Expedition toHughleyrequisite; and upon the Loss of that, and the Supplies he had there, his Confidence immediately abated, and he condescended to answer the Letters, affirming that he had already written, but that he had Reason to believe, those Letters had not been delivered. Yet even now, when he found it was necessary to offer a Negotiation, and to express a Willingness to reinstate the Company in their Factories, he added, as if requisite to support his Character, that if theEnglishthought they could reap greater Benefits by pursuing the War, they might still proceed in their military Operations; as if, by this Appearance of Indifference, he could conceal the Terror he was under, from what had already happened. To support this Air of Intrepidity, he made, at the same Time, a Motion with his Army towardsCalcutta.
ColonelClivehaving communicated these Proposals to the Select Committee, entrustedwith the Management of the Affairs of the Factory, they sent MessieursWalshandScrafton, as Deputies, to the Camp of the Suba, who, either deceived by this into an Opinion that he was still formidable to theEnglish, or desirous of imposing upon the Deputies, behaved towards them with such a Mixture of Haughtiness and Contempt, as gave little Hopes of their making any great Progress in their Business; and therefore, after some Delay, the Vice-Admiral and the Colonel were obliged to resume their former Measures, and to think of making a fresh Impression on the Suba, that might convince him, he had as much to dread from the Land-Forces as the Fleet. In order to this, it was concerted, that a Detachment of Seamen, commanded by CaptainWarwick, should land and join the Army, and that ColonelCliveshould then force the Nabob's Camp. The Captain accordingly debarked, upon the Fifth ofFebruary, about One in the Morning: At Two they came up with the Forces, which were under Arms. By Three, every Thing was in Order, and they began to move towards the Enemy; the Sailors attending the Train, which consisted of Six Field Pieces, and one Haubitzer. AboutFive, the Action began, and the Artillery playing on the Right and Left, ColonelClivemarched his Troops directly through the Camp of the Suba; though he had between Forty and Fifty thousand Men, and obliged him, with great Loss, to dislodge, and even to abandon some of the Posts that he took after his Retreat; and this, with very little Detriment to his very small Army, not above Forty Men being killed, and not so many as Seventy wounded. This brisk Attack, seconded by a Letter from Vice-AdmiralWatson, intimating, that this was a Specimen only of what theBritishArms, when provoked, could perform, answered the Intention perfectly. The Suba immediately desired to renew the Negotiation, which went on with such Alacrity, that it was concluded and signed upon the Ninth, by which an end was put to a War, that had subsisted about Nine Months. This Treaty was conceived in the following Terms.
I. Whatever Rights and Privileges the King has granted theEnglishCompany, in their Phirmaund, and the Hushulhoorums sentfromDelly, shall not be disputed, or taken from them; and the Immunities therein mentioned, be acknowleged and stand good. Whatever Villages are given the Company by the Phirmaund, shall likewise be granted, notwithstanding they have been denied by former Subahs. The Zemindars of those Villages not to be hurt or displaced, without Cause.
Signed by the Nabob, in his own Hand.
Signed by the Nabob, in his own Hand.
Signed by the Nabob, in his own Hand.
I agree to the Terms of the Phirmaund.
II. All Goods passing and repassing through the Country, by Land or Water, withEnglishDusticks, shall be exempt from any Tax, Fee, or Imposition whatever.
I agree to this.
III. All the Company's Factories, seized by the Nabob, shall be returned. All Monies, Goods, and Effects, belonging to the Company, their Servants and Tenants, and which have been seized and taken by theNabob, shall be restored; what has been plundered and pillaged by his People, made good by the Payment of such a Sum of Money, as his Justice shall think reasonable.
I agree to restore whatever has been seized and taken by my Orders, and accounted for in my Sincary.
IV. That we have Permission to fortifyCalcutta, in such Manner as we may think proper, without Interruption.
I consent to this.
V. That we shall have Liberty to coin Siccas, both of Gold and Silver, of equal Weight and Fineness with those ofMuxadavad, which shall pass in the Provinces.
I consent to theEnglishCompany's coining their own Imports of Bullion and Gold into Siccas.
VI. That a Treaty shall be ratified, by Signing and Sealing, and swearing to abide by the Articles therein contained; not onlyby the Nabob, but his principal Officers and Ministers.
I have sealed and signed the Articles, before the Presence of God.
VII. That AdmiralWatsonand ColonelClive, on the Part and Behalf of theEnglishNation, and of the Company, do agree to live in a good Understanding with the Nabob, to put an End to these Troubles, and to be in Friendship with him, while these Articles are performed and observed by the Nabob.
I have sealed and signed the foregoing Articles, upon these Terms, that if the Governor and Council will sign and seal them, with the Company's Seal, and will swear to the Performance on their Part, I then consent and agree to them.
In this Treaty, the intelligent Reader will see, there were Three great Points sufficiently explained, to shew the Injustice and Oppression of the Suba, in his Attack upon theEnglishSettlements, even upon Reflection in his own Opinion, tho' far from being as conclusivein respect to the Remedies and Indemnifications, that, in consequence of so full a Declaration, were to be procured. The First regarded the Possessions, Immunities, and Privileges, conceded to theEast IndiaCompany, by the Royal Phirmaund, whichSuraja Dowlatacknowleged to have violated, promised Restitution, and undertook, in the most solemn Manner, not to invade them again. But as this was conceived only in general Terms, these Rights, and the Limits of their respective Possessions, required a thorough Discussion. The next was, as to the Fortifications ofCalcutta; the Legality and Expediency of which he now admitted in their utmost Extent, as being plainly necessary to the Security of the Place, theBritishInhabitants, and even of theMogul's Subjects, living under its Protection; and to this was added, the Coinage of their own Imports, in Gold and Silver, to which they had always a Right, though it had not been exercised. The last was, the full and immediate Compensation, which he stipulated, for all the Damages the Company, and those dependent upon it, had sustained; but which he contracted only to make, so far as theProduce of the Plunder should appear to have come into his Hands. It was evident, therefore, that, though in Words and in Appearance much had been obtained by the Peace, this still depended, in a great Measure, as to the most material Part, the Performance, on the proper Settling of these Articles, and the Liquidation of the Damages, in reference to which, the Sincerity of the Suba's Intention, and his Readiness to execute what he had undertaken, was almost the sole Security. In order to adjust these Points, without which the Treaty was of very little Consequence to those ruined and undone by the War, the Select Committee very properly made choice of Mr.William Watts, who had been their Chief atCassimbuzar, who was one of the Members of that Committee, a Person well known to the Nabob, and who had been, as the Suba himself owned, the first innocent and causeless Victim to his Resentment, or rather Caprice. His Acceptance of this Commission, by which he was again to put himself into the Power of this unsteady Prince, in so critical a Conjuncture, and charged with so troublesome and intricate a Negotiation, was a very full Proof of hisFidelity to, and Zeal for, the Interests of the Company; as it likewise was an evident Testimony of the good Opinion of his Associates; who, upon mature Deliberation, invested him solely with so great a Trust.
He was, indeed, in every respect, fittest for this Employment (had there been any Competitor); an Employment, by far the weightiest, and of the most Consequence, of any inBengal. He had been many Years in the Country; was well acquainted with the Language, as well as accustomed to the Manners and Disposition of the Inhabitants; was much esteemed, and had many Connections with them. He understood their Politics also, at least as much as such fluctuating Politics as theirs could be understood; the true Interest of the Province, and the Constitution ofIndostanin general, and the State of the neighbouring Governments in particular. Besides, he was personally known to all the Ministers, and had received very singular Marks of Esteem from the Suba himself. Add to all this, that the Company, in case of the Death or Resignation of Mr.Drake, had appointed this Gentleman to the GovernmentofCalcutta, which, taken together, proves, that this Choice was not the Work of Chance or Favour, but proceeded from mature Deliberation, and a just Regard to the Consequence of that Negotiation, in which he was to be employed.
The Perplexities springing from such a Variety and Complication of Matters that were to be adjusted, the Mutability of the Suba's Nature, and his Want of Judgment and Experience, and the Difficulties naturally arising in settling the Concessions, which had been just extorted from him by Treaty, were not the only Circumstances that embarrassed this Negotiation. TheFrench, perfectly well informed of every Step taken or intended, and no less skilled in the Art of Intrigue, had most effectually retained several of those whom the Suba frequently consulted, or chiefly trusted, in their Interest by gratifying them with Presents. They had still a more powerful Tie on them than this, being in Debt Thirteen Lack of Rupees, or upwards of One hundred and Sixty thousand Pounds Sterling, toJuggut Seat, the greatest Banker in the Empire ofIndostan, and the Second in PowerinBengal; to whose Advice for many Years past the Subas paid the greatest Attention. They very well knew, that Men might be false to their Benefactors; but they rightly judged, that even the worst of Men, more especially when avaricious, would be true, where they could not possibly be false, without betraying their own Interest. Under Circumstances like these, there was no Probability, indeed there was no Possibility, of so much as attempting any Thing, but in the Mode of the Court; that is, by opposing Corruption to Corruption, making Friends of the Mammon of Unrighteousness, and getting upon even Ground with those, with whom they were obliged to contend.
But in order to understand the whole of this Matter thoroughly, we must consider the State that Affairs were then in, with respect to the two contending Nations. Advice of the breaking out of the War, betweenGreat BritainandFrance, arrived inIndia, the very Day after the Treaty was concluded with the Suba; and of course opened a new Scene. From being commercial and political Rivals, we were now become open Enemies; a Circumstancewhich we were very sure theFrenchwould improve, and which therefore it was our Duty not to neglect. We had at present a Fleet and an Army; for however small they might be, as Matters stood, they both deserved those Titles, and this gave us great Advantages. On the other Hand, the former was soon to quit the Coast, and perhaps Part of the latter, which was a great Disadvantage. The capital Point, therefore, was to avail ourselves of them, while they remained, so as to settle Things upon a stable Foundation, with regard to theFrench, as well as to the Nabob, before the Season came in which the Fleet was to return. In respect to the former, the Admiral and ColonelClive, with the Assistance of the Select Committee, were to take the best Measures they could; and Mr.Wattswas to regulate the latter; and his Success, or Want of Success, must have apparently had such an Influence upon the whole, that the Reader most certainly needs not be informed, how much depended upon his Courage, Conduct, and Capacity.
The Interest theFrenchhad in the Courtof the Suba, and their Method of acquiring it, have been already stated. This they would have understood to be barely for their own Support and Security; but however, there were some Surmises, that it was also, and had ever been, not a little to our Prejudice. It was whispered, that the Favour shewn them, in Comparison of theDutch, after the Destruction of our Settlements, when he affected to fine both Nations for augmenting the Works about their respective Factories, was, in Consideration of their having secretly furnished Artillery, when he marched againstCalcutta. This was a Suspicion in theIndies, and as such only is mentioned; but it is very certain, that the Letters wrote Home toEuropewere entirely inSuraja Dowlat's Favour, containing a very unfair, and, which was much worse, a very plausible, but utterly false Representation of the Grounds of the Quarrel, which was published to our Prejudice in all the foreign Gazettes.
When Mr.Wattsset out for the Suba's Residence, he was accompanied byOmichund, an eminent Merchant ofCalcutta, who waswell known to the Suba, and his Ministers. This Merchant, Mr.Wattssent toHughley, to discover, as far as he could, what were the real Intentions of theMoors, in case we attackedChandenagore. He returned the next Day,Februarythe Eighteenth, with a very distinct Account. He had been informed byNuncomar, the Phousdar, or Governor ofHughley, that the very Day before, Two Persons,Seen BawbooandMontra Mull, arrived from the Nabob, with a Lack of Rupees, as a Present to theFrenchFactory; and also with Orders to the Phousdar, to assist theFrench, if attacked; or if they were the Aggressors, to assist theEnglish. Mr.Wattswas too well acquainted with the Genius of theMoors, and the Temper of the Suba, to be deceived by this Shew of Impartiality. He considered the Present as a Declaration in Favour of theFrench; and the Stile of his Orders as calculated to amuse theEnglish.Omichundwas entirely of the same Opinion. Mr.Watts, therefore, advised the Select Committee to attackChandenagorewithout Delay, assuring them, that they had nothing to apprehend from the Resentment of the Suba; that if once the two Nations were engagedin Hostilities, theMoorswould not come to the Succour of either; and that after all, there were but Three hundred Matchlock Men inHughley. He saw from the Beginning the Mischief that was to be feared; and the only Remedy that could be applied. He therefore very freely pointed out the one, and very warmly recommended the other. It had been a very happy Event, if his Counsel had been then taken.
On the Twenty-first ofFebruary, in the Evening, Mr.Wattsarrived in the Camp, and had his Audience of the Suba, who embraced him, gave him the strongest Assurances that every thing should be adjusted speedily, and to his Satisfaction; adding a Promise of the Surpau, (Sirrapah) or Vest of Honour, which, however, Mr.Wattsdeclined receiving, till they came toMuxadavad. He was very soon sensible of the Difficulty of his Task, the Pains he must be at in tracing the Goods taken from their several Factories, the procuring actual Restitution in some Cases, an equitable Equivalent in others; the restoring a free Commerce, which had been stopped, by express Orders, from the very Beginning of theTroubles; and in doing all this, of the almost insurmountable Obstacles that the Mutability of the Suba's Inclinations, the Intrigues of theFrench, the Insinuations of Ministers, swayed solely by their own Interests, would throw in his Way. But he saw, that the true Source of all these Embarrassments was the Suba's Insincerity, and the Scheme he had formed of resuming his Despotism, in regard to theEuropeans, by borrowing their own Assistance, and playing one Nation against another, till, by the weakening of their Forces in such Disputes, he became too strong for both. His Project was too great for his Capacity; he did what he could to execute it, but it was beyond his Force, and his very manner of managing it defeated his Design.
The public Declarations of this irresolute Prince, were diametrically opposite to the whole Tenor of his Conduct. He had no sooner concluded the Treaty with Us, than he wrote to AdmiralWatsonin the warmest Terms of Friendship, and in a very remarkable Letter to ColonelCliveassures him, that our Enemies should be his, as he expected that we should look upon his Enemies asours; and that he depended upon the Assistance of theEnglishfor maintaining the future Tranquility of his Dominions. But when Mr.Wattscommunicated to him at large the Reasons that might induce us to reduce theFrenchSettlement atChandenagore, he made no Scruple of altering his Language. He then said, he would not suffer the Peace of his Territories to be violated by either Nation; that he would protect both, while they remained quiet; that he would assist theFrenchwith all his Forces, if we, after this, ever attacked them; and that he would join us in like Manner, if we were attacked by theFrench. All this, however, was far from imposing on those who were at the Head of our Affairs. Mr.Wattsframed his Precautions so well, that he knew exactly the Measures which the Suba took, or was inclined to take, and gave the most early Intelligence of them to the Select Committee, who, from thence, were well enabled to take their own; by which his Schemes were disappointed without Noise, and without so much as suspecting their having any such Informations; though these came chiefly from his own Head-Spy, who, by an Applicationthese Sort of People rarely can resist, Mr.Wattshad brought over entirely to the Company's Interests.
By comparing his private Intrigues with some of his more public Transactions, there could not be a Shadow of Doubt left as to his real Intentions, though he always dissembled, and often disavowed them. Immediately after his Treaty with Us, and consequently after he knew that they were our Enemies, he bellowed upon them very conspicuous Marks of Kindness, and such as could not fail of affording Umbrage to theEnglish. He made them, as has been before-mentioned, a Present of a Lack of Rupees in ready Money; he cancelled an Obligation they had given him for twice that Sum; he promised them the Privileges of a Mint; he proposed granting them a very considerable Augmentation of Territory; and even went so far, as to offer them the Possession of the City ofHughley. These were Circumstances that indicated their standing much in his good Graces, or that he expected from them Services equivalent to these substantial and extraordinary Benefits. The Truth, as far as itcould ever be discovered, was this. They, and his Ministers in their Interest, made him believe their Strength in his Dominions to be very far beyond what it really was. Besides this, they magnified their Successes in other Parts, and took a great deal of Pains to persuade him, that Mr.Bussy, with a very numerous Army, was within a little Distance of his Territories, and might either fall upon, or come to his Support against, any Enemy, according as he should behave towards them. These Representations, the Nature of the Suba considered, may in some measure, and only in some measure, account for the Part that he acted.
As Mr.Wattswas upon the Spot, watched every Motion of the Suba, knew exactly the Character of his Courtiers and principal Ministers, and had the most certain Intelligence of every thing that passed, he continued to represent the Necessity of attackingChandenagore. He saw that, as far as his Timidity would suffer him to go, the Suba was already united to theFrench. He was satisfied that he dealt deceitfully with theEnglish; more especially after Mr.Wattsprevailedon ColonelCliveto write to the Suba, in the strongest Terms, that he might confide in him on every Occasion; and that on any Emergency he would march at his Request to his Assistance, against all his Enemies. After this, the Suba never mentioned any Desire or Thoughts of demanding Aid from theBritishNation. Mr.Wattswas therefore convinced that we could never gain him; and that, though now he temporized, he waited only a fit Season to act against us, in Conjunction with theFrench, upon whom he was daily heaping Favours, while it was with much Difficulty, and in consequence of repeated Sollicitations, he was ever brought to do common Justice to us. In this Situation Mr.Wattsexhorted the Admiral, the Colonel, and the Select Committee, not to let slip this favourable Opportunity, and to apprehend nothing from the Suba's Resentment, who would never venture to give them any Succours, or take an open Part in their Favour, or to our Prejudice. But if the Fleet was once gone, and a fair Occasion offered, he would as certainly embrace it, and begin a new War, with as little Scruple as he had done the last, with more Advantageon his Side, and less on ours: Arguments, which, though strong and self-evident, did not meet with general Acceptance.
The Select Committee, though they paid great Deference to the Advice, and had a very just Sense of the Zeal, of Mr.Watts, for the Nation and the Company's Service; yet they were very unwilling to venture again upon Hostilities, from a strong Suspicion that the Suba, whether he actually joined the Enemy or not, would suspend the Execution of the Treaty, renew the Interruption of their Trade, and by that Means hinder their Investments for another Year. They knew so well, and dreaded so much, the Consequences that would have inevitably attended such an Event, that, in spite of all Mr.Wattscould allege, they inclined to a Neutrality. This was an Expedient the Suba had proposed, and was another visible Indication of what were his secret and settled Intentions. The Sentiments, or rather the Sollicitations of the Select Committee, prevailed upon the Admiral and the Colonel to acquiesce in this Plan; insomuch that the latter wrote in very strong and pathetic Terms to the Suba, informinghim, that whatever Representations of a contrary Nature he might have received, yet himself was very confident, that his Forces were able to reduceChandenagorein Two days; nevertheless, in consideration of the great Repugnancy he shewed to the disturbing the Tranquility of the Province, he would, out of pure Regard to the Suba's Friendship, consent to such a Neutrality as he proposed, provided it was guarantied by him, and he solemnly undertook to act with all his Forces against that Nation by which it was first infringed.
When Mr.Wattssaw, that after all he had offered against it, this Point was driven thus far, and that in all Probability it would be speedily concluded, he turned his Thoughts to the giving it still greater Security, and with that View advised, thatJuggut Seatshould undertake for the due Performance of whatever should be agreed upon by theFrench; which, considering the Influence that his Debt gave him over them, and the high Credit in which he stood with the Suba and his Ministers, appeared to be the only Method of giving to this Measure the utmost Consistencyof which it was capable. This shews how perfectly well-disposed Mr.Wattswas to facilitate any Step taken for the Company's Service, though ever so contrary to his own Opinion; and at the same Time affords a Proof of his thorough Knowlege of Men and Things in that Country, by which he was enabled to devise the Means of rendering this Convention more safe and more effectual, than any that had been proposed by such as had originally planned, and now pressed its Execution. But though he discovered so much Integrity, and so much Abilities in suggesting this additional Strength to a Neutrality, he still looked upon it as diametrically opposite to the Company's true Interest, and as the single Step that could ever put it in the Power of the Suba and theFrench, to bring their deep and dangerous Designs to bear.
But when all seemed to be absolutely settled, and nothing wanting to this Neutrality but the concluding and signing it in Form, theFrenchthemselves overturned it, by avowing that they had no sufficient Authority to support an Act of that Nature, which might be declared invalid by their Superiors. Mr.Wattsimmediately laid hold on and improved this very unexpected Incident, by representing, in the strongest Light, to the Suba, the Condescension shewn him by theBritishby accepting, and the Indignity offered to him by theFrenchin rejecting, his Expedient. This had so great an Effect, that in the first Transport of his Resentment he directed a Letter to be written to Vice-AdmiralWatson, in which he tacitly permitted the Attack of theFrenchFactory, by recommending Mercy to the Enemy when it should be reduced; and desiring the military Operations of theEnglishmight be conducted with as little Prejudice to his Country, or Disturbance to his People, as it was possible. Mr.Watts, who had secured the Suba's Secretary to our Interest, engaged him to pen this important Epistle in a proper Stile, so as to permit the Attack immediately, and to dispatch it without Delay: Precautions, which were of the utmost Consequence, and which, in the Event, gave us all those Advantages we afterwards reaped, and which, through the Blessing of Divine Providence, we still possess inBengal.
As there was great Address used in obtainingthis Letter, so it arrived in the most critical Conjuncture. For, notwithstanding theFrenchhad avowed their Want of Power to conclude an effectual Neutrality, yet so much were some afraid of recurring again to Arms, that they were still for accepting of this Expedient, however precarious. Upon this, AdmiralWatsonheld a Council of War, to consider what was most proper to be done; and it was while this Council was actually sitting, wherein those who argued yet for a Neutrality insisted chiefly upon the Suba's Repugnancy to see the Flame of War, so lately extinguished, again rekindled in his Dominions, that this Letter was brought, which cut the Gordian Knot, and put an End to the Debate. How theFrenchcame to act in this Manner, and by so frank a Declaration defeat the Scheme of the Suba, and run themselves upon Destruction, is not easy to conceive. In all Probability, they did not imagine, that even, after this, we would venture to fall upon them, and they were willing to preserve to themselves, against a proper Season, the Liberty of attacking us; or, which is yet more probable, depended on the Suba's exerting his whole Force, in Case ofour besieging them, in their Defence; which would have rendered the Expedition much more difficult. Be this as it will, the Letter defeated all their Schemes; and the Sequel of the Transaction shewed how much better Mr.Wattswas acquainted with the Disposition of theMoors, and more thoroughly Master of the Suba's Temper, and Manner of acting, notwithstanding the Intrigues they had been so long carrying on in his Court, and their having such Connections with his Favourites and Ministers.——But let us now return from Reflections to Facts, and having clearly stated this very remarkable Stroke of Policy, resume the Thread of our Narrative.
Vice-AdmiralWatson, ColonelClive, and the Select Committee, came to this final Resolution, in the Beginning of the Month ofMarch, and entered with all the Diligence and Dispatch possible on the necessary Preparations for this important Expedition, well knowing that theFrenchwere not ignorant of their own Danger, or at all remiss or careless in providing against it.Chandenagore, the chief of their Settlements inBengal, was a Place very well situated on the Side of theRiver, Twenty-seven Miles aboveCalcutta, which is a Branch of theGanges, at a small distance belowHughley. The Director at this Settlement has under him theFrenchCompany's Factories ofCassimbuzar,Dacca,Patna,Jeuda, andBallasore. They prudently contrived, at the Beginning of the Troubles, to strengthen it with various Outworks and Batteries, had in it a Garrison of Five hundredEuropeansand Seven hundredBlacks, with some Mortars, and near Two hundred Pieces of Cannon mounted. They took the Precaution also to send away some of their Merchandize, and the best Part of their Effects, under Colour of providing the better for their Defence; raised considerable Magazines, which were well provided; and made such Dispositions, and kept so good a Countenance, as imposed upon most of theMoors, and perhaps upon some of themselves. As they chiefly feared the Squadron, they sunk Two Ships, a Ketch, a Hulk, a Snow, and a Vessel without Masts, directly in the Channel, within Gunshot of the Fort, and laid Two Booms, moored with Chains, across the River. Besides these, they sunk and ran on Shore Five large Vessels, above the Fort, that they mightthrow every Impediment possible in the Way of our Squadron. In consequence of these military Operations, which were very judiciously planned, and the best their Circumstances would admit, they resolved to stand the Attack; but whether they had any Hopes given them by the Suba of his Assistance, or whether they relied at all on his Insinuations of Aid, in case they were given, could not be learned; though he actually advanced a Corps of Troops, as we shall see hereafter, which might render such a Conjecture not at all improbable.
A Reinforcement of Three hundred Men fromBombayarriving atCalcutta, ColonelCliveadvanced by the River Side, with Seven hundred Whites, and Sixteen hundred Seapoys, towards theFrenchSettlement; and with very little Loss took Possession of most of the Out-Posts on the Fourteenth ofMarch. On the Fifteenth, the Enemy abandoned all their Batteries, notwithstanding these were very well disposed, and in exceeding good Order. He was now possessed of every Post they had, but the Fort, and a Redoubt seated between the River Side and the Fort Walls,wherein were mounted Eight Pieces of Cannon, Twenty-four Pounders, Four of which pointed down the River. The same Day AdmiralWatsonsailed with theKentof Sixty-four, theTygerandSalisbury, each of Fifty Guns, having previously sent a Twenty-Gun Ship, and a Sloop, to cover the Boats attending the Camp. On the Eighteenth, he anchored about Two Miles belowChandenagore, and the Troops on Shore being employed in raising a Battery against the Fort, the Weather becoming extremely foggy, and the Impediments before-mentioned being of Necessity to be removed, occasioned some Delay. The First Thing to be done was clearing the River; and the Booms being cut, and running adrift, a proper Passage was soon discovered, by sounding, and without losing Time in weighing theFrenchVessels. While this was about, the brave AdmiralPocock, who was just arrived atCulpeein theCumberland, resolving to have a Share in the Action, came in his Long-Boat, and going on board his Majesty's Ship theTyger, hoisted his Flag there. On the Twenty-third, at Six in the Morning, theTyger,Kent, andSalisbury,weighed. About Ten Minutes after the Enemy began to fire from the Redoubt, but their Artillery was soon silenced by theTyger. Before Seven the Ships were properly stationed, and the Signal being given, the Engagement began; the Firing continuing very brisk on both Sides, till a Quarter after Nine, when the Besieged hung out a Flag of Truce, and the Articles of Capitulation were very quickly settled and signed. In consequence of this, CaptainLatham, of theTyger, was dispatched by Vice-AdmiralWatsonto receive the Keys of the Fort, into which ColonelClivemarched with the Troops about Five in the Afternoon. ThusChandenagore, according to the Scheme originally proposed, constantly insisted upon, and at last rendered practicable by Mr.Watts, with all theFrenchsubordinate Settlements in the Province ofBengal, were reduced; and thereby most of the Schemes laid for the future Destruction ofCalcutta, and the otherEnglishFactories, rendered abortive. An Expedition, in the first Instance, glorious to theBritishArms, and in its Consequences, as from the Sequel of this Relation will appear, of the highest Importance.
This signal Advantage was not obtained without some Loss. AdmiralPocockwas wounded, but not dangerously. The gallant CaptainHenry Speke, equally distinguished by the Clearness of his Head and the Warmth of his Heart, who commanded theKent, on board which Vice-AdmiralWatsonwore his Flag, received a Wound from a Cannon Shot, which unhappily carried away the Leg of his Son, who deceased soon after, a Youth of the most amiable Character, extraordinary Learning, and admirable Abilities. The first Lieutenant, Mr.Samuel Perreau, and the Master of theTyger, were both killed; the Third and Fourth Lieutenants were also wounded; and the former died. Of the private Men there were Thirty-two killed, and One hundred wounded. The Enemy had Forty killed and Seventy wounded in the Fort. They must be allowed to have defended themselves with great Spirit and Resolution, and probably would not have submitted so soon, if they had not suffered severely from ColonelClive's Batteries, and been still more galled by the Fire of his Men, from the flat Roofs of the Houses, which in Truth made it almost impossible for them to stand to theirGuns. A Part of theFrenchTroops made their Escape, and marched Northwards, after whom ColonelClivesent a Detachment of Six hundred Seapoys, and Vice AdmiralWatsonordered several Boats up the River ofHughley, to seize upon whatever wasFrenchProperty; notwithstanding which, a great deal of the Company's Effects and Merchandize were concealed and carried away. This Blow was very decisive in reference to theFrench, whose Measures it entirely broke, by rendering the Schemes they had formed, with respect to the Suba, utterly impracticable. On the other hand, it released theEnglishfrom the Apprehensions they were under of being again attacked inCalcutta, in case the Squadron had left them without reducing this Place. These were so far from being Suspicions lightly founded, that their Danger was so great and so apparent, considering the Circumstances they were then in, and the Suba's delaying to restore their Artillery, that, if not encouraged by this Event, they would have been very slow in re-settlingCalcutta. Happy as those immediate Effects were! they were hardly so much as remembred, after the greater Advantages that followed; which demonstratedhow justly this Resolution was taken, and in what a critical Conjuncture it was executed.
We have before hinted, that, notwithstanding the Suba had transmitted a Letter of Permission to Vice-AdmiralWatsonto act as he thought proper against theFrench, without which Letter the Admiral and the Colonel would not have proceeded, nay went farther, and recommended them to his Mercy, yet he presently changed his Mind. He desired Mr.Wattsto write to the Colonel, that he would not have War made in his Country, by which the People under his Government must suffer, the King's Revenues be lessened, and the Tranquility of his Dominions disturbed. TheFrench, who had misled him from the Beginning, deceived him to the very last. They assured him, that, in the first Attack, theEnglishhad been repulsed with Loss, and gave him to understand, that they did not doubt obliging them to retire. The Suba was so much embarrassed by the contradictory Reports he heard, and looked upon this Transaction to concern him so nearly, that he wrote Letter after Letter to ColonelClive, who is said to have received no less than Ten of them in one Day, and these in very opposite Stiles; which the Colonel answered punctually, with all the Calmness and Complaisance imaginable, expressing great Concern at the Impression which the Calumnies of his Enemies had made on that Prince's Mind, and assuring him of his sincere Attachment, as long as he adhered to the Treaty. At length the Suba grew so very uneasy, that he sentMutrumul, in whom he said he placed great Confidence, to the Colonel, with Orders to act, if there was any room for it, as a Mediator. But the Situation of Things at his Arrival made such a Commission visibly impracticable; whichMutrumulperceiving, extolled theEnglishhighly, and threw all the Blame upon theFrench. To give Weight, however, to this intended Mediation,Roydoolubadvanced, by his Master's Command, at the Head of Six thousand Men, within a small Distance ofHughley. But to prevent this from giving any Umbrage,Mutrumul, when the Attack was made, assured the Colonel, thatRoydoolubhad the Suba's Instructions to obey his Orders, which the Colonel took in exceeding good Part, and returned that PrinceThanks for this gracious Offer of his Assistance. The Moment the Place surrendered, he gave Notice of it to the Suba, and ascribed his Success to the Favour of Heaven and his Excellency's Auspice, under which his Arms had been so fortunate. A Compliment, which the Suba knew not how to receive with even a tolerable Grace, or to reject without giving Offence. In reality, he had brought his Affairs by this time into a very perplexed Condition, of which he was sensible, now it was too late; though very probably he might not have Sagacity enough to discern, that the Whole of these Misfortunes had no other Source than the Unsteadiness of his Councils, and the Duplicity of his Conduct. What we have already said will afford Proofs more than sufficient to establish this; but as the setting it in a clear Light will be the best means of explaining the Motives to the Transactions that ensued, we hope the subsequent Remarks will not appear tedious to the Reader.
The Suba, wanting alike in Parts and in Experience, unable to reject bad Counsels, and prone to pursue his own Notions, as faras they could be carried by his Power, shewed plainly from the very Beginning, that he had no formed System; and if he could be stiled so at all, was certainly a bad Politician. His setting out was by breaking at once with all theEuropeanNations; which, if their reciprocal Jealousies of each other, and some other Circumstances, had not hindered, must have united them all against him, and that Union would have rendered his Scheme abortive. As this did not happen, it encouraged him to take another wrong Step, by attacking and destroying theEnglish, without having so much as a plausible Pretence. This Act of arbitrary Violence visibly subverted the Foundation of his own Scheme, if it ever had any, by proving, in the strongest Manner, that noEuropeanNation could subsist as Merchants in his Dominions, without having Places so well fortified, as not to lie at his Mercy. When, therefore, he was reduced to the Necessity of concluding a Treaty, the very Basis of that Treaty was his confessing this last Position to be well founded, and admitting by his own Consent, as the only practicable Grounds of Peace, what he had before laid down as the Reason of his taking upArms. But when he had done this, and might have been quiet, by adhering constantly to that Treaty, he again mistook his Point. Uniformity of Conduct was so little in his Constitution, that he immediately lost all the Advantages he seemed to have sought by that Measure, and which indeed were clearly asserted to have been the Objects he had in View, in his Letters to AdmiralWatsonand ColonelClive, by shewing a visible Repugnance to the Execution of it in every Step, and doing that slowly and ungracefully, which, if he had done chearfully and at once, might have procured him the Confidence of theEnglish, and have thoroughly extricated him from those Difficulties into which his first Errors had plunged him.
His Conduct with regard to theFrenchwas to the full as inconsiderate, and no less inconsistent. His Kindness, Friendship, or whatever it was towards them, was as fatal as his Aversion or Dislike had been to theEnglish, and productive of the very same Misfortunes. He was undoubtedly imposed upon and misled by the fake Impressions he received from them of their Strength: Butin this he was inexcusable, as these Representations were grounded only upon vague and uncertain Reports of what they had done, and of what Strength they had in other Parts of theIndies, from whence all the Assistance they could give him was to be hoped, and this against a Power, the Weight of which he had already felt; and to say nothing of the Obligation he was under to maintain that Peace he had solemnly confirmed by his Oath, which was still at his very Doors. If he had really intended, as he seemed very desirous it should be believed it was his Intention, to preserve Peace in his Dominions, and to prevent theEnglishandFrenchfrom committing Hostilities against each other in them, to the Prejudice of Commerce, in which he was principally interested, and which was also, and was allowed to be, the common Concern of all, he might by acting firmly have carried that Point, by insisting upon a Neutrality under his Guaranty, and a peremptory Declaration that he would stop the Trade, and seize the Effects of that Nation, which violated a Neutrality so concluded; since under this it is certain theEnglishwould have acquiesced, and, without the Encouragementor Assistance of the Suba, theFrenchdurst not have broke it. But his Intrigues with them, or, as many thought, a Secret Treaty, encouraged their Director to declare, that he was not vested with Authority to conclude any such Neutrality; and even this, which he always knew, he did not acknowlege, until the Time was lost, in which he might have obtained it fromPondicherry; and this plainly put theEnglishunder a Necessity of exerting the Force then in their Hands without Delay, which ended in the takingChandenagore. Here again, if he had ever had any settled Principle of Action, would have been his Time to have shewn it; for if, upon ColonelClive's marching, he had assisted theFrenchwith his whole Force, he might very probably have saved them. But as he had hitherto been all along the Dupe of their Politics, so in this Instance they were the Dupes of his, and were sacrificed to his Want of Steadiness and Spirit. On the whole, therefore, it became evident, that the Suba was more dangerous to his Friends than to his Enemies; and the Hazard of being hurt lay not in opposing, but in placing any Confidence in him. A Lesson, which, as it hadbeen taught by his first Actions, so, from the Bent of a stubborn Disposition Events could not correct, he took care to inculcate it from time to time, as long as it was in his Power to act at all.
ColonelCliveused repeated Endeavours to extricate him, if he would have permitted it, out of all his Difficulties. He laboured in his Letters to convince him, that as the Attack and Reduction ofChandenagoreproceeded entirely from the Behaviour of theFrenchthemselves, so it could not be any-way prejudicial to him, or to his Subjects. He assured him, that theEnglishwould not suffer his Revenue to be impaired, by their being Masters of the Place; but were disposed, under equitable Conditions, to re-place the Customs paid by theFrench; and that they were well satisfied with their own Possessions, and did not desire to enlarge or to extend them. On the contrary, they were ready to give him whatever Satisfaction he could demand, of their Willingness to acquiesce under any Terms, and to comply with such Measures as should appear most expedient for restoring and preserving the Tranquility of his Country; thattheir Minds were entirely set upon Commerce; that they became military merely by Force; but that they most ardently wished to return to, and be known by him only in, their old Occupation of Merchants; that, as things stood, their Interest rendered it absolutely requisite to expel theFrenchout ofBengal, to prevent new Disputes, which was his Interest likewise; and that, if he would do it himself, they should be well satisfied, and consider it as a Favour. That he had been exceedingly imposed upon, in respect to the Conduct of that Nation, on the Coast ofCoromandel, where theNabobsthey had espoused were obliged to make exorbitant Grants, in Acknowledgement for their Assistance; that, in consequence of this, they had torn away whole Provinces, of which they were in full Possession; while, on the other hand, theEnglishhad lent theNabobs, with whom they had taken Part, purely on account of their being the King's Officers, very large Sums of Money; with the Repayment of which they would be well content, without soliciting, extorting, or even accepting any Grants whatever. That he might from thence judge of the Temper of the two Nationsand the Difference that he would find in having either of them for his Allies; and that therefore, if he regarded his own Welfare, he would adhere strictly to, and punctually fulfil, the Treaty he had made; which if he did, he might not only rely upon the Support that had been promised him, but that he might be assured, he would personally lose the last Drop of his Blood, and sacrifice the last Man under his Command, in his Service, against any of his real Enemies, whenever his Occasions might require it. Vice-AdmiralWatsonwrote also to him to the same Purpose.
The Suba, who was equally dissatisfied with and disturbed at the State of his Affairs, and found himself obliged to be at a great Expence in keeping Troops in the Field, knew not what to say or how to act. He declared, however, positively, against our reducing theFrenchsubordinate Factories; would not hear of making the Remains of their Forces Prisoners, and delivering them up to theEnglish; but, however, discovered no Scruple at all in seizing upon their Effects, under Colour of doing it to make Satisfaction to hisown Subjects, who were their Creditors. At the same time he ordered theFrenchto quit his Dominions, directing them to march towardsPatna. He likewise paid farther Sums of Money to the Company's Servants, and gave them Hopes, that he would both strictly and speedily fulfil his Treaty in every respect. In regard to the Artillery, which he did not restore, he alleged, that he was distressed himself for want of Cannon, and was willing to purchase them. In this manner things went on for a Month or Six Weeks, during which Space every Method was practised that could lessen his Apprehensions, or free him from that Terror which he seemed to have of theEnglishadvancing their Forces into the Heart of his Country. He was even permitted, upon a Rumour that the Garrison ofCassimbuzarwas augmented to Five hundred Men, to send his own Officers to inspect it, who found and reported, that there was not above a Tenth Part of the Number. The same Compliances were made in many Respects.
But in the midst of these Compliances and Concessions, instead of growing milder andbetter disposed, the Suba shewed very evident Marks of his being more and more exasperated against those who gave them. He fell again to caballing with theFrench; and instead of compelling those who had escaped to quit his Country, as he engaged expressly, he took that little Body of Men, which were aboutPatna, into his Pay, at the Rate of Ten thousand Rupees a Month, of which Mr.Wattsprocured the Intelligence, and communicated it to the Committee. He turned all his Attention towards Mr.Bussy, who, as he was made to believe, had an Army of Twenty thousand Men, and with which he might march speedily into his Dominions. When these Rumours at any time sunk, he was more tractable; but as soon as they revived, he became as imperious and as much out of Humour as ever. Vice-AdmiralWatsonhaving sent him Several pressing Letters, exhorting him to act suitable to his Dignity, agreeable to his own Interests, for the Good of his Subjects, to give no Ear to idle Reports, to accomplish his Promises, and fulfil the several Articles of his Treaty, he gave no Answers to them, but complained that they wrote in so severe a Stile, that he knewnot how to reply to them. At length his Uneasinesses, Jealousies, and Suspicions, rose so high, that he ordered all the Boats to be searched that came up toCassimbuzar, and publickly declared, that if any Powder or Ammunition was found aboard, that he would order the Noses and Ears of the Watermen to be cut off, which was a direct Breach of his Treaty. He could not help knowing, that this Method of acting must have a very disadvantageous Effect upon the Affairs of theEnglishin his Dominions, and impede and perplex their Commercial Transactions exceedingly. He could not be ignorant that this would diminish his own Income, distress his Subjects, and lessen both their Subsistence and their Industry. But alas! he was so much under the Dominion of his Passions, that he considered only gratifying his Caprice; and acting from no Motive, could discern no Consequences. Hapless as a Man! more hapless as a Prince! he had as little Fear of falling into Difficulties, as, when fallen, he had Skill to get out of them.
An Attempt has been already made togive the Reader some Idea of the melancholy and mortifying Situation of Mr.Watts, who resided on the Part of the Company at the Suba's Court, whose Perplexities daily increased, and whose Anxieties hourly multiplied, though they had not yet reached to those Circumstances of Disgust and Distress that they afterwards did. He saw himself almost constantly on bad Terms with that Prince, and of course upon no good ones with his Ministers and Favourites. The Suba never forgave him extracting that important, and, as he conceived it, fatal Letter of Permission to AdmiralWatson; to which, without much Injustice, he ascribed solely the attacking and takingChandenagore. It was from Mr.Wattshe received, from Day to Day, those grating Remonstrances that so much displeased him, and those admonitory Letters that made still a deeper Impression. He ought, in Strictness, to have considered him, on these Occasions, as the Instrument only of the Company; but his Warmth and Assiduity in all these frequent Applications, made the Suba look no farther than himself. He was obliged to confer with him daily, and, if he was absent, called for him,as being uneasy if he missed him, whence of course he beheld him often, and yet but very seldom with a gracious Eye. Mr.Wattssaw, felt, and understood these numberless Inconveniencies, to which he was exposed, and which, as we have observed, heightened upon him every Hour. But the Consolation he derived from the kind Letters of AdmiralWatsonand ColonelClive, who had a true and lively Sense of his Services and Sufferings, kept up his Spirits, and enabled him to pursue his Business with a Vivacity that entirely concealed, though it could not remove, but rather augmented, his interior Chagrin. Besides this, he had another Satisfaction, which was getting most Part of the Treaty executed, tho with infinite Trouble; and this procured him the hearty Approbation of the Select Committee, who were now convinced, that he not only did all that could be done, but more than most Men could have done in his Station. As ill as he was treated by him, he continued to render the Suba many good Offices; giving the Committee to understand, that, in all human Probability, they should gradually obtain all that they desired, and that therefore they should not be impatient.He prevailed also upon ColonelCliveto promise the Suba from time to time his Assistance; and he laboured more incessantly to convince that Prince, that, if he would confide in theEnglish, he had no Reason to fear either foreign or domestic Enemies, with which, when he thought himself in Danger, he was well enough pleased; but when that was in any Degree over, he shewed a visible Uneasiness at his having confessed that he stood in need of such Assistance.