VALLEY OFMEXICO
In this game of independence, the Mexican peoples had exhausted their resources, destroyed in a great measure the industries of the country, spent their money, and wasted rivers of blood. Many of their best generals were either driven from the country, or dead upon the field. They might have gone on, it is true,pronouncingand killing each other indefinitely, but for the sharp lesson that was taught them by the cruel exigencies of a foreign war.
That some lesson should come was perhaps inevitable, like a quick, sharp box on the ears, to bring such naughty children to their senses, and stop their foolish trifling with life and reputation. But it was hard that the blow should come from the hand of a nation which ought to have taken the place of an elder brother to these foolish and heedless children,—a hand which should have gently led them to peace and reconciliation instead of promoting discord.
The Mexicans, undoubtedly, helped to bring upon themselves the misfortunes that came swiftly upon them. Like all people whose own folly has put them on the wrong track, they were sure to do the wrong thing. They were heavily punished accordingly.
The United States had in a hundred years spread over the great western lands of North America with surprising rapidity, and now approached the regions which Cortés had laid claim to three centuries before. This claim was but vague, for the deserts and plains of the north were not accessible or inviting; still some posts were established, while the boundary line which should put a stop to the encroachments of either country was still unsettled. The territory west of the Sabine River and east of the Rio Grande came under discussion.
Moses Austin, born in Durham, Connecticut, asouthwestern pioneer, applied to the Mexican Commandant-General in Monterey in 1820 for permission to colonize three hundred families in Texas. Without waiting for his answer, he set out towards the Sabine River, was robbed and abandoned in that deserted waste, and died of the disease he caught by exposure soon after finding his way back to Louisiana. The grant was made, and given to his son, who had it confirmed in the city of Mexico, and it was he who founded the colony which has since become the capital of Texas, named Austin after him. More grants of land were willingly made by the Mexican government, who thought well of encouraging settlers as protectors against the savage hordes that infested the northern part of their country; and colonization went on, chiefly by people of the United States, until these emigrants to Texas far outnumbered the Mexicans. The difference of race and education was strongly marked between these sturdy settlers of Anglo-Saxon origin, and the chance stragglers from Mexico, not the best specimens of the Latin race. This population had no sympathy with the pronunciamentos and jealousies of the capital, and the result, as we have seen, was a revolt against Mexican rule in 1835, in consequence of the acts of the Federal government.
Santa Anna hastened to the scene with his army, but the rebellious forces, under the brilliant command of "Sam" Houston, General, Governor, and afterward President, were everywhere triumphant, and Texas declared herself an independent Republic, which maintained its separate existence betweenthe two great powers on each side of it till 1844, recognized not only by these, but by the European states.
The subject of the annexation of Texas to the United States began to be spoken of and strongly urged by the Texans themselves, but the movement was wholly disapproved by the party in that country opposed to the extension of slavery, since by the agreement then existing, all new territory south of a certain line permitted slavery, while the States north of it abjured it. In spite of the opposition of the North, however, Texas was admitted into the American Union by an act ratified in Congress in March 1845.
This act was regarded by the Mexicans as an act of aggression. As Texas was at the time wholly independent of Mexico, its right was undoubted to annex itself to another country; but on the part of the United States the act is scarcely to be justified according to the laws of honor and international good faith. It was at any rate approved only by one section of the country, the other regarding every additional step leading to a foreign war with a neighboring government hitherto friendly, with regret and displeasure.
The party which favored the measure began to make preparations for hostile demonstrations with alacrity. The American Republic had now long been at peace. Prosperous, safe from enemies abroad, peaceful at home, with plenty of money in her treasury, her military schools training a small body of officers in the latest science of the art of war,she was in perfectly good condition to resist an attack, and had the cause been a popular one, every State in the Union would have offered with alacrity volunteer troops for the field.
The correspondence between the two countries grew embittered, and as time went on more and more unfriendly. During the negotiation of the treaty for annexation, war was permitted to go on in Texas; the government of the United States protested. In the war of words which followed, the Mexicans made and unfortunately reiterated the declaration that they should consider the ratification of the treaty as equivalent to a declaration of war.
During this period of agitation and irritation, the Mexicans went on with "Plans" and pronunciamentos. Herrera was President during 1844, during which short period Congress decreed the destruction of Santa Anna. Farías returned to the Republic from a voluntary exile abroad. General Paredes on his way to the north with an army to check the approach of United States forcespronounceda revolution and "Plan" at San Luis, and returned to Mexico to enforce it. He was made President, and remained in office six months, giving way then to a pronunciamento against him which resulted in putting General Don Nicholas Bravo at the head of government.
In all this confusion, hurrying to and fro to find a government, there was no true leader of affairs to dictate wise and moderate steps in such an emergency. Santa Anna, the military genius of the country, was ready to serve it in his own way, by placing himself at the head of an army.
Troops were not wanting, for popular indignation was roused, and popular vanity stimulated by the idea of a war with the powerful neighboring Republic. It was pretty generally thought in the cities and towns that the result of the combat would be an easy victory. The one thing Mexicans were sure of about themselves was that they could fight, and the popular impression about the United States on the other hand, was that they could not. They had long been at peace, and without practice in arms, while it was well known that the war was unpopular in the Northern States.
The Mexicans therefore rushed to arms with their usual alacrity, little fearing the result. The Indians, all unconscious of the horrors of an invading army swarming over their villages and devastating the country, saw armies marching towards the north through their pueblos with indifference. Their eyes and ears were but too familiar with the sound of drum and the flying colors of the national flag. Their interests, their liberty, had little to do with the tempests that raged over them.
The Mexican army was characterized by many of the necessary qualities of good soldiery. Patient and suffering, requiring but little subsistence, with great capacity for enduring fatigue, and with enough physical courage to enable them to encounter danger without fear, the Mexican soldiers when properly led compared well with the troops of other nations. But corruption existed among their officers from the highest to the lowest grade; commissions were sometimes given by the functionaries of government as rewardsfor private services, discreditable to the giver and recipient. The army included, besides the troops of the line, the active battalions of the different states and the local national guards of the cities.
The cavalry had a high reputation, both at home and abroad. Many other corps were well disciplined, and the men were expert in all feats of horsemanship, since riding is now a universal accomplishment in the country where, three hundred years ago, the horses of the Conquistadores were regarded as supernatural creatures. Those of Mexico are considered inferior in speed and power, though possessing endurance in a remarkable degree. The carbines with which the cavalry were armed were, for the most part, of a model behind the times, and useless when accuracy of aim was necessary.
The Mexican artillery contained many foreigners among its officers; its juniors were the pupils of the Military College at Chapultepec, where they were well taught the theory of arms. Mexican revolutions had given them plenty of practice, and in gunnery they were exceedingly proficient. Their guns were fine, but clumsily mounted, and therefore hard to move. Light artillery, as practised by modern troops, was but little known or used among the Mexicans until it was taught them by the enemy.
The infantry was in many respects tolerably well drilled, and severe discipline was enforced with the privates. Ceremonious etiquette and detail duties were punctiliously observed. The muskets of the infantry were inferior, and the men were by no means proficient in their accurate use.
The organization of the staff depended much on the general who happened to be in command. There existed an enormous disproportion of generals, and their number was so great that it was said at the time they had rather a brigade of generals than generals of brigade. The country was full of arms and munitions of war, such as they were, of ancient manufacture; but for replenishing the supply, Mexico had no resources, beyond the repair of partial damages. Such an establishment as a national armory was unknown in the country.
Of maritime power Mexico was and is utterly destitute. A few steamers and sailing vessels were on her list at the beginning of hostilities, but they were not put upon a war footing, and no attempt was made at naval warfare.
In the spring of 1846, General Taylor of the regular army of the United States was sent to the mouth of the Rio Grande, or Rio Bravo del Norte, as it is also called, with a small force. Mexican troops also assembled there, and a conflict was precipitated by a Mexican ambuscade on the Texas side of the river, which attacked a small party of dragoons, reconnoitering. In this skirmish sixteen Americans were killed or wounded, and the whole force was captured. This was the beginning of hostilities. The Mexican army crossed the Rio Grande, and on the 8th of May the battle of Palo Alto was fought, and that of Resaca de la Palma on the next day. Both of these places are on the Texas side of the river. The Mexicans were defeated in each engagement, and they left the field with a better opinion of the capacity of American troops than the one they held before. The rout of the Mexicans was complete; their pieces of light artillery, their camp, and five hundred pack-mules and saddles remained in the hands of their enemies. General Arista, the commander of the Mexican force, lost his personal baggage, plate, and public correspondence. The numberof killed and wounded was estimated at more than a thousand.
After this action, both parties crossed the river, and Mexico became the theatre of warfare. The Mexican army withdrew at first to Matamoras, at the mouth of the Rio Grande, and afterward to San Luis de Potosi; Arista was deprived of his command, and brought to trial before a council of war.
This was the opening of the conflict, and this might well have been the end, if Mexico had been capable of rational negotiation. But there was no government long enough in place to be negotiated with. The special envoy sent from Washington, agreeably to an intimation on the part of one President, that negotiations would be cordially entered upon, was refused an audience by the new President who had usurped the place of the other one. Such weakness in Mexican high places furnished an excuse to the American government for continuing the war, while this same weakness on the part of their antagonist made it almost discreditable for the United States to continue an aggressive warfare upon forces so unequal.
However, the war was begun. Hostilities had been opened by Mexico, and the American people of all parties were aroused. Bills were promptly passed in Washington providing men, money, and munitions with alacrity, as if there were but one opinion of the justice of the cause. The President was authorized to call for volunteers, in any number not exceeding fifty thousand, to serve for the period of one year, or during the war, and volunteers readily answered the appeal to arms.
"Indemnity for the past and security for the future," is the watchword of the United States in its wars with foreign nations. As indemnity for the wrongs inflicted by Mexico,—that is, her objection to the admission of Texas to the Union, it was determined to cross her boundary line and seize upon her territory.
California, then sparsely settled, and comparatively unknown, at a long distance from the central and civilized part of Mexico, had been explored already by American travellers, who brought back accounts of its climate, fertile soil, and mineral resources that showed it to be worth having. The harbors on its coasts were known to be the only good ones on the shores of the Northern Pacific Ocean. California lay immediately south of the United States territory of Oregon, with no defined natural boundary between them. Many Americans were already settled there, and altogether it seemed well to transfer this goodly region to the keeping of the United States. New Mexico, another department of the Mexican Republic, lying upon the direct route to California, and in great part included in the boundaries claimed by Texas upon her admission to the Union, was also another territory that claimed attention.
It would be too much to say that the United States began hostilities with a neighboring republic, shaken by internal discord, its government little better than anarchy, and weak from continuous civil war, for the sake of snatching from that country a large part of its territory to enlarge its own alreadywide proportions. But since the Mexicans, foolishly and wickedly, had given fair pretext for quarrel, and afterwards, with the obstinacy of naughty children, refused to recede, and persisted in resorting to arms, actually making the first attack, it seemed well to the United States government to call this the inevitable, and accept it with all the benefits arising from such a course.
Their general plan of operations was to seize and occupy the coveted territories as "indemnity for the expenses of war," while an army invading the heart of Mexico should force an agreement to terms of peace.
In pursuance of this plan, an American squadron appeared before the fort of Monterey, on the Pacific, in Alta California, on the 7th of July, two months after the first shots of warfare on the Rio Grande. This Monterey must not be confounded with the other Mexican town of the same name. The Mexicans evacuated the place with the few soldiers who constituted the garrison. On the same day two hundred and fifty seamen landed, and took possession, and hoisted the American flag. This course was in pursuance of instructions from the Secretary of the Navy to the commander of the Pacific squadron, thus expressed in a letter, written as early as June 24, 1845: "It is the earnest desire of the President to pursue the policy of peace, and he is anxious that you, and every part of your squadron, should be assiduously careful to avoid any act which could be construed into an act of aggression. Should Mexico, however, be resolutely bent on hostilities, you will be mindful to protect the persons and interests of citizens of the United States, and should you ascertain beyond a doubt that the Mexican government has declared war against us, you will employ the force under your command to the best advantage. The Mexican ports on the Pacific are said to be open and defenceless. If you ascertain with certainty that Mexico has declared war against the United States, you will at once blockade or occupy such ports as your force may admit."
MONTEREY, MEXICO.
Other ports were taken with equal ease; and the navy having joined forces with the army of Colonel Fremont, the Americans entered the capital of Alta California, on the 13th of August, and took possession of the government house without a show of opposition, issuing at once a proclamation announcing the conquest of the department.
Meanwhile General Taylor, greatly reinforced by volunteer troops sent from the United States, advanced into the interior of the country though the state of Nueva Leon, bordering upon the Rio Grande and the Gulf of Mexico, and approached its capital, the other Monterey. It lies at the eastern base of a range of hills, in a valley of great fertility, which is capable of supporting a large population. The main road from the Rio Grande to the city of Mexico leads from the east through a cultivated country, directly through the city, and continues by a pass through the Sierra, by Saltillo, and on to a desert region between Saltillo and San Luis de Potosi. A rivulet, the San Juan de Monterey, rises in this pass and crosses the valley. Monterey stands on the northern bank of this rivulet, and extends along the stream. At the time of the battle it contained about two thousand inhabitants. A spur of the mountain Sierra juts out above the city to the west, and on this is perched the picturesque Obispado Viejo, or Old Palace, built by a bishop of the last century for his pleasure-seat.
GENERAL TAYLOR.
General Ampudia had the charge of the defence of the place, with over ten thousand men. The town was plentifully supplied with ammunition, and in the various batteries forty-two guns were mounted. Subsistence for some days, beef, cattle, and sheep, had been introduced into the city. The attacking force was known to be too small to completely invest the town.
The American army made a vigorous onslaught which was bravely resisted by the Mexicans. The siege lasted for four days, during which the position of the bishop's palace was keenly contested by both parties. This was stormed on the morning of the 22d, and carried by a brilliant attack; but the fate of the siege was not decided until the 25th, when the Mexican garrison evacuated the citadel, and retreated to Saltillo.
The force with which General Taylor had marched on Monterey was about six thousand five hundred men. The loss to the American army was twelve officers and one hundred and eight men killed, and thirty-one officers and three hundred and thirty-seven men wounded. The number of Mexicans who fell was probably over one thousand.
Both sides fought with great bravery, and theMexicans contested the occupation of their town with determination, during the long and unceasing conflict. The result was terribly discouraging to the soldiers of the Mexican army, who were discovering, with every new essay, that the United States soldiers could fight.
General Ampudia, after the defeat, issued a proclamation announcing it frankly, with humble apologies for his capacity. He gave a short account of the operations, highly extolling the valor of his troops, and attributing the defeat to a series of accidents, concluding with the assurance to his countrymen that the loss of Monterey was of little importance, and would soon be forgotten in fresh triumphs of the Mexican arms.
He soon received orders to march his troops to San Luis de Potosi, on the backward way towards the capital.
The operations at Monterey, in spite of the opinion of the Mexican general, had nevertheless a great effect on the progress of the war. It must have been discouraging to the Mexican people; on the other hand, it made the war more popular in the United States, where the bravery of the troops was a subject of national congratulation.
The officers in the army of General Taylor became heroes, and their military glory was everywhere sounded.
During these events Don Maria Paredes was President of Mexico. His "Plan" for his country was a monarchy, and apparently heedless, or at any rate indifferent, to the approach of hostile troopstoward his capital, he occupied himself with forming a ministry favorable to his scheme, with the intent of making sooner or later a radical change in the political institutions of the country.
Such intentions had aroused a violent opposition to his administration. Santa Anna, apparently amusing himself at Havana, but always well informed by his partisans of what was going on at home, sent home letters declaring himself in favor of the Constitution of 1824, and ready, as usual, to serve his country. The American government, hearing of this, thought it well to encourage Santa Anna, in opposition to Paredes, for they looked with no favor on the idea of a monarchy in Mexico, and moreover saw that all negotiations for peace were futile during the stay of Paredes in power. The Gulf of Mexico was already blockaded by an American squadron, but orders were issued to permit Santa Anna to come in, if he wanted to. This order was given before the battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, and must be taken as a sign of willingness on the part of the United States for a pacific accommodation.
But Santa Anna's gifts were those of a military nature, not for peaceful solutions. If he was to serve his country, it must be by waving the battle flag and not the olive branch.
The defeats of the army reminded Paredes of the need of regaining his prestige. He began to put forth some energy in raising men and money, and gave out that he should repair to the field of action himself to conduct operations against the invadersin person. Raising money with great difficulty, and assembling a large army, he made ready to leave the capital on the 31st of July. On that day the garrison of Vera Cruzpronouncedin favor of Santa Anna, the whole garrison of the city of Mexico joined in the pronunciamento and seized upon the citadel. Farías, whom we have known as a patriotic man, lent all his influence to support this rebellion. The Vice-President, Bravo, and the old ministry, made some opposition on paper, but it was fruitless, and Paredes was made prisoner. He was soon liberated and left the country.
Jack-in-the-box Santa Anna was still at Havana, whence he popped up at once and sailed for Mexico with his suite. He landed at Vera Cruz on the 16th of August, having passed the blockading squadron without question or delay. Of course he issued a manifesto denouncing the monarchical schemes of Paredes and the course of the United States, and explaining the merit of his own conduct. He then retired to his box to await the course of events, while he sent interested allies to the capital for the purpose of controlling them. State after state declared in favor of Santa Anna.
Every nerve was now strained to raise money and troops for the war. Santa Anna approached the capital, and was met by offers of the supreme power from the provisional government. They were declined on the ground that Santa Anna willed to serve his country in the army. He declared that he would not abandon the post of danger for the post of power, and closed his answer with assurancesof his disinterested patriotism. This paved the way for his reception at the capital. He was received with a show of enthusiasm worthy of the regeneration of his country.
This parade of military ardor took place on the 15th of September, while General Ampudia was strengthening Monterey for the attack. A week later it had come, and on the 25th the city had capitulated.
On the 8th of October General Santa Anna arrived at San Luis de Potosi with the troops which had marched from Mexico. He at once set about organizing the large army called into the field, pledging a part of his private property as one means of raising money, which was sorely needed and hard to get.
On the 18th of February, 1847, General Winfield Scott presented himself before Vera Cruz with a formidable army of American troops. On the 22d Santa Anna lost the battle of Angostura, or Buena Vista as it is better known by Americans, and was forced to retire with his troops upon San Luis. On the 28th the American forces in the north met the Mexicans at Sacramento and beat them, soon after occupying the important town of Chihuahua. These events following close upon one another filled the Mexicans with alarm, but their determination held out, and all the opportunities for peace offered them by the American government were waived as an indignity to their national honor.
To raise money was the great difficulty. Calls were made upon the separate states and upon individuals. The government journals adopted the mottoSer o no ser("to be or not to be," literally rendered), and were filled with articles urging the hearty support of the war. One plan for raising money was the sequestration of Church property.
As the various religious orders came over to New Spain from the old country they built churches,monasteries, convents, and hospitals; in the early period after the Conquest their work and influence, as we have seen, were most favorable to the establishment of the colony. To the Franciscans, in great part, belongs the honor of establishing the power of Spain on a firm basis in the new country. Their wise course with the Indians, establishing a cordial and even affectionate intercourse with them, engrafting gently the tenets of the new religion upon whatever was good and healthy of the old stock, gave them a strong hold upon their converts, and thus confirmed by love and reason the position won in the first place by arms and superior force. The several orders of Hospitallers established all over the country houses of shelter for the sick, admirably appointed and administered conscientiously with the greatest zeal.
The Jesuits encouraged learning in Mexico, founded colleges and schools, and inspired even the lowest class with the possibility of raising themselves by developing their mental faculties. The Dominicans, by their furious zeal for the Inquisition, doubtless hastened the end of the Spanish rule, for the soil of the New World has never been favorable for the taking root of this institution.
GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT.
"Broadly speaking," Mr. Janvier says, in his admirable "Mexican Guide," "the influence of the religious orders upon the colony was beneficial during its first century, neutral during its second, harmful during its third." It must always be remembered that Cortés, with all his personal ambition and greed of gold, was deeply religious, and that he never lost sight of his highest aim in conquering New Spain, which was in all sincerity to plant the cross upon its soil. The impulse given by his determination lasted a long time, but in another century this had lost its force, while with the decline of the power of the Church at home, the ambassadors from Spain had less religious fervor. In the last century all institutions of the Church had deteriorated to a degree fatal to her interests, as well as to those of the country.
By this time so much of the wealth of Mexico had come into the possession of the Church that this locking up of capital really blocked the channels of trade. Money accepted, or extorted, by the priests stopped circulating, and was lost in the coffers of churches, or converted into superb ornaments for altars. The practical thought of the time, in the stress for money required to pursue the war, turned to the scheme of converting all this splendor into funds for the equipment of armies.
The clergy became alarmed at the first sound of such proposals, and used all their powerful influence against them. For this course they were accused by the government journals of want of patriotism, of aiding and abetting the monarchists, and fomenting the discords which were daily becoming more dangerous.
This was not without reason, for although the priests feared and hated the "Northern heretics," as they called the enemy, they feared and hated still more the loss of their property. The monarchical preferences of the great dignitaries of the Churchare well known. They have never favored the innovation of the Republic in Mexico.
In spite of the strong opposition of the priests, an attempt was made to carry the plan into effect. Government required a contribution from the property of the clergy to the amount of two millions of dollars, and issued drafts amounting to that sum on the different bishops of the country. These prelates really were not able to pay immediately in ready money, even if they had inclination; they begged for delay, and meantime incited the clergy to defeat further measures in Congress. Nevertheless a bill was passed in January, 1847, "to hypothecate or sell in mortmain Church property" in amounts necessary to obtain fifteen millions for the support of the national war against the United States. Government, determined to carry the matter through, took the first step by seizing a priest who was stirring up an insurrection in the capital, and casting him into prison. Such acts stifled the general outcry, and the clergy were compelled to work in secret. But the property consisted almost entirely of real estate, and, even when seized or mortgaged, it was difficult to raise money on it, for the clergy made it unsafe for individuals to encourage the government by purchase. No great quantity of money was raised at that time, and Congress was induced to consider ways of making the law less obnoxious. In the middle of their conference they broke up, and left government to obtain resources as it might.
Thus the first great blow was struck at the accumulationof Church wealth; the wedge admitted which must weaken the structure in time.
On the 22d of March General Scott, having landed his troops, began to bombard the city of Vera Cruz. At the time of the attack the city was but scantily supplied with subsistence. The governor of the state had endeavored to provide it with provisions, in the little time he had after the appearance of American vessels in the harbor, but amid the clamor at the capital his small voice was unheeded. General Morales, the Commandant, with good courage resolved to keep up the defence as long as possible, trusting for aid to the coming of thevomito, which early every spring makes Vera Cruz unhealthy, rather than to any hope of a relieving army.
On the day General Scott summoned the city to surrender, General Morales returned a peremptory refusal, saying that he would make good his defence to the last, informing his Excellency that he could commence operations in the manner which he might consider most advantageous. Soon after, the bombardment began. For four days a shower of shells poured upon the city, and the violence instead of diminishing daily increased. The inhabitants for protection crowded upon the mole, and into the northern part of the town. For twelve days the place was closely invested. Many poor people who, without the necessaries of life, were prowling about the streets in search of food, fell before the American fire, as well as women and children, who were not safe even in their houses. On the 28th the city surrendered. The Mexican troops were permitted to march out of the city with the honors of war, to the field where the surrender of arms was to take place, and to salute their flag when it was struck. The civil and religious rights of Vera Cruz were guaranteed to its inhabitants. The troops laid down their arms, and General Worth's command entered and took possession of the city and the neighboring Castle of San Juan d' Ulóa.
SIEGE OFVERA CRUZ
By this capture, General Scott obtained a base of operations for direct advance upon the city of Mexico, and, moreover, inflicted another blow upon the courage of the Mexican nation.
Santa Anna, who, by the way, had been made President, leaving political affairs in the hands of Governor Farías, Vice-President, hastened from the defeat at Buena Vista to the encounter of another American army, met General Scott between Jalapa and Vera Cruz, and sustained a new defeat at Cerro Gordo. He himself escaped and fled to Orizaba, where he made strenuous efforts to assemble anew an army, for his troops were utterly dispersed, and not a barrier remained between the enemy and the capital. The Americans, in fact, slowly advanced, occupying the country as they went towards the capital. Santa Anna arrived first at Puebla with all the force which he had collected at Orizaba. He found the Poblanos indifferent, and tried to rouse their patriotism, telling them, with good reason, that he knew they could fight if they chose, for not three years before they had beaten him, Santa Anna, off the town although he was backed by an army of 12,000 men. Notwithstanding his eloquence, the American armymarched into Puebla without any fighting at all. The Ayuntamiento of the city met General Worth outside the city, and favorable terms were agreed upon.
The American troops arriving in Puebla were quartered at first in the Plaza Mayor, where they stacked their arms, and laid themselves down to rest. They had passed the night in the open air in a pouring rain, and were tired and dirty with a long march all the morning. The Poblanos could not understand that these ill-conditioned soldiers were the terrible conquerors who were invading their homes. Some one expressed the belief that five hundred good men could cut them down, as they lay at their ease in the Plaza, but the attempt was not made.
Puebla was thus quietly occupied, but the inhabitants showed no good-will to the invaders.
Fort Loreto, on the hill of Guadalupe, was occupied by a part of the American command. This hill is famous in the annals of Mexican history. In the old times when it was crowned by the Church of Guadalupe, religious processions used to go up and down on the days of sacred ceremony. The fort was destined to a glorious triumph later, but at the time of the American investment it had not yet won its reputation. Then, as now, from the heights was to be seen one of the great views of the world: three snow-covered volcanoes, with Malintzi rising 13,000 feet above the level of the sea, and the lofty crest of Orizaba, and nearer at hand the pyramid of Cholula. The city of Puebla spreads out below like a map. It is very pretty, built like all the Mexican cities, with streets running at accurateright angles, straight and regular. Many churches are scattered over the city; the frequent use of colored tiles in building furnishes a great many colors, for red, yellow, and blue are employed in the domes, which glow with bright tints or glitter in the reflection of the sun.
The American troops had full opportunity to enjoy this scene while they occupied Puebla, awaiting at first the arrival of General Scott, and afterwards reinforcements sufficient to warrant an advance. Santa Anna returned to Mexico, where, as usual with beaten generals, his reception was the reverse of cordial. He took what measures he could to win back popularity, and as one step towards this, resigned the presidency. Pending a new election, Congress created him Dictator until the next year, and armed with this authority he began the work of fortifying the capital, since this was evidently the next and last point of attack for the enemy, General Taylor's army finding no hindrance in coming from the north, and General Scott close at hand in the City of the Angels.
Patriotism, the desire to defend the capital, was fully aroused, and battalions poured in from the different cities and states of the Republic; each sent its guns to contribute to the defence, and by the end of June the Mexican Dictator had at his disposal over 25,000 men and sixty pieces of artillery. Pronunciamentos ceased for the time, and the spirits of the Mexicans again rose, leading them to hope that the final struggle would be successful, and that the troops of the United States would meet with an overwhelming defeat at the gates of their capital.
Early in August the American army left Puebla and took up its quarters outside the capital, having approached by a route south of Lake Chalco.
Santa Anna, having learned these movements, began fortifications at the Bridge and Church of Churubusco, four miles south of the city. There is no town here, only a few little scattered houses; in the time of the Aztecs, however, it was an important place, which clustered round the temple of their old god of war, Huitzilopochtli, of which the modern name is a derivation, having come a long way from its root. "The place," says an old chronicler, "was the dwelling and diabolical habitation of infernal spirits" until the priests of the Church cast them out. When the artillery of the American army rattled about their ears, the poor inhabitants may have fancied there had entered in devils worse than the first.
The Mexican general ordered a barricade to be erected in the road over which the American army must pass. This was done, but when Worth arrived he set the same Indians who had thrown up the barricade to level it again. These docile natives sawbut little difference between one army and another, and they set to work with the same patient alacrity they had used to build the barricade, on the business of tearing it down again.
On the 18th the battle of Churubusco was fought, the Mexicans defending with great bravery a convent to which they had retreated. In this battle, lost by the Mexicans, many of their distinguished men perished. Gorostiza, a poet and dramatist, some of whose plays still hold the stage, lost his life valiantly commanding his battalion, although he was old and infirm.
It was all in vain. The Americans gained the convent and the town, in spite of the valor of the defenders and the bravery of General Anaya, who was in command. The Mexicans left alive were taken prisoners, and the Americans triumphed. The day of Churubusco is regarded by the Mexicans as a glorious one, in spite of their defeat. A monument stands in the Plaza in memory of the heroes who died there defending their country.
Closer and closer drew the lines of the hostile force. There was an armistice after the battle of Churubusco; fighting began again at Molino del Rey, a range of stone buildings under the fire of the heavy guns of the Castle of Chapultepec. General Scott was informed that a foundry was in operation at that place, and that bells from the steeples of the city had lately been dismounted, probably to be recast there for cannon. This turned his attention to the place. It was attacked on the night of September 8th, and taken the next day after furious resistance. Inside the Molino were some few old cannon moulds, but no evidence of recent founding. The Americans were now close under the fortifications of Chapultepec, whose guns had played incessantly upon them from daylight throughout the action.
BATTLE OF MOLINO DEL REY SEPT 8TH1847
This also is regarded by the Mexicans as a brilliant action, as it undoubtedly was on their part, as well as that of the daring invaders. During the battle, the bells of the city were ringing a continuous joyful peal, as if to assert a victory beforehand. The city was wholly confident in the impregnability of its stronghold, the Castle of Chapultepec.
Yet on the 13th this difficult fortress was attacked by General Pillow, scaled and taken by the American troops. General Bravo was in command of the castle, while Santa Anna was occupied with other exposed places. Under him were eight hundred men, among them the pupils of the Military College established there. The General was taken prisoner; many of the brave young fellows, before they had gone beyond the first lessons of military science, were taught its last and most bitter one,—death, in the defence of their citadel. The American soldiers rushed in at the many different doors of the college; it is said that they showed unusual ferocity, made savages by the custom of slaughter among the Mexicans in former engagements. Quarter was rarely given, a practice learned of the Spaniards themselves; for a few moments the struggle was fearful, and the bloodshed unrestrained. Parties of American officers found their way to the Azotea, and tore down the Mexican colors, while the standards of two United States regiments were displayed. The shouts of the victors announced to the city that her stronghold had fallen.
STORMING OF CHAPULTEPEC SEPT 18TH1847
The taking of Chapultepec was practically the end of the war. The city of Mexico was shortly after occupied, and although the negotiations for peace were long and tiresome, the end was obvious.
On the 2d of February, 1848, a treaty was confirmed, called that of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, from the name of the little suburb city where it was signed. Mexico received fifteen millions of dollars, by way of indemnity; but lost the territory of Alta California, New Mexico, Texas, and a part of her state of Coahuila, by the agreement to consider the windings of the Rio Bravo del Norte, or Rio Grande, as the boundary between the two nations, as far as it goes; that is, to a direct line parallel with San Diego on the coast of California.
No sooner had California fallen into the hands of the Americans, than it turned out to be full of gold. In that very year, 1848, began the gold fever of California, and emigration poured in from all parts of the States, so that rapidly the territory, unknown and neglected by the Mexicans, grew to be a most important State. San Francisco, then a little straggling Mexican port, is now a large and flourishing city.
This is a result of the war which must be viewed with impatience, to say the least, by the Mexicans, who saw themselves, at the time, forced to relinquish this large amount of territory without the power of refusal. On the other hand, there is room for thinking that California, left in the hands of that people,might have remained to this day undiscovered, with its wealth still hidden in the earth. Whatever comfort this may be, is open to the losing side.
The war left them disgraced and humiliated, with ruined cities and desolated homes scattered over the land. It is probable, however, that the permanent effect of the war was beneficial. It taught the Mexicans, for one thing, to distrust the prestige of their army, and humbled the pretensions of a crowd of military men, who, while they aspired to the highest offices of government, proved themselves not only incapable of serving their country thus, but incompetent in the field. High praise, however, is always to be assigned to the courage and bravery of the army, its commanders, and private soldiers, especially in the defence of their capital when the struggle reached its last agony.
The United States by the war acquired an immense extent of territory, by many of its citizens, however, even at the time, regarded as a questionable good. The acquisition of so much slave territory without doubt hastened the crisis which called for the civil war of 1861. The experiences of the American army in the Mexican war, and the glory, exaggerated perhaps, which attached to their feats of arms, stimulated the taste for military pursuits, before very moderate in a peaceful and industrious land. The heroes of the campaign of Anahuac were transferred to the field of politics. General Taylor became President of the United States, and General Scott narrowly escaped it. The defects of the army were recognized and in great measure remedied, sothat when the civil war did come, both armies, on the two contending sides of that unfortunate conflict, were in a state of readiness much in advance of the condition of the national troops before the campaign in Mexico, while a crop of officers, heroes of the so-called glorious victories of Palo Alto, Buena Vista, and the rest, responded to the call of loyalty, or rebellion, with the alacrity of experience.
After the evacuation of Mexico an attempt was made by the Americans to capture Santa Anna. General Lane, who with a small force was engaged in driving guerrillas from the roads, received information that this general was at Tehuacan, not very far from Puebla. After marching all night in that direction, he occupied two large haciendas in that neighborhood, where his men and horses were concealed during daylight, and the Mexican residents held close prisoners. When evening arrived the command marched on towards Tehuacan. About five miles out they met a carriage with an escort of ten or twelve armed men. They were stopped, but the occupant of the carriage produced a written safeguard over the signature of an American general, and upon this the whole party was allowed to proceed. General Lane arrived at Tehuacan just at daylight, and entered it at once. But the bird had flown. Santa Anna had been there; but, warned by a breathless messenger on horseback, who rode back from the carriage the soldiers had met, to give him news of the approach of the soldiers, had just time enough to make his escape, with his family, leaving all his effects, which were quickly plundered by the troops of Lane's command.
On Friday 1st, before the treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, Santa Anna informed the Minister of War and the American Commander-in-Chief that he desired to leave Mexico and seek an asylum on a foreign soil, where he "might pass his last days in that tranquillity which he could never find in the land of his birth." This permission was granted, and he went to Jamaica, leaving his country at peace, but not forever.
Ulysses S. Grant, then a young soldier in the army of the United States, took part in the Mexican war. He went into the battle of Palo Alto as second lieutenant, at the age of twenty-six, and entered the city of Mexico sixteen months later with the conquering army.
In his personal memoirs General Grant expresses his opinion that the Mexican war was one of the most unjust ever waged by a stronger against a weaker nation. "It was an instance," he says, "of a republic following the bad example of European monarchies, in not considering justice in their desire to acquire additional territory."
Peace was restored, and with it revived commerce and industry; the coffers of government were full, thanks to the fifteen millions ofpesosreceived from the United States to heal the wounds of war.
General Herrera took possession of the presidential chair, and Mexico, after twenty years of warfare, civil and foreign, took a respite of as many months.
Herrera became President on the 3d of June, 1848, and fulfilled the appointed time of office until January, 1851, when he handed over the control to his successor, when for the first time in the history of the Republic this change was effected without violence.
His administration was economical and moral, and so was that of his successor, General Arista, who continued the reform of the army, bringing order into the financial condition of the country. These two terms may be regarded as models of good government.