* I owe the following information, of a much later date, alsoto the politeness of Captain Washington. H. M. sloop"Grecian" visited the coast in 1852-3, and the master remarksthat "the entrance to the Luabo is in lat. 18d 51' S., long.36d 12' E., and may be known by a range of hummocks on itseastern side, and very low land to the S.W. The entrance isnarrow, and, as with all the rivers on this coast, is frontedby a bar, which renders the navigation, particularly forboats, very dangerous with the wind to the south of east orwest. Our boats proceeded twenty miles up this river, 2fathoms on the bar, then 2-1/2—5—6—7 fathoms. It wasnavigable farther up, but they did not proceed. It is quitepossible for a moderate-sized vessel to cross the bar atspring tides, and be perfectly landlocked and hidden among thetrees."The Maiudo, in 18d 52' S., 36d 12' E., IS NOT MENTIONED INHORSBURGH, NOR LAID DOWN IN THE ADMIRALTY CHART, but is,nevertheless, one of some importance, and appears to be one ofthe principal stations for shipping slaves, as the boats foundtwo barracoons, about 20 miles up, bearing every indication ofhaving been very recently occupied, and which had goodpresumptive evidence that the 'Cauraigo', a brig underAmerican colors, had embarked a cargo from thence but a shorttime before. The river is fronted by a portion of theElephant Shoals, at the distance of three or four milesoutside. The eastern bank is formed by level sea-cliffs (asseen from the ship it has that appearance), high for this partof the coast, and conspicuous. The western side is composed ofthick trees, and terminates in dead wood, from which we calledit 'Dead-wood Point'. After crossing the bar it branches offin a W. and N.W. direction, the latter being the principalarm, up which the boats went some 30 miles, or about 10 beyondthe barracoon. Fresh water can be obtained almost immediatelyinside the entrance, as the stream runs down very rapidly withthe ebb tide. The least water crossing the bar (low-water—springs) was 1-1/2 fathom, one cast only therefrom from 2 to 5fathoms, another 7 fathoms nearly the whole way up."The Catrina, latitude 18d 50' south, longitude 36d 24' east.The external appearance of this river is precisely similar tothat of the Maiudo, so much so that it is difficult todistinguish them by any feature of the land. The longitude isthe best guide, or, in the absence of observation, perhaps theangles contained by the extremes of land will be serviceable.Thus, at nine miles off the Maiudo the angle contained by theabove was seven points, the bearing being N.E. W. of N.W. (?);while off the Catrina, at the same distance from shore (aboutnine miles), the angle was only 3-1/2 to 4 points, being N. toN.W. As we did not send the boats up this river, noinformation was obtained."
My fever became excessively severe in consequence of traveling in the hot sun, and the long grass blocking up the narrow path so as to exclude the air. The pulse beat with amazing force, and felt as if thumping against the crown of the head. The stomach and spleen swelled enormously, giving me, for the first time, an appearance which I had been disposed to laugh at among the Portuguese. At Interra we met Senhor Asevedo, a man who is well known by all who ever visited Kilimane, and who was presented with a gold chronometer watch by the Admiralty for his attentions to English officers. He immediately tendered his large sailing launch, which had a house in the stern. This was greatly in my favor, for it anchored in the middle of the stream, and gave me some rest from the mosquitoes, which in the whole of the delta are something frightful. Sailing comfortably in this commodious launch along the river of Kilimane, we reached that village (latitude 17d 53' 8" S., longitude 36d 40' E.) on the 20th of May, 1856, which wanted only a few days of being four years since I started from Cape Town. Here I was received into the house of Colonel Galdino Jose Nunes, one of the best men in the country. I had been three years without hearing from my family; letters having frequently been sent, but somehow or other, with but a single exception, they never reached me. I received, however, a letter from Admiral Trotter, conveying information of their welfare, and some newspapers, which were a treat indeed. Her majesty's brig the "Frolic" had called to inquire for me in the November previous, and Captain Nolluth, of that ship, had most considerately left a case of wine; and his surgeon, Dr. James Walsh, divining what I should need most, left an ounce of quinine. These gifts made my heart overflow. I had not tasted any liquor whatever during the time I had been in Africa; but when reduced in Angola to extreme weakness, I found much benefit from a little wine, and took from Loanda one bottle of brandy in my medicine chest, intending to use it if it were again required; but the boy who carried it whirled the box upside down, and smashed the bottle, so I can not give my testimony either in favor of or against the brandy.
But my joy on reaching the east coast was sadly imbittered by the news that Commander MacLune, of H. M. brigantine "Dart", on coming in to Kilimane to pick me up, had, with Lieutenant Woodruffe and five men, been lost on the bar. I never felt more poignant sorrow. It seemed as if it would have been easier for me to have died for them, than that they should all be cut off from the joys of life in generously attempting to render me a service. I would here acknowledge my deep obligations to the Earl of Clarendon, to the admiral at the Cape, and others, for the kind interest they manifested in my safety; even the inquiries made were very much to my advantage. I also refer with feelings of gratitude to the Governor of Mozambique for offering me a passage in the schooner "Zambesi", belonging to that province; and I shall never forget the generous hospitality of Colonel Nunes and his nephew, with whom I remained. One of the discoveries I have made is that there are vast numbers of good people in the world, and I do most devoutly tender my unfeigned thanks to that Gracious One who mercifully watched over me in every position, and influenced the hearts of both black and white to regard me with favor.
With the united testimony of Captain Parker and Lieutenant Hoskins, added to my own observation, there can be no reasonable doubt but that the real mouth of the Zambesi is available for the purposes of commerce. The delta is claimed by the Portuguese, and the southern bank of the Luabo, or Cuama, as this part of the Zambesi is sometimes called, is owned by independent natives of the Caffre family. The Portuguese are thus near the main entrance to the new central region; and as they have of late years shown, in an enlightened and liberal spirit, their desire to develop the resources of Eastern Africa by proclaiming Mozambique a free port, it is to be hoped that the same spirit will lead them to invite mercantile enterprise up the Zambesi, by offering facilities to those who may be led to push commerce into the regions lying far beyond their territory. Their wish to co-operate in the noble work of developing the resources of the rich country beyond could not be shown better than by placing a village with Zambesian pilots at the harbor of Mitilone, and erecting a light-house for the guidance of seafaring men. If this were done, no nation would be a greater gainer by it than the Portuguese themselves, and assuredly no other needs a resuscitation of its commerce more. Their kindness to me personally makes me wish for a return of their ancient prosperity; and the most liberal and generous act of the enlightened young king H. M. Don Pedro, in sending out orders to support my late companions at the public expense of the province of Mozambique until my return to claim them, leads me to hope for encouragement in every measure for either the development of commerce, the elevation of the natives, or abolition of the trade in slaves.
As far as I am myself concerned, the opening of the new central country is a matter for congratulation only in so far as it opens up a prospect for the elevation of the inhabitants. As I have elsewhere remarked, I view the end of the geographical feat as the beginning of the missionary enterprise. I take the latter term in its most extended signification, and include every effort made for the amelioration of our race, the promotion of all those means by which God in His providence is working, and bringing all His dealings with man to a glorious consummation. Each man in his sphere, either knowingly or unwittingly, is performing the will of our Father in heaven. Men of science, searching after hidden truths, which, when discovered, will, like the electric telegraph, bind men more closely together—soldiers battling for the right against tyranny—sailors rescuing the victims of oppression from the grasp of heartless men-stealers—merchants teaching the nations lessons of mutual dependence—and many others, as well as missionaries, all work in the same direction, and all efforts are overruled for one glorious end.
If the reader has accompanied me thus far, he may, perhaps, be disposed to take an interest in the objects I propose to myself, should God mercifully grant me the honor of doing something more for Africa. As the highlands on the borders of the central basin are comparatively healthy, the first object seems to be to secure a permanent path thither, in order that Europeans may pass as quickly as possible through the unhealthy region near the coast. The river has not been surveyed, but at the time I came down there was abundance of water for a large vessel, and this continues to be the case during four or five months of each year. The months of low water still admit of navigation by launches, and would permit small vessels equal to the Thames steamers to ply with ease in the deep channel. If a steamer were sent to examine the Zambesi, I would recommend one of the lightest draught, and the months of May, June, and July for passing through the delta; and this not so much for fear of want of water as the danger of being grounded on a sand or mud bank, and the health of the crew being endangered by the delay.
In the months referred to no obstruction would be incurred in the channel below Tete. Twenty or thirty miles above that point we have a small rapid, of which I regret my inability to speak, as (mentioned already) I did not visit it. But, taking the distance below this point, we have, in round numbers, 300 miles of navigable river. Above this rapid we have another reach of 300 miles, with sand, but no mud banks in it, which brings us to the foot of the eastern ridge. Let it not, however, be thought that a vessel by going thither would return laden with ivory and gold-dust. The Portuguese of Tete pick up all the merchandise of the tribes in their vicinity, and, though I came out by traversing the people with whom the Portuguese have been at war, it does not follow that it will be perfectly safe for others to go in whose goods may be a stronger temptation to cupidity than any thing I possessed. When we get beyond the hostile population mentioned, we reach a very different race. On the latter my chief hopes at present rest. All of them, however, are willing and anxious to engage in trade, and, while eager for this, none have ever been encouraged to cultivate the raw materials of commerce. Their country is well adapted for cotton; and I venture to entertain the hope that by distributing seeds of better kinds than that which is found indigenous, and stimulating the natives to cultivate it by affording them the certainty of a market for all they may produce, we may engender a feeling of mutual dependence between them and ourselves. I have a twofold object in view, and believe that, by guiding our missionary labors so as to benefit our own country, we shall thereby more effectually and permanently benefit the heathen. Seven years were spent at Kolobeng in instructing my friends there; but the country being incapable of raising materials for exportation, when the Boers made their murderous attack and scattered the tribe for a season, none sympathized except a few Christian friends. Had the people of Kolobeng been in the habit of raising the raw materials of English commerce, the outrage would have been felt in England; or, what is more likely to have been the case, the people would have raised themselves in the scale by barter, and have become, like the Basutos of Moshesh and people of Kuruman, possessed of fire-arms, and the Boers would never have made the attack at all. We ought to encourage the Africans to cultivate for our markets, as the most effectual means, next to the Gospel, of their elevation.
It is in the hope of working out this idea that I propose the formation of stations on the Zambesi beyond the Portuguese territory, but having communication through them with the coast. A chain of stations admitting of easy and speedy intercourse, such as might be formed along the flank of the eastern ridge, would be in a favorable position for carrying out the objects in view. The London Missionary Society has resolved to have a station among the Makololo on the north bank, and another on the south among the Matebele. The Church—Wesleyan, Baptist, and that most energetic body, the Free Church—could each find desirable locations among the Batoka and adjacent tribes. The country is so extensive there is no fear of clashing. All classes of Christians find that sectarian rancor soon dies out when they are working together among and for the real heathen. Only let the healthy locality be searched for and fixed upon, and then there will be free scope to work in the same cause in various directions, without that loss of men which the system of missions on the unhealthy coasts entails. While respectfully submitting the plan to these influential societies, I can positively state that, when fairly in the interior, there is perfect security for life and property among a people who will at least listen and reason.
Eight of my men begged to be allowed to come as far as Kilimane, and, thinking that they would there see the ocean, I consented to their coming, though the food was so scarce in consequence of a dearth that they were compelled to suffer some hunger. They would fain have come farther; for when Sekeletu parted with them, his orders were that none of them should turn until they had reached Ma Robert and brought her back with them. On my explaining the difficulty of crossing the sea, he said, "Wherever you lead, they must follow." As I did not know well how I should get home myself, I advised them to go back to Tete, where food was abundant, and there await my return. I bought a quantity of calico and brass wire with ten of the smaller tusks which we had in our charge, and sent the former back as clothing to those who remained at Tete. As there were still twenty tusks left, I deposited them with Colonel Nunes, that, in the event of any thing happening to prevent my return, the impression might not be produced in the country that I had made away with Sekeletu's ivory. I instructed Colonel Nunes, in case of my death, to sell the tusks and deliver the proceeds to my men; but I intended, if my life should be prolonged, to purchase the goods ordered by Sekeletu in England with my own money, and pay myself on my return out of the price of the ivory. This I explained to the men fully, and they, understanding the matter, replied, "Nay, father, you will not die; you will return to take us back to Sekeletu." They promised to wait till I came back, and, on my part, I assured them that nothing but death would prevent my return. This I said, though while waiting at Kilimane a letter came from the Directors of the London Missionary Society stating that "they were restricted in their power of aiding plans connected only remotely with the spread of the Gospel, and that the financial circumstances of the society were not such as to afford any ground of hope that it would be in a position, within any definite period, to enter upon untried, remote, and difficult fields of labor." This has been explained since as an effusion caused by temporary financial depression; but, feeling perfect confidence in my Makololo friends, I was determined to return and trust to their generosity. The old love of independence, which I had so strongly before joining the society, again returned. It was roused by a mistaken view of what this letter meant; for the directors, immediately on my reaching home, saw the great importance of the opening, and entered with enlightened zeal on the work of sending the Gospel into the new field. It is to be hoped that their constituents will not only enable them to begin, but to carry out their plans, and that no material depression will ever again be permitted, nor appearance of spasmodic benevolence recur. While I hope to continue the same cordial co-operation and friendship which have always characterized our intercourse, various reasons induce me to withdraw from pecuniary dependence on any society. I have done something for the heathen, but for an aged mother, who has still more sacred claims than they, I have been able to do nothing, and a continuance of the connection would be a perpetuation of my inability to make any provision for her declining years. In addition to "clergyman's sore throat", which partially disabled me from the work, my father's death imposed new obligations; and a fresh source of income having been opened to me without my asking, I had no hesitation in accepting what would enable me to fulfill my duty to my aged parent as well as to the heathen.
If the reader remembers the way in which I was led, while teaching the Bakwains, to commence exploration, he will, I think, recognize the hand of Providence. Anterior to that, when Mr. Moffat began to give the Bible—the Magna Charta of all the rights and privileges of modern civilization—to the Bechuanas, Sebituane went north, and spread the language into which he was translating the sacred oracles in a new region larger than France. Sebituane, at the same time, rooted out hordes of bloody savages, among whom no white man could have gone without leaving his skull to ornament some village. He opened up the way for me—let us hope also for the Bible. Then, again, while I was laboring at Kolobeng, seeing only a small arc of the cycle of Providence, I could not understand it, and felt inclined to ascribe our successive and prolonged droughts to the wicked one. But when forced by these and the Boers to become explorer, and open a new country in the north rather than set my face southward, where missionaries are not needed, the gracious Spirit of God influenced the minds of the heathen to regard me with favor; the Divine hand is again perceived. Then I turned away westward rather than in the opposite direction, chiefly from observing that some native Portuguese, though influenced by the hope of a reward from their government to cross the continent, had been obliged to return from the east without accomplishing their object. Had I gone at first in the eastern direction, which the course of the great Leeambye seemed to invite, I should have come among the belligerents near Tete when the war was raging at its height, instead of, as it happened, when all was over. And again, when enabled to reach Loanda, the resolution to do my duty by going back to Linyanti probably saved me from the fate of my papers in the "Forerunner". And then, last of all, this new country is partially opened to the sympathies of Christendom, and I find that Sechele himself has, though unbidden by man, been teaching his own people. In fact, he has been doing all that I was prevented from doing, and I have been employed in exploring—a work I had no previous intention of performing. I think that I see the operation of the unseen hand in all this, and I humbly hope that it will still guide me to do good in my day and generation in Africa.
Viewing the success awarded to opening up the new country as a development of Divine Providence in relation to the African family, the mind naturally turns to the probable influence it may have on negro slavery, and more especially on the practice of it by a large portion of our own race. We now demand increased supplies of cotton and sugar, and then reprobate the means our American brethren adopt to supply our wants. We claim a right to speak about this evil, and also to act in reference to its removal, the more especially because we are of one blood. It is on the Anglo-American race that the hopes of the world for liberty and progress rest. Now it is very grievous to find one portion of this race practicing the gigantic evil, and the other aiding, by increased demands for the produce of slave labor, in perpetuating the enormous wrong. The Mauritius, a mere speck on the ocean, yields sugar, by means of guano, improved machinery, and free labor, equal in amount to one fourth part of the entire consumption of Great Britain. On that island land is excessively dear and far from rich: no crop can be raised except by means of guano, and labor has to be brought all the way from India. But in Africa the land is cheap, the soil good, and free labor is to be found on the spot. Our chief hopes rest with the natives themselves; and if the point to which I have given prominence, of healthy inland commercial stations, be realized, where all the produce raised may be collected, there is little doubt but that slavery among our kinsmen across the Atlantic will, in the course of some years, cease to assume the form of a necessity to even the slaveholders themselves. Natives alone can collect produce from the more distant hamlets, and bring it to the stations contemplated. This is the system pursued so successfully in Angola. If England had possessed that strip of land, by civilly declining to enrich her "frontier colonists" by "Caffre wars", the inborn energy of English colonists would have developed its resources, and the exports would not have been 100,000 Pounds as now, but one million at least. The establishment of the necessary agency must be a work of time, and greater difficulty will be experienced on the eastern than on the western side of the continent, because in the one region we have a people who know none but slave-traders, while in the other we have tribes who have felt the influence of the coast missionaries and of the great Niger expedition; one invaluable benefit it conferred was the dissemination of the knowledge of English love of commerce and English hatred of slavery, and it therefore was no failure. But on the east there is a river which may become a good pathway to a central population who are friendly to the English; and if we can conciliate the less amicable people on the river, and introduce commerce, an effectual blow will be struck at the slave-trade in that quarter. By linking the Africans there to ourselves in the manner proposed, it is hoped that their elevation will eventually be the result. In this hope and proposed effort I am joined by my brother Charles, who has come from America, after seventeen years' separation, for the purpose. We expect success through the influence of that Spirit who already aided the efforts to open the country, and who has since turned the public mind toward it. A failure may be experienced by sudden rash speculation overstocking the markets there, and raising the prices against ourselves. But I propose to spend some more years of labor, and shall be thankful if I see the system fairly begun in an open pathway which will eventually benefit both Africa and England.
The village of Kilimane stands on a great mud bank, and is surrounded by extensive swamps and rice-grounds. The banks of the river are lined with mangrove bushes, the roots of which, and the slimy banks on which they grow, are alternately exposed to the tide and sun. The houses are well built of brick and lime, the latter from Mozambique. If one digs down two or three feet in any part of the site of the village, he comes to water; hence the walls built on this mud bank gradually subside; pieces are sometimes sawn off the doors below, because the walls in which they are fixed have descended into the ground, so as to leave the floors higher than the bottom of the doors. It is almost needless to say that Kilimane is very unhealthy. A man of plethoric temperament is sure to get fever, and concerning a stout person one may hear the remark, "Ah! he will not live long; he is sure to die."
A Hamburgh vessel was lost near the bar before we came down. The men were much more regular in their habits than English sailors, so I had an opportunity of observing the fever acting as a slow poison. They felt "out of sorts" only, but gradually became pale, bloodless, and emaciated, then weaker and weaker, till at last they sank more like oxen bitten by tsetse than any disease I ever saw. The captain, a strong, robust young man, remained in perfect health for about three months, but was at last knocked down suddenly and made as helpless as a child by this terrible disease. He had imbibed a foolish prejudice against quinine, our sheet-anchor in the complaint. This is rather a professional subject, but I introduce it here in order to protest against the prejudice as almost entirely unfounded. Quinine is invaluable in fever, and never produces any unpleasant effects in any stage of the disease, IF EXHIBITED IN COMBINATION WITH AN APERIENT. The captain was saved by it, without his knowledge, and I was thankful that the mode of treatment, so efficacious among natives, promised so fair among Europeans.
After waiting about six weeks at this unhealthy spot, in which, however, by the kind attentions of Colonel Nunes and his nephew, I partially recovered from my tertian, H. M. brig "Frolic" arrived off Kilimane. As the village is twelve miles from the bar, and the weather was rough, she was at anchor ten days before we knew of her presence about seven miles from the entrance to the port. She brought abundant supplies for all my need, and 150 Pounds to pay my passage home, from my kind friend Mr. Thompson, the Society's agent at the Cape. The admiral at the Cape kindly sent an offer of a passage to the Mauritius, which I thankfully accepted. Sekwebu and one attendant alone remained with me now. He was very intelligent, and had been of the greatest service to me; indeed, but for his good sense, tact, and command of the language of the tribes through which we passed, I believe we should scarcely have succeeded in reaching the coast. I naturally felt grateful to him; and as his chief wished ALL my companions to go to England with me, and would probably be disappointed if none went, I thought it would be beneficial for him to see the effects of civilization, and report them to his countrymen; I wished also to make some return for his very important services. Others had petitioned to come, but I explained the danger of a change of climate and food, and with difficulty restrained them. The only one who now remained begged so hard to come on board ship that I greatly regretted that the expense prevented my acceding to his wish to visit England. I said to him, "You will die if you go to such a cold country as mine." "That is nothing," he reiterated; "let me die at your feet."
When we parted from our friends at Kilimane, the sea on the bar was frightful even to the seamen. This was the first time Sekwebu had seen the sea. Captain Peyton had sent two boats in case of accident. The waves were so high that, when the cutter was in one trough, and we in the pinnace in another, her mast was hid. We then mounted to the crest of the wave, rushed down the slope, and struck the water again with a blow which felt as if she had struck the bottom. Boats must be singularly well constructed to be able to stand these shocks. Three breakers swept over us. The men lift up their oars, and a wave comes sweeping over all, giving the impression that the boat is going down, but she only goes beneath the top of the wave, comes out on the other side, and swings down the slope, and a man bales out the water with a bucket. Poor Sekwebu looked at me when these terrible seas broke over, and said, "Is this the way you go? Is this the way you go?" I smiled and said, "Yes; don't you see it is?" and tried to encourage him. He was well acquainted with canoes, but never had seen aught like this. When we reached the ship—a fine, large brig of sixteen guns and a crew of one hundred and thirty—she was rolling so that we could see a part of her bottom. It was quite impossible for landsmen to catch the ropes and climb up, so a chair was sent down, and we were hoisted in as ladies usually are, and received so hearty an English welcome from Captain Peyton and all on board that I felt myself at once at home in every thing except my own mother tongue. I seemed to know the language perfectly, but the words I wanted would not come at my call. When I left England I had no intention of returning, and directed my attention earnestly to the languages of Africa, paying none to English composition. With the exception of a short interval in Angola, I had been three and a half years without speaking English, and this, with thirteen years of previous partial disuse of my native tongue, made me feel sadly at a loss on board the "Frolic".
We left Kilimane on the 12th of July, and reached the Mauritius on the 12th of August, 1856. Sekwebu was picking up English, and becoming a favorite with both men and officers. He seemed a little bewildered, every thing on board a man-of-war being so new and strange; but he remarked to me several times, "Your countrymen are very agreeable," and, "What a strange country this is—all water together!" He also said that he now understood why I used the sextant. When we reached the Mauritius a steamer came out to tow us into the harbor. The constant strain on his untutored mind seemed now to reach a climax, for during the night he became insane. I thought at first that he was intoxicated. He had descended into a boat, and, when I attempted to go down and bring him into the ship, he ran to the stern and said, "No! no! it is enough that I die alone. You must not perish; if you come, I shall throw myself into the water." Perceiving that his mind was affected, I said, "Now, Sekwebu, we are going to Ma Robert." This struck a chord in his bosom, and he said, "Oh yes; where is she, and where is Robert?" and he seemed to recover. The officers proposed to secure him by putting him in irons; but, being a gentleman in his own country, I objected, knowing that the insane often retain an impression of ill treatment, and I could not bear to have it said in Sekeletu's country that I had chained one of his principal men as they had seen slaves treated. I tried to get him on shore by day, but he refused. In the evening a fresh accession of insanity occurred; he tried to spear one of the crew, then leaped overboard, and, though he could swim well, pulled himself down hand under hand by the chain cable. We never found the body of poor Sekwebu.
At the Mauritius I was most hospitably received by Major General C. M. Hay, and he generously constrained me to remain with him till, by the influence of the good climate and quiet English comfort, I got rid of an enlarged spleen from African fever. In November I came up the Red Sea; escaped the danger of shipwreck through the admirable management of Captain Powell, of the Peninsular and Oriental Steam Company's ship "Candia", and on the 12th of December was once more in dear old England. The Company most liberally refunded my passage-money. I have not mentioned half the favors bestowed, but I may just add that no one has cause for more abundant gratitude to his fellow-men and to his Maker than I have; and may God grant that the effect on my mind be such that I may be more humbly devoted to the service of the Author of all our mercies!
[The "Remarks" column has been replaced, where needed, with remarks listed below the corresponding line, and inclosed in square brackets.]
------------------------------------------------------------------------------Positions. Latitude. Longitude. Date. No. of SetsSouth. East. of LunarDistances.------------------------------------------------------------------------------d ' " d ' " W. E.Manakalongwe Pass. 22 55 52 . . . 1853, Jan. 26Letloche. 22 38 0 . . . Jan. 28Kanne. 22 26 56 . . . Jan. 31Lotlokane, where the first 21 27 47 . . . Feb. 11, 12Palmyra-trees occur.Hence path to Nchokotsa N.N.W.,thence to Kobe N.W.Kobe (1st group). 20 53 14 24 52 0 Feb. 18, 19Kama Kama, from whence 19 52 31 . . . Mar. 2traveled in magneticmeridian (1st group).Fever Ponds (1st group). 19 15 53 24 55 0 Mar. 11, 28Ten miles S. of hill N'gwa 18 38 0 24 26 0 Apr. 14(1st group).N'gwa Hill (a central 18 27 50 24 13 36 Apr. 15, 16occultation ofB.A.C. 2364 Gemini).N'gwa Valley, half mile 18 27 20 24 13 36 Apr. 17N. of hill.E. of and in parallel of 18 20 0 . . . Apr. 17Wagon Station of 1851.Wagon Station on the Chobe, 18 20 0 23 50 0 . . .three miles S.of Sekeletu's Town.Sekeletu's Town (1st group). 18 17 20 23 50 9 |June 13 ||July 14, 17|[ Boiling-point of water = 205-1/3 Deg.; Alt. = 3521 feet. ]Island Mahonta. The Chobe 17 58 0 (24 6) Apr. 26runs here in 17d 58'.Banks of Sanshureh River, 18 4 27 24 6 20 Apr. 26a branch of the Chobe(1st group).[ At a well-known Baobab-tree 9' south of Mahonta island. ]Town of Sesheke 17 31 38 25 13 0 1855, Aug. 31 . 1on the Zambesi.Sekhosi's Town on 17 29 13 . . . 1853, July 26, 27the Zambesi (about 25 milesW. of Sesheke).Cataract of Nambwe. 17 17 16 . . . July 31Confluence of 17 7 31 . . . 1855, Aug. 22 . 1Njoko and Zambesi.Cataract of Bombwe. 16 56 33 . . . 1853, Aug. 1Kale Cataract. 16 49 52 . . . 1855, Aug. 21 . 1Falls of Gonye. 16 38 50 23 55 0 |1853, Aug. 2||1855, Aug. 19| 1 2Nameta. 16 12 9 . . . Aug. 17 . 2Seori sa Mei, 16 0 32 . . . 1853, Aug. 5or Island of Water.Litofe Island, town of. 15 55 0 . . . Aug. 6Loyela, S. end of this 15 27 30 . . . Aug. 9island, town of Mamochisane.Naliele or Nariele, 15 24 17 23 5 54 Aug. 10, 13chief town of Barotse(occultation of Jupiter)(1st group).Linangelo, old town 15 18 40 . . . Aug. 19of Santuru (site nearlyswallowed up).Katongo (near Slave 15 16 33 . . . Aug. 30Merchants' Stockade).Point of Junction of Nariele 15 15 43 . . . Aug. 29Branch with the Main Stream.Quando Village. 15 6 8 . . . Aug. 28Town of Libonta. 14 59 0 . . . Aug. 21Island of Tongane. 14 38 6 . . . Aug. 23Cowrie Island. 14 20 5 . . . Aug. 24Junction of the Loeti 14 18 57 . . . Aug.with the Main Stream(Leeambye, Zambesi).[ Boiling-point of water = 203 Deg. = 4741 feet. ]Confluence of the Leeba 14 10 52 23 35 40 Aug. 24, 25or Lonta with the Leeambye(1st group).Kabompo, near the Leeba. 12 37 35 22 47 0 |1854, Jan. 1||1855, July 3| . 3Village about 2' N.W. 12 6 6 22 57 0 1854, Feb. 1of the Leeba after leavingKabompo town: the hill Peeri,or Piri, bearing S.S.E.,distant about 6'.Village of Soana Molopo, 11 49 22 22 42 0 Feb. 73' from Lokalueje River.Village of Quendende, 11 41 17 . . . Feb. 11about 2' S.E. of the fordof the Lotembwa, and about9' from the town of Katema.Banks of the Lovoa. 11 40 54 . . . 1855, June 20 2 .Lofuje River flows into 12 52 35 22 49 0 July 7 . 3the Leeba; Nyamoana's village.Confluence of the Makondo 13 23 12 . . . July 13and Leeba Rivers.Katema's Town, 5' S. of Lake 11 35 49 22 27 0 1854, Feb. 17 . 2Dilolo, the source of theLotembwa, one of the principalfeeders of the Leeba.Lake Dilolo (station about 11 32 1 . . . 1855, June 18 . 2half a mile S. of the lake). June 13 . .[ Boiling-point of water = 203 Deg. = 4741 feet. ]Village near the ford of 11 15 55 . . . 1854, Feb. 28the River Kasai, Kasye,or Loke. The ford isin latitude 11d 17'.Bango's Village, about 10' 10 22 53 20 58 0 1855, May 28 3 .W. of the Loembwe.Banks of the Stream Chihune. 10 57 30 (20 53)*1* 1854, Mar. 8[ The longitude doubtful. ]Ionga Panza's village. 10 25 0 20 15 0 *2* Mar. 20Ford of the River Quango. 9 50 0 (18 27 0) Apr. 5Cassange, about 40 or 50 9 37 30 17 49 0 Apr. 13, 17 3 2miles W. of the River Quango,and situated in a deep valley.Tala Mungongo, 2' E. 9 42 37 (17 27) Jan. 11, 14of following station.[ Longitude not observed: Water boils—Top of = 206 Deg., height 3151 feet.Bottom of descent = 208 Deg. = 2097 feet.Bottom of east ascent = 205 Deg. = 3680 feet.Top " " " = 202 Deg. = 5278 feet. ]Banks of the Quinze, 9 42 37 17 25 0 1855, Jan. 10 . 1near the source, 2' W. ofthe sudden descent whichforms the valley of Cassange.Sanza, on the River Quize 9 37 46 16 59 0 Jan. 7 . 4(about 15 yards wide).Pungo Andongo, 9 42 14 15 30 0 1854, Dec. 11 . 4on the River Coanza.[ On the top of the rocks water boils at 204 Deg. = 4210 feet. ]On the River Coanza, 9 47 2 . . . Dec. 222' W. of Pungo Andongo.Candumba, 15 miles E. of 9 42 46 . . . 1855, Jan. 2Pungo Andongo, 300 yardsN. of the Coanza.Confluence of the Lombe 9 41 26 . . . Jan. 3and Coanza, 8' or 10' E.of Candumba, and at houseof M. Pires, taken at abouthalf a mile N. of confluence.[ Here the Coanza takes its southern bend. ]Golungo Alto, about midway 9 8 30 14 51 0 1854,|Oct. 27|between Ambaca and Loanda. |May 14|"Aguaes doces" in Cassange, 9 15 2 . . . Oct. 6, 7 . 210' W. of Golungo Alto.[ At the confluence of the Luinha and Luce. ]Confluence of the Luinha 9 26 23 . . .and Lucalla.Confluence of the Lucalla 9 37 46 . . . Oct. 11, 12and Coanza, Massanganotown and fort.[ A prominent hill in Cazengo, called Zungo, is about 6'S.S.W. of "Aguaes doces", and it bears N.E. by E.from the house of the commandant at Massangano. ]Ambaca, residence of the 9 16 35 15 23 0 Dec. 6commandant of the district.Kalai, 17 51 54 25 41 0 1855, Nov. 18 2 3near the Mosioatunya Falls.Lekone Rivulet. 17 45 6 25 55 0 Nov. 20 4 1[ Water boils at 204-1/2 Deg. = 3945 feet. Between Lekone and Kalomo,Marimba 203-1/4 Deg. = 4608 feet. ]Kalomo River. (17 3 0) . . . Nov. 30 . 1[ The lat. and long. doubtful. Top of ridge, water boilsat 202 Deg. = 5278 feet. ]Rivulet of Dela, 16 56 0 26 45 0 Dec. 2 . 3called Mozuma.Kise Kise Hills. 16 27 20 . . . Dec. 3Nakachinto Rivulet. 16 11 24 . . . Dec. 11[ On eastern descent from ridge, water boils at 204 Deg. = 4210 feet. ]Elephant's Grave. (16 3 0) (28 10) Dec. 14 1 .[ The latitude not observed. ]Kenia Hills, Rivulet Losito (15 56 0) (28 1) Dec. 16 3 .on their western flank.[ The latitude not observed. ]6' E. of Bolengwe Gorge, 15 48 19 28 22 0 Dec. 18 3 3and on the banks of the Kafue.7' or 8' N.E. or E.N.E. (15 49 0) (28 34) *3* Dec. 29 . 4of the confluence ofthe Kafue and Zambesi,at a rivulet called Kambare.[ The lat. not observed; water boils 205-1/2 Deg. = 3415 feet.Top of the hills Semalembue, water boils 204-1/2 Deg. = 4078 feet.Bottom of ditto, 205-3/4 Deg. = 3288 feet. ]Confluence of Kafue 15 53 0 . . .and Zambesi.Banks of Zambesi, 15 50 49 . . . Dec. 308' or 10' below confluence.[ Water boils at 209 Deg. = 1571 feet. ]Village of Ma-Mburuma, 15 36 57 30 22 0 1856, Jan. 12 1 1about 10 miles from Zumbo.Zumbo station, ruins of a 15 37 22 30 32 0 Jan. 13 2 3church on the right bank ofthe Loangwa, about 300 yardsfrom confluence with Zambesi.[ Water boils at 209-1/4 Deg. = 1440 feet. ]Chilonda's Village, quarter 15 38 34 30 52 0 Jan. 20 3 .of a mile N. of Zambesi,near the Kabanka Hill.Opposite Hill Pinkwe. 15 39 11 (32 5) *4* Feb. 7 . 1[ Long. doubtful; the moon's alt. only 4 Deg. ]Moshua Rivulet. 15 45 33 32 22 0 *5* Feb. 9 1 2Tangwe Rivulet, or 16 13 38 32 29 0 Feb. 20Sand River, 1/4 mile broad.Tete or Nyungwe station, 16 9 3 33 28 0 Mar. 2, 17 4 8house of commandant.Hot Spring Makorozi, 15 59 35 . . . Mar. 13about 10 m. up the river.Below Tete, island of 16 34 46 32 51 0 Apr. 23 1 .Mozambique, on the Zambesi.Island of Nkuesa. 17 1 6 . . . Apr. 25Senna, 300 yards S.W. 17 27 1 34 57 0 *6* |April 27| 2 6of the Mud Fort on the bank |May 8, 9|of the river.Islet of Shupanga. 17 51 38 . . . May 12Small islet in the middle of 17 59 21 . . . May 13the Zambesi, and six or eightmiles below Shupanga.Mazaro or Mutu, 18 3 37 35 57 0 May 14 2 2where the Kilimane Riverbranches off the Zambesi.Kilimane Village, 17 53 8 36 40 0 *7* June 13, 25, 27 1 6at the house of SenorGaldino Jose Nunes,colonel of militia.------------------------------------------------------------------------------Positions. Latitude. Longitude. Date. No. of SetsSouth. East. of LunarDistances.------------------------------------------------------------------------------