CHAP. XXVI.

[Contents]CHAP. XXVI.The Troops on Board—Again ordered to disembark—Great Dejection—Mutiny—Insolent Conduct of an Owca Negro Captain—Near two hundred Sick sent to Holland—General Description of the African Negroes.On the evening of the 15th of July, we anchored off the estate Berkshoven, where I spent the night ashore with my friend Gourley; and in the morning we continued to row down the river, when I took my last farewel of Mr. Palmer. I passed the evening of the 17th with Captain Mac Neyl; and, on the 18th, the whole fleet, consisting of my own barges, together with three from Magdenberg, and those from the River Cottica, arrived safe at anchor in the roads of Paramaribo, where three transports lay ready to receive us, on board of which vessels I immediately embarked all the troops that had come down under my command.This service being accomplished, I went ashore, and made my report to Colonel Fourgeoud; after which I went to visit Joanna and her boy, whom, to my great joy, I found very much recovered.The following day I was again sent on board, to make the necessary arrangements for the voyage; and on the 20th I dined with Colonel Fourgeoud, where, to my[242]surprize, I found two species of fish, which I have never mentioned; the one is called thehaddock, being much like ours, but rather larger and whiter coloured: the other theseparee, which a little resembles the skait. At the dessert was a fruit called in Surinamzurzacka, which I believe by the English is called thesour-sap. It grows upon a tree of a moderate size, with a grey bark, and leaves like those of the orange-tree, but set in pairs; the fruit is of a pyramidical form, heavier than the largest pear, and all covered over with inoffensive prickles: the skin is very thin, the pulp a soft pithy substance as white as milk, and of a sweet taste, mixed with a most agreeable acid, in which are seeds like the large kernels of an apple. Another species ofsmall zurzackagrows in this country, something resembling hops, but is of no use whatever. We had also the fruit calledsabatille, which grows on a large tree, the leaves like those of the laurel. This fruit is the size of a peach, very round, and of a brown colour, covered over with a soft down: when cut in two, the pulp is not unlike marmalade, in which are found the seeds; it is such a luscious sweet, that to many palates it is even disagreeable.On the 21st we once more received our clearance, but in card money, by which we all lost very considerably; however, I instantly went to Mrs. Godefroy, and again gave her all the money that was in my pocket, being no more than £. 40. This excellent woman now renewed her entreaties that I should carry my boy and his mother[243]with me to Holland, but to no purpose; Joanna was perfectly immoveable, even to a degree of heroism, and no persuasion could make the least impression upon her, until her redemption should be made complete by the payment of the very last farthing. In this situation we affected to bear our fate with perfect resignation, though what each of us felt in particular may much more easily be imagined than described.The regiment’s colours were now carried on board on the 23d in great state, which put a final close to the expedition, but without receiving anyhonoursfrom Fort Zealandia, not a single gun being fired, nor even the flag hoisted on the occasion, to the great mortification of Colonel Fourgeoud, though in effect it was chiefly owing to his own neglect, as he had never given the Governorofficialnotice of his intended departure. The baggage was also sent on board the ships; and a gentleman of the name ofVan Heystentertained the marines at his private expence with three hundred bottles of wine, fruit, &c.I have often remarked the hospitality and generosity of these people, which I now also once more experienced, receiving various presents of fruits and preserves from my numerous friends, to refresh me at sea while on the voyage; amongst the preserves were the femalepappayas, the male bearing no fruit. This grows on a grey trunk, near twenty feet high, straight, and pithy within, the top being covered with a crown, and only fourteen or sixteen diverging leaves, extremely large and digitated. The fruit grows close to the trunk; the flower or blossom has[244]a most delicious fragrance. When ripe, it is the size and shape of a water-melon, and turns from green to yellow, but its pulp is more firm and solid: the inner pulp is soft and slimy, filled with innumerable seeds. This fruit at full maturity is cut in pieces and boiled, when it eats like English turnips; but they use it principally for confectionary and sweetmeats, when young, and with its blossoms being both extremely delicate and wholesome. I had also sent me some fine preservedginger; this is the root of a kind of reedy stalk, that never exceeds two feet in height, with long, narrow pointed leaves. These roots are tuberous, flattish, small, and clustered in many different shapes, not unlike pig-potatoes, and of nearly the same colour in the inside, but fibrous, acid, hot, and aromatic; the smell is highly fragrant: it is well known to be not only an agreeable preserve, but in many cases an excellent medicine.——But to proceed.On the 24th of July, the sails being bent to the yards, weat lastproceeded in corps to take leave of his Excellency the Governor of the colony, who, while he still received us with the greatest politeness, yet gave our hero to understand, that were his coloursnowto be sent on board, they should most certainly be saluted with thosehonourswhich indisputably were their due. After which he sent the whole corps of Society officers to the head-quarters in state, to wish us a prosperous voyage to Holland; and in this contest of etiquette his Excellency most assuredly led the van; for hinting which, however, to some of Fourgeoud’s favourites, I had nearly engaged myself once more[245]in a serious quarrel. Our men, who had been on board since the 18th, being now joined by their officers, the poor remains of this fine regiment were thus finally embarked, and in the highest flow of spirits, expecting to set sail thefollowing dayfor Europe; while (onealone excepted) every countenance wore the appearance of happiness and joy; and nothing indeed could equal the exultation of the few surviving troops, when the next morning the orders were issued for the ships to weigh anchor and put to sea.But it was by fate ordained that their eager hopes and expectations once more should be blasted: for on the very moment of departure, a ship entered the river with dispatches, inclosing an order for the regiment immediately tore-enter the woods, and remain in the colony until relieved by fresh troops to be sent out from Holland for that purpose. TheSINCERE THANKSof his Serene Highness the Prince of Orange were now read to the men from the quarter-deck of each vessel, “for the manly and spirited conduct they had displayed during so long a trial, and so many great and unprecedented hardships;” but as they concluded with orders for the troops todisembark, and remain in this dreadful service, I never saw dejection, disappointment, and despair so strongly marked: while at this moment I, who but just before had been completely miserable, was now in turn the only one who was not depressed with sorrow.[246]In the midst of this gloomy scene, the men were ordered to give three cheers, which the marines on board one of the vessels absolutely refused to comply with: Colonel Seyburg, and unluckily myself, were in consequence ordered to compel them; which he undertook, with a cane in one hand, and a loaded pistol cocked in the other. Knowing his temper to be fiery and irascible, what did I not feel at this moment? I suddenly leapt into the boat that lay along-side, where, after haranguing those few that leaned over the gunwale, I promised theship’s crewtwenty gallons of Holland’s gin iftheywould only begin the melancholy chorus. Then mounting again the quarter-deck, I acquainted the Colonel that all werenowready and willing to obey his commands; we then re-entered the boat, and in shoving off had the satisfaction to receive three hearty cheers from the sailors, in which joined a few marines, but with such languid looks and heavy hearts as cannot be described.At this time however the Prince of Orange’s goodness of heart appeared in a conspicuous light, as he ordered all private accounts due by the troops to surgeons and physicians to be paid by the treasury; which, however trifling it may appear, was no trifle to many of the officers, &c. and evinced an attention in his Serene Highness which is not always to be found in princes, while all knew his sorrow for the hard lot of his soldiers, but which could not yet be dispensed with, consistent with the general good.[247]If our disembarkation distressed the troops, it afforded joy to most of the colonists; as indeed a petition, signed by the principal inhabitants, had been presented to Colonel Fourgeoud but two days before, “praying that our regiment might stay some time longer, and give the finishing stroke to the rebels, as we had so gloriously begun, and persevered in routing and harassing them;” which indeed was certainly true, for our regiment, in conjunction with the Society and rangers, had demolished most settlements the rebels possessed in the colony, and had driven them to so considerable a distance, that their depredations, and the desertion of slaves, were incomparably less than upon our arrival; and this was assuredly much better than the Dutch making a shameful peace with them, as had been done with the rebels of theOwcaandSaramecasettlements before, yet which would probably again have been the consequence had we not landed in Guiana.As an instance of the insolence ofsavages, when perfectly independant, I must relate a conversation which passed between one of this description and myself at Paramaribo, where the troops were allowed some time to refresh themselves before they again retook the field:—Dining one day at Captain Mac Neyl’s, who was now come to town from his estate, a captain of theOwcanegroes, oursupposedallies, came in to demand money from his lady; and being very importunate, I desired her in English to “give him a dram, and he would be gone;” which the fellow understanding, called me without the[248]door, and lifting up his silver-headed cane, asked me, “If that house was my own? and if not, what business I had to interfere? I am,” said he, in a thundering voice, “CaptainFortune Dago-So; and, if I had you in my country at Owca, I would make the very earth drink up your blood.” To which I replied, drawing my sword, “That my name was Stedman; and that if he dared to utter one insolent expression more, my weapon should find the shortest way through his body.” Upon which he snapped his fingers, and marched off, leaving me much displeased, and blaming Fourgeoud for shewing so much indulgence to such a set of banditti. In the evening, as I returned from dinner, I met the same black fellow again, who, stepping short up to me, said, “Massera, you are a man, a very brave fellow; won’t you now give some money to the Owca Captain?” This I sternly refused; he then kissed my hand, and shewed his teeth (he said) in token of reconciliation, promising to send me a present of pistachio-nuts, which, however, never did arrive, nor indeed should I have tasted.Though we continued in Surinam some time longer, our future services could add but very little to its prosperity, as our numbers were now so very few, and out of this number, small as it was,nineofficers and aboveone hundred and sixtyprivates, all sick and incurable, embarked again for Holland on the 1st of August. I was ill with an ague at this time, and had the offer of making one of the party, but declined it, being determined to see the end of the expedition if I could; I however availed myself[249]of the opportunity to send some presents to my friends in Europe; amongst these were a couple of beautiful parrots, two curious monkies, an elegant collection of fine butterflies, three chests of sweetmeats, and some pickles, all shipped on board the shipParamaribo, and under the care of Serjeant Fowler, who was, poor fellow, one of the invalids bound for Amsterdam.MajorMedlarbeing quite emaciated with fatigue and hardships, now also sailed for Holland; thus, during his absence acting as major, I began to entertain an expectation that I should one day carry home the regiment myself, so very rapidly were our officers daily diminishing; and yet amongst those few who remained two had the courage at this time to venture upon matrimony, and married two Creole ladies, both widows.Every thing now being peaceable and quiet, I recovered my strength so far as on the 10th to walk to Mrs. Godefroy, when I acquainted her that I wished much to emancipate at leastJohnny Stedman; and requested her to become bail before the court, for the usual sum of £. 300, as he should never be any charge to the colony of Surinam. But this she peremptorily declined, though there was no risque, it being only a matter of form; at which I could not help feeling some astonishment, till I was acquainted that she had actually refused the same favour to her own son.The mention of slavery reminds me of a debt which I seem to have incurred to my reader. I have from time to time given some account of the mode in which[250]slaves are brought to this market, and of the manner in which they are treated—But I feel that I have not been sufficiently full upon this subject; and I am the more disposed to bring forward all the information that I have gained concerning the negroes, because I flatter myself that I shall be able to bring some truths to light, that have hitherto been unobserved or imperfectly related, at least to the generality of Europeans.In the first place, as to the complexion of a negro, this, as I have observed before, is I am persuaded entirely owing to the burning climate in which he lives, and an atmosphere still more heated by the sandy desarts, over which the trade winds pass before they reach the habitable parts. The Indians of America, on the contrary, who indeed live under the same degree of latitude, have this wind refreshed by the Atlantic Ocean, and are copper-coloured; and the inhabitants of Abyssinia, who receive it cooled by the Arabian and the Indian Seas, are entirely olive. Thus north of the great River Senegal the complexion changes from black to brown amongst the Moors, as it does toward the south amongst the Caffrarians and the Hottentots; and I am of opinion, that the woolly texture of their hair is an effect proceeding from the same cause. The epidermis or cuticle of the negroes I have seen dissected more than once; it is clear and transparent, but between this and the real skin lies a thin follicle, which is perfectly black, which being removed by severe flagellation, or by scalding, exposes a complexion not inferior to that of an European.[251]On the estateVossenbergh, in Surinam, were born twowhite negroes, whose parents were both perfectly black; the one was a female, sent to Paris in 1734; the other a boy, born in March 1738. And in 1794, a similar woman,Emelia Lewsam, was exhibited in England, whose children (though she is married to an European) are all mulattoes. The skin of these people is not of the European white, but more resembles chalk; their hair the same; their eyes are often red1, and they see very little in the sun-shine, neither are they fit for any kind of labour; while their mental faculties, I have been told, usually correspond with the debility of their bodies.With respect to theshapeof the African negroes, it is from head to foot certainly different from the European mould, though not, in my opinion, in any degree inferior, prejudice being laid aside. Their strong features, flat noses, thick lips, and high cheek bones, may appear deformities to us, and yet amongst themselves may be esteemed the reverse; their bright black eyes, and fine white teeth, we are forced to admire; and one decided advantage in a black complexion is, that all those languid pale sickly-looking countenances, so common in Europe, are never exhibited among them, nor are the wrinkles and ravages of age equally conspicuous; though I must confess that when a negro is very ill, his black changes to a very disagreeable sallow olive.[252]For exertion and activity, their shape is assuredly preferable to ours, being generally strong and muscular near the trunk, and slender towards the extremities; they have mostly a remarkable fine chest, but are small about the hips; their buttocks are more prominent, and their necks are thicker than ours; the thighs are strong, as also the arms above the elbow, but the wrists and lower part of the legs are very slender; and a good deal indeed of the Herculean make of the lateBroughtonthe pugilist may be traced in the form of a vigorous negro. As to the crookedness of their limbs, it is to be accounted for by the manner in which they are carried whilst infants upon the mother’s back, their tender legs being tied close round each side of her waist, which occasions that unnatural bent, with which they are not born: nor are their children ever taught to walk, but left to creep amongst the sand and grass, until they gradually acquire strength and inclination to erect themselves, which they do very soon; by this custom, however, the position of their feet is much neglected, yet by exercise, and daily bathing, they acquire that strength and agility, for which they are so remarkable.Another custom which, in their opinion, conduces much to their health and vigour is, that, during thetwoyears in which the mothers suckle their children, they frequently make them swallow large quantities of water, after which they shake them twice a day, with much violence; they are then taken by a leg or an arm, and[253]tossed into the river, to be well scoured outwardly; nor are the females exempt from this mode of rearing youth, which renders them not inferior to the men, in size alone excepted, while some in running, swimming, climbing, and dancing, as well as wrestling, are even their superiors: thus, that it depends on education to form a race ofAmazonianfemales, is a proposition of which I have very little doubt.Nor are these hardy daughters of the Torrid Zone less remarkable for propagation. I knew a female servant at Mr. de Graaf’s, calledLesperanza, who actually boreninechildren in the course of three years, the first year four, the next two, and the third three. They bring their offspring into the world without pain, and like the Indian women resuming their domestic employments even the same day. During the first week their infants are as fair as any Europeans, except that in the males there is a little appearance of black in acertain part, and the whole body becomes gradually of that colour. Their females arrive early at the age of puberty; but, as in the fruits of this climate, this early maturity is succeeded by a sudden decay. Many of the negroes, however, live to a very considerable age: I have seen one or two that were above one hundred; and the London. Chronicle for October 5, 1780, makes mention of a negro woman, calledLouisa Truxo, atTucomea, in South America, still living, at the surprizing age of one hundred and seventy-five years. In what tables of longevity is there such an European to be found? though most probably[254]this venerable person spent her youth in hard labour, like other slaves; which, though a negro can bear much better in a tropical climate than a native of Europe, yet cannot be natural, either on the coast of Guinea or Guiana, where, without toil, the necessaries of life are produced, and vegetation flourishes spontaneously for ever.In the constitution of the negroes I have still observed this singularity, that while they bear the fatigue of labour in the hottest days, they can also bear the cold and damp better than an European, at least better than I could; sleeping all night on the wet grass, perfectly naked, without any injury to their health, while I have been glad, especially early in the morning, to have a fire lit under my hammock, and while the marines for want of it lay in a shiver. They also bear hunger and thirst, and pain or sickness, with the greatest patience and resolution.I have formerly mentioned the names of more than a dozen of negro tribes: all these know each other by the different marks and incisions made on their bodies—for instance, theCoromantynnegroes, who are most esteemed, cut three or four long gashes on each of their cheeks, as represented in the face of the armed free negro or ranger, in plate VII.TheLoangonegroes, who are reckoned the worst, distinguish themselves by puncturing or marking the skin of their sides, arms, and thighs with square elevated figures, something like dice. (See plate LXVIII.) These[255]also cut their fore-teeth to a sharp point, which gives them a frightful appearance, resembling in some degree those of a shark: and all their males are circumcised, after the manner of the Jews.Among the strange productions of nature, a species of people known by the name ofAccorees, deserves to be particularly noticed.—TheAccorees, or Two-fingers, live amongst the Seramaca negroes, in the very upper parts of the river of that name. This heterogeneous tribe are so deformed in their hands and feet, that while some have three or four fingers and toes on each hand and foot, others have only two, which resemble the claws of a lobster, or rather limbs that have been cured after mutilation by fire, or some other accident. This deformity in one person would cause but small admiration; but that a whole community should be afflicted with this singularity, is certainly a most wonderful phænomenon. Having seen buttwomyself, and that at too great a distance to take a drawing of them, I cannot pretend to vouch for the truth of what I have only heard; but an engraving of one of these figures was positively sent to the Society of Arts and Sciences atHaerlem; while I beg leave to introduce, as a further voucher, the following extract from an old book of surgery and anatomy, procured me by the ingenious and learnedOwen Cambridge, Esquire, ofTwickenham.“After Michaelmas term, in the year 1629, a body was brought from the place of execution to the College of Physicians, to be cut up for an anatomy; and by chance[256]the officer of the college brought the body of a cruel wretch, who had murdered the son of one Master Scot, a surgeon of good note in this city. This wretch was of a very truculent countenance and aspect; his hair was black and curled, not very long, but thick and bushy; his forehead little above an inch high; his brows great and prominent; his eyes set deep in their sockets; his nose crooked, with a round knob or button at the end, which also somewhat turned upwards; on his upper lip he had some quantity of black hair, on his chin very few, straggling, black and stiff; and his nether lip was as big as three lips. Such was his face: but the greatest deformity was his feet, and that almost to admiration; for they were both cloven, but not alike. One foot was equally divided between four and five inches deep into two toes, jointed like other men’s toes, but as large each of them as half the foot could make them, with nails proportionable. The left foot was divided likewise in the middle, but the division was not above three inches deep, or scarce so much; the one half, which was towards the body, made one large toe, with a nail proportionable, like the inward half of the right foot; but the outward half was compounded of two toes, yet growing close and fast together. This monstrous shape of a man I have thought good to give this relation of, from certain knowledge, for there were a thousand witnesses of it present.”With the languages of the African negroes I am but[257]little acquainted; as a specimen, however, I will insert a few sentences of that called theCoromantyn, upon the credit of my boy Quaco, who belonged to that nation, together with a translation in English; and only observe, that they break off their words very short, in a kind of guttural manner, which I cannot easily describe:—For instance—“Co fa ansyo, na baramon bra, Go to the river, and bring me some water.”—“Mee yeree, nacomeda mee, My wife, I want some food.”—So much for the Coromantyn language, as spoken by the negroes on the coast of Guinea.But as to that spoken by the black people in Surinam, I consider myself a perfect master, it being a compound of Dutch, French, Spanish, Portuguese, and English. The latter they like best, and consequently use the most. It has been already observed, that the English were the first Europeans who possessed this colony, hence probably the predilection for that language, which they have still retained. In this mixed dialect, for which I have seen a printed grammar, the words end mostly with a vowel, like the Indian and Italian, and it is so sweet, so sonorous and soft, that the genteelest Europeans in Surinam speak little else; it is also wonderfully expressive and sentimental, such as, “Good eating,sweety-muffo.”—“Gun-powder,man sanny.”—“I will love you, with all my heart, so long as I live,Mee saloby you, langa alla mee hatty, so langa me leeby.”—“A pleasing tale,ananassy[258]tory.”—“I am very angry,me hatty brun.”—“Live long, so long until your hair become white as cotton,Lebee langa, tay, tay, ta-y you weeree weeree tan wity likee catoo.”—“Small,peekeen.”—“Very small,peekeeneenee.”—“Farewel! Good-bye! I am dying, and going to my God,Adioso, cerroboay, mee de go dede, me de go na mee Gado.”—In this sample, many corrupt English words are perceptible, which however begin to grow out of use near the capital, but are still retained in the distant plantations; for instance, at the estateGoet-Accoord, in Cottica, I have heard an old negro woman say, “We lobee so lebee togeddere,” by which she meant, we love to live together; and at Paramaribo to express the same sentence, “Wee looko for tanna macandera.”Theirvocal musicis like that of the birds, melodious, but without time, and in other respects not unlike that of aclerkperforming to the congregation, one person constantly pronouncing a sentence extempore, which he next hums or whistles, and then all the others repeat the same in chorus; another sentence is then spoken, and the chorus is a second time renewed, &c.This kind of singing is much practised by the barge rowers or boat negroes on the water, especially during the night in a clear moonshine; it is to them peculiarly animating, and may, together with the sound of their oars, be heard at a considerable distance.As a specimen, I have tried to set the following words[259]to music, supposing a ranger going to battle, and thus taking leave of his girl:Oan bus adiosi-o da so adiosso me de-go me loby so fighty me man oOne buss good-by o ’tis so good-by girl I must go I love for to fight like a man oAmimbame dego na boosy o da so adiosso me do go.AmimbaI go to the woods o ’tis so good-by girl, I must go.[[audio/mpeg]|MuseScore]Such is their vocal melody; and of their instrumental music, and dancing, which is perfectly to time, I shall speak hereafter, having already given a short account of that which is practised by the Loango negroes. That these people are neither divested of a good ear, nor poetical genius, has been frequently proved, when they have had the advantages of a good education. Amongst others,Phillis Wheatley, who was a slave atBostonin New England, learned the Latin language, and wrote thirty-eight elegant pieces of poetry on different subjects, which were published in 1773. As a specimen, I cannot refrain here inserting the following extract from that entitled, “Thoughts on Imagination.”“Now here, now there, the roving fancy flies,Till some lov’d object strikes her wand’ring eyes,Whose silken fetters all the senses bind,And soft captivity invades the mind.[260]“Imagination! who can sing thy force?Or where describe the swiftness of thy course?Soaring through air to find the bright abode,Th’ imperial palace of the thundering God.“We on thy pinions can surpass the wind,And leave the rolling universe behind.From star to star the mental optics rove,Measure the skies, and range the realms above;There in one view we grasp the mighty whole,Or with new worlds amaze th’ unbounded soul.”What can be more beautiful and sublime?——Ignatius Sancho, a negro, many years servant to the Duke of Montagu, whose sentimental letters, so generally known, would not disgrace the pen of an European, may also be mentioned on this occasion; and with regard to their powers of memory and calculation, I shall only noticeThomas Fuller, a negro, the property of a Mrs.CoxinMaryland, North America; and quote one singular anecdote, as it is related by Dr.RushofPhiladelphia, in a letter to a gentleman at Manchester.“Being travelling,” says the Doctor, “with some other gentlemen of this city, through Maryland, and having heard of the astonishing powers of memory in arithmetical calculation possessed by Thomas Fuller, a negro, we sent for him; when one of the gentlemen in company asked him, how many seconds a man of seventy years, some odd months, weeks and days, had lived? He told the exact number in a minute and a half.[261]When the gentleman who had asked the question took his pen, and having calculated the same by figures, told the negro he must be mistaken, as the number he had mentioned was certainly too great. ‘Top, Massera,’ said the negro, ‘you have omitted the leap-years;’ when having calculated the seconds contained in the number of leap-years, and added them, the number was found exactly the same as that calculated by the negro. This same man multiplied nine figures by nine, by memory, before another company.” Another lately repeated theAlcoranfrom recollection only.—What amazing mental faculties in African negroes, who could neither read nor write! Yet that such things are, is well authenticated.To what I have already advanced, I may add, that all negroes firmly believe the being of aGod, upon whose goodness they rely, and whose power they adore, while they have no fear of death, and never taste food without offering a libation. In the riversGambiaandSenegalthey are mostly Mahometans; but generally the worship and religious ceremonies of the Africans vary, as do the numberless superstitious practices of all savages, and indeed of too many Europeans. Perceiving that it was their custom to bring their offerings to the wild cotton-tree2,[262]I enquired of an old negro, why they paid such particular reverence and veneration to this growing piece of timber. “This proceeds (said he) massera, from the following cause: having no churches nor places built for public worship (as you have) on the Coast of Guinea, and this tree being the largest and most beautiful growing there, our people, assembling under its branches when they are going to be instructed, are defended by it from the heavy rains and scorching sun. Under this tree our gadoman, or priest, delivers his lectures; and for this reason our common people have so much veneration for it, that they will not cut it down upon any account whatever.”No people can be more superstitious than the generality of negroes; and theirLocomen, or pretended prophets, find their interest in encouraging this superstition, by selling themobiasor amulets, as I have already mentioned, and as some hypocrites sell absolution in Europe, for a comfortable living. These people have also amongst them a kind ofSibyls, who deal in oracles; these sage matrons dancing and whirling round in the middle of an assembly, with amazing rapidity, until they foam at the mouth, and drop down as convulsed. Whatever the prophetess orders to be done during this paroxism, is most sacredly performed by the surrounding multitude; which renders these meetings extremely dangerous, as she frequently enjoins them to murder their masters, or desert to the woods; upon which account this scene of excessive fanaticism is forbidden by law in the colony of Surinam,[263]upon pain of the most rigorous punishment: yet it is often practised in private places, and is very common amongst the Owca and Seramica negroes, where captains Fredericy and Van Geurick told me they had seen it performed. It is here called thewinty-play, or the dance of the mermaid, and has existed from time immemorial; as even the classic authors make frequent mention of this extraordinary practice.Virgil, in his sixth book, makes Eneas visit the Sibyl of Cuma; andOvidalso mentions the same subject, lib. 14. where Eneas wishes to visit the ghost of his father.But what is still more strange, these unaccountable women by their voice know how to charm theammodytes,3orpapawserpent, down from the tree. This is an absolute fact; nor is this snake ever killed or hurt by the negroes, who, on the contrary, esteem it as their friend and guardian, and are happy to see it enter their huts. When these sibyls have charmed or conjured down the ammodytes serpent from the tree, it is common to see this reptile twine and wreathe about their arms, neck and breast, as if the creature took delight in hearing her voice, while the woman strokes and caresses it with her hand. The sacred writers speak of the charming of adders and serpents in many places, which I mention[264]only to prove the antiquity of the practice4; for nothing is more notorious, than that the Eastern Indians will rid the houses of the most venomous snakes by charming them with the sound of a flute, which calls them out of their holes. And it is not many years since an Italian woman brought over three tame snakes, which crawled about her neck and arms: they were four or five feet long, but not venomous.Another instance of superstition amongst the negroes I must relate; there is a direct prohibition in every family, handed down from father to son, against the eating of some one kind of animal food, which they calltreff; this may be either fowl, fish, or quadruped, but whatever it is, no negro will touch it; though I have seen some good Catholics eat roast-beef in Lent, and a religious Jew devouring a slice from a fat flitch of bacon.However ridiculous some of the above rites may appear, yet amongst the African blacks they are certainly necessary, to keep the rabble in subjection; and theirgadomenor priests know this as well as the infallible Pontiff of the Roman church. These illiterate mortals differ, however, in this respect from the modern Europeans, that whatever they believe, they do it firmly, and are never staggered by the doubts of scepticism, nor troubled with[265]the qualms of conscience; but whether they are, upon this account, better or worse, I will not pretend to determine.—I however think that they are a happy people, and possess so much friendship for one another, that they need not be told to “love their neighbour as themselves;” since the poorest negro, having only an egg, scorns to eat it alone; but were a dozen present, and every one a stranger, he would cut or break it into just as many shares; or were there one single dram of rum, he would divide it among the same number: this is not done, however, until a few drops are first sprinkled on the ground, as an oblation to the gods.—Approach then here, thou canting hypocrite, and take an example from thy illiterate sable brother!—From what I sometimes throw out, however, let it not be understood that I am an enemy to religious worship—God forbid! But I ever will profess myself the greatest friend to those whose actions best correspond with their doctrine; which, I am sorry to say, is too seldom the case amongst those nations who pretend most to civilization.If savage nations be commonly generous and faithful, they are not, however, without their dark shades; and among these, the most conspicuous is a proneness to anger and revenge. I never knew a negro indeed forgive those who had wilfully offended him. The strength of this passion can only be equalled by their gratitude; for, amongst them, it may be truly said, that[266]“A generous friendship no cold medium knows,But with one love, with one resentment glows.”Their abominable cruelties also, like those of all barbarous nations, are truly shocking. In the colony of Berbicè, during the late revolt, they made no scruple of cutting up their mistresses with child, even in their master’s presence, with many other savage devices too dreadful to relate5.—In the art of poisoning, not even theAccawawIndians are more expert; they can carry it under their nails, and by only dipping their thumb into a tumbler of water, which they offer as a beverage to the object of their revenge, they infuse a slow but certain death6. Whole estates, as well as private families, have become the victims of their fury, and experienced their fatal vengeance, even putting to death scores of their own friends and relations, with the double view of depriving their[267]proprietors of their most valuable possessions. These monsters are distinguished by the name ofWissy-men, perhaps fromwise, or knowing, and by their fatal genius carry destruction to a most dreadful length before they are detected.All barbarous and uneducated people have indistinct notions of property; nor can we wonder that slaves, who in their own persons suffer the most flagrant violation of every right, should be disposed to retaliate. The slaves on the plantations are therefore too commonly thieves, plundering whatever they can lay their hands upon with impunity; nor can any bounds be set to their intemperance, especially in drinking. I have seen a negro girl empty a china-bowl at one draught, containing two bottles of claret, which I had given her by way of experiment, till she could no more stand.I should not forget to mention that theGangonegroes are supposed to beanthropophagior cannibals, like the Caribbee Indians, instigated by habitual and implacable revenge. Amongst the rebels of this tribe, after the taking of Boucou, some pots were found on the fire with human flesh; which one of the officers had the curiosity to taste, and declared it was not inferior to some kinds of beef or pork.I have been since assured by a Mr.Vangills, an American, that having travelled for a great number of miles inland in Africa, he at length came to a place where human legs, arms, and thighs hung upon wooden shambles,[268]and were exposed to sale, like butchers meat in Leadenhall market. And CaptainJohn Keene, formerly of theDolphincutter, but late of theNaimbanaschooner, in the Sierra Leona company’s service, positively assured me, that when he, a few years since, was on the coast of Africa, in the brigFame, from Bristol, Mr. Samuel Biggs owner, trading for wood, iron, and gold-dust, a CaptainDunnigen, with his whole crew, belonging to theNassauschooner, which was her tender, were cut in pieces, salted, andeatenby the negroes ofGreat Drewin, about thirty miles North of the RiverSt. Andrew’s; who having torn the copper off her bottom, burned the vessel.But from these deformities of character I will now relieve the attention of the reader, and proceed in justice to dispel the gloomy cloud, by introducing the sun-shine of their virtues.Their genius has been already treated of, so has their gratitude; which last they carry to such a length, that they will even die for those who have shewn them any particular favour. Nothing can exceed the fidelity and attachment they have for those matters who use them well, which proves that their affection is as strong as their hatred. Negroes are generally good-natured, particularly theCoromantyn, and those ofNago. They are also susceptible of the tender passion, and jealousy in their breasts has produced the most dreadful effects. The delicacy of these people deserves likewise to be noticed: I do not remember, amongst the many thousands I have[269]seen during several years residence among them, ever to have observed even an offer to kiss a woman in public. Maternal tenderness for their children is also natural to the females, for in general, during the two years which they usually suckle them, they never cohabit with their husbands; this they consider as unnatural, and prejudicial to the infants: and the case of Lesperanza (who bore so many children in a short time) is no exception, as her children died almost as soon as they came into the world. The cleanliness of the negro nation is peculiarly remarkable, as they bathe above three times a day. TheCongotribe in particular are so fond of the water, that they may, not improperly, be called amphibious animals.The negroes are likewise spirited and brave, patient in adversity, meeting death and torture with the most undaunted fortitude. Their conduct, in the most trying situations, approaching even to heroism; no negro sighs, groans, or complains, though expiring in the midst of surrounding flames. Nor do I remember, upon any occasion whatever, to have seen an African shed a tear, though they beg for mercy with the greatest earnestness when ordered to be flogged for offences which they are conscious deserve to be punished; but if they think their punishment unmerited, immediate suicide is too often the fatal consequence, especially amongst theCoromantynnegroes, who frequently, during the act of flagellation, throw back their heads in the neck, and[270]swallow their tongue, which choaks them upon the spot, when they drop dead in the presence of their masters. But when negroes are sensible of having deserved correction, no people can be more humble, or bear their unhappy fate with greater resignation. The swallowing of the tongue, which they only practise during the moments of severe discipline, has of late been prevented in Surinam by thehumanemethod of holding a fire-brand to the victim’s mouth, which answers the double purpose of burning his face, and diverting his attention from the execution of his fatal determination. Some have a practice of eating commonearth, by which the stomach is prevented from performing its ordinary functions, and thus dispatch themselves without any immediate pain, but linger perhaps for a twelvemonth in the most debilitated and shocking condition. Against these ground-eaters the severest punishments are decreed by the laws, but without much effect, as they are seldom detected in this act of desperation.After these general remarks upon the mental and bodily faculties of the African negroes, we shall next proceed to view them in a state of bondage, under all the oppression they are exposed to from the rod of barbarous tyranny; then, rescuing them from this horrid scene, we will next consider them as protected by impartial justice, and fostered by the mild hand of tenderness and humanity.The reader may remember that I have already introduced[271]the slaves as landing from on board the Guinea ships, and generally shocking instances of debility and misery:—“Their visage is blacker than a coal, they are not known in the streets, their skin cleaveth to their bones, it is withered, it is become like a stick.”I have also observed, that under the care of some old negroes, appointed for that purpose, they soon become fat and sleek, and learn the language of the colony: they then are sent to work in the fields, to which they chearfully submit; though I have seen some instances of newly-imported negroes refusing to work, nor could promises, threats, rewards, nor even blows prevail; but these had beenprincesor people of the first rank in their native country, who by the casualties of war had the misfortune to become slaves, and whose heroic sentiments still preferred instant death to the baseness and miseries of servitude. Upon these occasions I have seen the other slaves fall upon their knees, and intreat the master to permit them to do the work required, in addition to their own tasks; which being sometimes granted, they continued to shew the same respect for the captive prince that he had been accustomed to receive in his own country. I remember once to have had a remarkable good-looking new negro to attend me, whose ancles and wrists being much galled by chains, I enquired the cause. “My father,” said he, “was a king, and treacherously murdered[272]by the sons of a neighbouring prince. To revenge his death, I daily went a hunting with some men, in hopes of retaliating upon his assassins; but I had the misfortune to be surprized, taken, and bound; hence these ignoble scars. I was afterwards sold to your European countrymen on the coast of Guiana—a punishment which was deemed greater than instant death.”The history of Quaco, my black boy, was still more extraordinary:—“My parents,” said he, “lived by hunting and fishing: I was stolen from them very young, whilst playing on the sands with two little brothers; I was put into a sack, and carried for several miles. I afterwards became the slave of a king on the coast of Guinea, with several hundreds more. When our master died, the principal part of his slaves were beheaded and buried along with him; I, with some other children of my age, were bestowed as presents to the different captains of his army; and the master of a Dutch ship afterwards had me, in exchange for a musket and some gun-powder.”—Each loves his country best, if mild its laws, or rigid:“Thenaked negro, panting at the line,Boasts of his golden sands and palmy wine;Basks in the glare, or stems the tepid wave,And thanks his gods for all the good they gave:—Such is the patriot’s boast, where’er he roam,His first best country ever is at home.”[273]No sooner do these wretched strangers begin to flag at their labour, than whips, cow-skins, bamboos, ropes, fetters, and chains are introduced, until they are ready to sink under accumulated oppression. With some masters their tasks can never be performed, as they must toil on, day and night, even Sundays not excepted. I recollect a strong young negro, calledMarquis, who had a wife he loved, with two fine children; he laboured hard, and generally finished his task of digging a trench of five hundred feet by four o’clock in the afternoon, that he might have some time to cultivate his little garden, and go to fish or fowl to support his beloved family: hard did Marquis strive to earn this additional pittance, when hishumanemaster, apprized of his industry, for his encouragement informed him, that if he could delve five hundred feet by four o’clock, he could certainly finish six hundred before sun-set; and this task the unfortunate young man was condemned from that day ever since to perform.In Surinam the slaves are kept nearly naked, and their daily food consists of little more than a few yams and plantains; perhaps twice a year they may receive a scanty allowance of salt-fish, with a few leaves of tobacco, which they callsweety-muffo, and this is all: but what is peculiarly provoking to them is, that if a negro and his wife have ever so great an attachment for each other, the woman, if handsome, must yield to the loathsome embrace of an adulterous and licentious manager, or see her husband cut to pieces for endeavouring to prevent it.[274]This, in frequent instances, has driven them to distraction, and been the cause of many murders.It is in consequence of these complicated evils, that so many also destroy themselves by suicide, run away to the woods to join their countrymen in rebellion, or if they stay, grow sad and spiritless, and languish under diseases, the effects of bad usage; such as thelota, which is a white scorbutic spot that externally covers the body. Thecrassy-crassy, or itch, which with us comes from poorness of diet, is of course very common with them. Theyaws, a most disagreeable disorder, by many compared to the venereal disease, which renders the patient a shocking spectacle, all covered over with yellow ulcers. To this last-mentioned loathsome malady most negroes are subject, yet but only once in their lives, in which, and being very infectious, it resembles the small-pox: indeed if a fly which has been feeding upon the diseased (and they are generally covered with them) lights upon the slightest scratch on a healthy person, it communicates this dreadful disorder, which always confines him for several months. The most general cure for the yaws in Surinam, is salivation and spare diet, with continual exercise to promote perspiration; and, during this process, the poor wretches absolutely look like decayed carcases.Still more dreadful is theboassy, orleprosy, which is deemed incurable: the face and limbs in this complaint swell, and the whole body is covered with scales and ulcers; the breath stinks, the hair falls off, the fingers and[275]toes become putrid, and drop away joint after joint. The worst of which is, that though the disease is hopeless, the unhappy sufferer may linger sometimes for many years. The lepers are naturally lascivious, and the disease being infectious, they are of necessity separated from all society, and condemned to a perpetual exile in some remote corner of the plantations.Theclabba-yaws, ortubboes, is also a very troublesome and tedious disorder; it occasions painful sores about the feet, mostly in the soles, between the skin and the flesh. The usual remedy in this case is, to burn out the morbid part with a red-hot iron, or cut it out with a lancet; and then the warm juice of roasted limes is introduced into the wound, though with great pain yet with great success.The African negroes are also subject to many species ofworms, both extraneous and internal, owing to the wading much in stagnated waters, and to the crudity of their diet. Of the former species is theGuineaortape-worm, which breeds between the skin and the flesh, and is sometimes two yards in length, of a shining silvery colour, and not thicker than the second string of a bass-viol. It occasions dangerous and painful swellings where-ever it inserts itself, which is mostly about the legs. The method of cure, is to seize the head of the worm when it appears above the skin, and extract it by winding it gently round a stick or card; this operation cannot be performed with too much caution, for if it breaks, the[276]loss of the limb, or even of life itself, is frequently the fatal consequence. Some are infested with seven or eight of these worms at a time.Besides these dreadful calamities, peculiar to themselves, the negroes are subject to every complaint common to the Europeans; who, in their turn, are not exempt in Guiana from the afflicting and dangerous distempers I have just described.It is therefore not to be wondered at if many of the plantations are crouded with miserable objects, left under the care of thedressy negroor black surgeon only, whose whole skill consists in administering a dose of salts, or spreading a plaister. As to the numbers who are excoriated from their neck to their heel, by constant whipping, they may cure themselves, or do their work without a skin, if they think proper.Thus from accumulated miseries, some naturally succeeding from the climate and their poor diet, but more from the inordinate cruelty ofmanagers, it must follow that numerous slaves become unfit for work, many from weakness and depression of spirits, and others from extreme labour becoming old before their time. But for all these evils, this plantation despot finds an infallible remedy, which is no other than to put them to death at once: the loss does not affect him but his master, and he is proud of shewing only such negroes as are able to do their task, assuring the owner that they mostly died by[277]the venereal disease; and the word of the human carcase-butcher is quite sufficient, as no negro is allowed to give evidence in any case whatever.“Dictio testimonii non est servo homini.”Yet should some fair European by accident prove the murder, the delinquent escapes, as I have observed, by paying a fine of £. 50 and the value of the slave, if the owner requires it; and for this price of blood he may slaughter the poor wretches whenever a temporary passion or a habit of cruelty, which is too commonly generated in this situation, prompts his rage.They have moreover many stratagems to evade the penalty, should even the magistrates be present. I have known it happen when one of these scourges of the human race became tired of a negro, that he has taken him out with him a shooting; and ordering him to discover the game, the first bird that started he has shot the poor man dead upon the spot. This was called an accident, and no farther enquiry was made concerning it. Others have been dispatched by the following method:—A stake being fastened in the middle of an open plain, the slave is chained to it, and exposed to the burning sun, where one jill of water and a single plantain is brought him daily, until he pines to death. But this is not called starving, as his master declares that he neither wanted victuals nor drink until he expired—thus he ishonourablyacquitted.[278]Another plan of murdering with impunity has often been put in practice. The slave is fastened naked to a tree in the forest, with his arms and legs extended, under pretence of stretching his limbs; but here he is left, and regularly fed, until he is actually stung to death by the musquitoes and other insects—a most infernal punishment, and such as may be with truth ascribed to the instigation of the devil! Drowning them, by kicking them overboard with a weight chained to their legs, is called accidental death. It has been known that by the orders of awoman, negro slaves have been privately burnt to death, miserably chained in a surrounding pile of flaming faggots. As to the breaking out of their teeth, merely for tasting the sugar-cane cultivated by themselves, slitting up their noses, and cutting off their ears, from private pique, these are accounted mere sport, and not worthy to be mentioned.By such inhuman usage this unhappy race of men are sometimes driven to such a height of desperation, that to finish their days, and be relieved from worse than Egyptian bondage, some even have leaped into the caldrons of boiling sugar, thus at once depriving the tyrant of his crop and of his servant.From these sketches can it be a matter of surprize, that armies of rebels are assembled in the forest, and at every opportunity thirsting for revenge?I shall now conclude this dreadful scene by one general[279]remark, shewing how far population is affected by this most infamous treatment.In Surinam there are, upon an average, about 75,000 negro slaves, as I have stated; from which if we subtract children, and superannuated men and women, there will not be found above 50,000 really fit for labour. There are from six to twelve Guinea ships, that import from 250 to 300 slaves each from Africa annually: we may therefore compute the yearly importation at an average of 2,500, necessary to supply and keep complete the above 50,000; so that the annual deaths exceed the births by the number of 2,500, though each man negro has a wife or two if he chuses, which is, upon the mass, just 5per cent.and consequently proves that the whole race of healthy slaves, consisting of 50,000, are totally extinct once every twenty years.Truth and justice however oblige me to declare, that the inhuman barbarities I have been just describing are not universal. Compassionate Heaven has ordained some exceptions, as I shall impartially shew, by reversing the picture: not, like some writers who have treated this subject, and carefully concealed the most pleasing touches of goodness and humanity, whilst only the darkest shades have been exposed to the public eye, but by candidly exhibiting both sides with equal justice and precision; and it is indeed with pleasure I can affirm, that the negro slaves onsomeestates are treated, in my opinion, asmen[280]ought to be treated; and this mode of conduct might still be more general, by amending the laws, which ought not corruptly to invest human nature with what it is certain to abuse—an authority completely despotic. No master surely ought to be entrusted with the dangerous power of taking away the life of his slaves with impunity; and it ought to be considered an equal crime in the eye of the law to kill a negro or a white man, as it is equally murder in the sight of God.Family of Negro Slaves from Loango.Blake Sculpt.Family of Negro Slaves from Loango.London, Published Decr. 1st, 1792, by J. Johnson, St. Paul’s Church Yard.I shall now introduce to the reader’s acquaintance a negro family in that state of tranquil happiness, which they always enjoy under a humane and indulgent master. The figures in the plate are supposed to be of theLoango nation, by the marks on the man’s body, while on his breast may be seenJ. G. S.in a cypher, by which his owner may ascertain his property. He carries a basket with small fish, and a net upon his head, with a large fish in his hand, caught by himself in the river. His wife, who is pregnant, is employed in carrying different kinds of fruit, spinning a thread of cotton upon her distaff, and comfortably smoking her pipe of tobacco. Besides all this, she has a boy upon her back, and another playing by her side. Thus, under a mild master and an honest overseer, a negro’s labour is no more than a healthy exercise, which ends at the setting-sun, and the remaining time is his own, which he employs in hunting, fishing, cultivating his garden, or making baskets[281]and fish-nets for sale; with this money he buys a hog or two, sometimes fowls or ducks, all which he fattens upon the spontaneous growth of the soil, without expence, and very little trouble, and, in the end, they afford him considerable profit. Thus pleasantly situated, he is exempt from every anxiety, and pays no taxes, but looks up to his master as the only protector of him and his family. He adores him, not from fear, but from a conviction that he is indebted to his goodness for all the comforts he enjoys. He breathes in a luxurious warm climate, like his own, which renders clothes unnecessary, and he finds himself more healthy, as well as more at his ease, by going naked. His house he may build after his own fancy. The forest affords him every necessary material for the cutting. His bed is a hammock, or a mat calledpapaya. His pots he manufactures himself, and his dishes are gourds, which grow in his garden. He never lives with a wife he does not love, exchanging for another the moment either he or she becomes tired, though this separation happens less frequently here than divorces do in Europe. Besides the regular allowance given him by his master weekly, his female friend has the art of making many savoury dishes; such asbraf, or a hodge-podge of plantains and yams boiled with salt meat, barbacued fish, and Cayenne pepper.Tom-tomis a very good pudding, composed of the flour of Indian corn, boiled with flesh,[282]fowl, fish, Cayenne pepper, and the young pods of theocraor althea plant.Pepper-potis a dish of boiled fish and capsicum, eaten with roasted plantains.Gangotayis made of dried, andasosooof green plantains.Acansaanddoquenooare composed of the flour of maize, and the latter is eaten with molasses. His common drink is the limpid stream, sometimes corrected by a little rum. If he is accidentally wounded or indisposed, he is cured for nothing; but it is very seldom he troubles the faculty, being tolerably skilled in herbs and simples, besides scarifying and puckering the skin, which serves instead of bleeding. The inconvenience of vermin he remedies without a comb, by plaistering up his hair with clay, which being dried on the head, and then washed with soap and water, makes him clean beyond conception; his teeth are constantly kept as white as ivory; for this purpose he uses nothing but a sprig of orange-tree, bitten at one end, until the fibres resemble a small brush; and no negro, male or female, is to be seen without this little instrument, which has besides the virtue of sweetening the breath.So much for his body; and with regard to hissoul, it is seldom troubled with any qualms of conscience, or fear of death, as I have stated, being firm and unshaken in what he was taught to believe, which is indeed little, but plain; and when he is no more, his companions or relations carry him to some grove of orange-trees, where he[283]is not interred without expence, being generally put in a coffin of the very best wood and workmanship, while the cries and lamentations of his surviving friends, who sing a dirge, pierce the sky. The grave being filled up, and a green turf neatly spread over it, a couple of large gourds are put by the side, the one with water, the other with boiled fowls, pork, cassava, &c. as a libation, not from a superstitious notion, as some believe, that he will eat or drink it, but as a testimony of that regard which they have for his memory and ashes; while some even add the little furniture that he left behind, breaking it in pieces over the grave. This done, every one takes his last farewell, speaking to him as if alive, and testifying their sorrow at his departure; adding, that they hope to see him, not inGuinea, as some have written, but in that better place, where he now enjoys the pleasant company of his parents, friends, and ancestors; when another dismal yell ends the ceremony, and all return home. Next a fat hog being killed, with fowls, ducks, &c. a general feast is given by his friends to all the other negroes, which concludes not till the following day. The nearest connections and relations of the deceased, both male and female, now cut their hair7and shave their heads, round which having tied a dark blue handkerchief, they wear this mourning for a whole year; after which, once more visiting the grave, they offer a last libation, and taking their final farewell, another hog and fowls being killed,[284]the funeral rites are quite ended by a second feast, which finishes with a joyful dance, and songs in memory and praise of their dear departed friend or relation.No people can more esteem or have a greater friendship for one another than the negro slaves; they appear to have unbounded enjoyment in each other’s company, and are not destitute of social amusements, such as thesoesa, which consists in footing opposite to each other, and clapping with their hands upon their sides to keep in time. So very eager are they at this animating play, in which sometimes six or eight couple are engaged at once, that the violent exercise having been known to kill some of the negroes, it is forbidden by the magistrates at Paramaribo.Awareeis an innocent amusement, consisting in pitching with a large kind of marbles, in defect of which they use the awaree nuts or large pebbles.The men also cudgel and wrestle; yet at this I think them inferior to either those of Cornwall or Devon. Most negroes are strong and active8. But swimming is their favourite diversion, which they practise every day at least twice or thrice, promiscuously, in groupes of boys and girls, like the Indians, when both sexes exhibit astonishing feats of courage, strength, and activity. I have not only seen a negro girl beat a hardy youth in swimming across the River Comewina (while I was one of the party) but on landing challenge him to run a two mile[285]race, and beat him again, naked as they were; while all ideas of shame on the one side, and of insult on the other, are totally unknown.—I shall now say something of their instrumental music and dancing. I have already mentioned the singing and the dancing of theLoangotribe in particular; and will now describe that practised by the other negro nations in general.Their instruments of music, which are not a little ingenious, are all made by themselves, and consist of those represented in the annexed plate; whereNo1, which is calledqua-qua, is a hard sounding-board, elevated on one side like a boot-jack, on which they beat time as on a drum, with two pieces of iron, or two bones.No2, is thekiemba-toetoe, or hollow reed, which is blown through the nostrils, like the nasal flute of Otaheite: it has but two holes, one at each end, the one serving to sound it, the other to be touched by the finger.No3, is theAnsokko-baina, which is a hard board, supported on both sides like a low seat, on which are placed small blocks of different sizes, which being struck with two small sticks like a dulcimer, give different sounds, that are not at all disagreeable.No4, is thegreat Creole drum, being a hollow tree, open at one end, and covered at the other with a sheep-skin, on which they sit astride, and so beat time with the palms of their hands; answering the effect of a bass-viol to thequa-quaboard.[286]No5, is thegreat Loango drum, being covered at both ends, and serves the same purpose as a bass drum.No6, is thePapa drum, beaten as the others.No7, is thesmall Loango drum, beaten together with the great one.No8, thesmall Creole drum, for the same use.No9, is calledcoeroema; this is a wooden cup, ingeniously made, covered also with a sheep-skin, and beaten with two small rods or drum-sticks, after the manner of thequa-quaboard.No10, is theLoango-bania. This I thought exceedingly curious, being a dry board, on which are laced, and kept down by a transverse bar, different sized elastic splinters of the palm-tree, like pieces of whalebone, in such a manner that both ends are elevated by two other bars that are fixed under them; and the above apparatus being placed onNo11, which is a large emptycallebashto promote the sound; the extremities of the splinters are snapt by the fingers, something in the manner of a piano-forte, when the music has a soft and very pleasing effect.No12, is called by the negroessaka-saka, being a hollow gourd, with a stick and handle fixed through it, and filled with small pebbles and pease, not unlike the magic shell of the Indians. This they hold above their heads, and while they dance rattle it to measure.Musical Instruments of the African Negroes.Musical Instruments of the African Negroes.London, Published Decr. 1st, 1791, by J. Johnson, St. Paul’s Church Yard.No13, is aconch, or sea-shell, which by blowing they[287]sound, for pleasure, or to cause an alarm, &c. but is not used as an accompaniment to dancing.No14, is calledbenta, being a branch bent like a bow by means of a slip of dry reed or warimbo; which cord, when held to the teeth, is beaten with a short stick, and by being shifted backwards and forwards sounds not unlike a jew’s-harp.No15, is theCreole-bania, this is like a mandoline or guitar, being made of a half gourd covered with a sheep-skin, to which is fixed a very long neck or handle. This instrument has but four strings, three long and one short, which is thick, and serves for a bass; it is played by the fingers, and has a very agreeable sound, but more so when accompanied by a song.No16, is thetrumpet of war, to command advancing, retreating, &c. and is called by the negroes thetoo-too.No17, is ahornused to supply the place of the other, or on the plantations to call the slaves to work.No18, is theLoango too-tooor flute, which they blow as the Europeans do, after the common way. It has but four holes for the fingers, and yet they make it produce a variety of sounds.—Such are the musical instruments of our African brethren, to which they dance with more spirit than we do to the best band in Europe.To what I have stated, I will only add, that they always use full or half measure, but never triple time, in their dancing music, which is not unlike that of a baker’s[288]bunt, when he separates the flour from the bran, soundingtuckety-tuckandtuckety-tuckad perpetuum. To this noise they dance with uncommon pleasure, and most times foot it away with great art and dexterity.“Saltantes satiros imitabitur Alphisibœus.”Every Saturday evening, the slaves who are well treated close the week with an entertainment of this kind, and generally once a quarter are indulged with a grand ball, to which the neighbouring slaves are invited; the master often contributing to their happiness by his presence, or at least by sending them a present of a few jugs of new rum.At these grand balls the slaves are remarkably neat, the women appearing in their best chintz petticoats, and many of the men in fine Holland trowsers. So indefatigable are they at this diversion, that I have known the drums continue beating without intermission from six o’clock on Saturday night till the sun made its appearance on the Monday morning; thus had passed six-and-thirty hours in dancing, cheering, hallooing, and clapping of hands. The negroes dance always in couples, the men figuring and footing, while the women turn round like a top, their petticoats expanding like an umbrella; and this they callwaey-cotto. During this, the by-standing youths fill about the liquor, while the girls encourage the performance, and wipe the sweat from the brows and sides of the unwearied musicians.[289]It is indeed upon the whole astonishing to see with what good-nature and even good-manners these dancing societies are kept up, of which I repeat it they are so fond, that I have known a newly-imported negro, for want of a partner, figure and foot it for nearly the space of two hours, to his shadow against the wall.If to what I have stated relative to negro slaves, when under a candid and humane master, we further add, their never being separated from each other; parents seeing their children around them, sometimes till the third and fourth generation, besides the confidence that they are all provided for to the end of their lives;—then if we draw the comparison between this class of people, and the numberless wretched objects that disgrace the streets ofEurope, we can assuredly not call those Africans who fall under the above description—unhappy.And now, to sum up all I have to say on the subject of slaves in the fewest words, for the sake of the reader, and also for my own, lest I should seem to contradict myself, by having so frequently animadverted on the shocking cruelties of some masters, and occasionally done justice to the humane and liberal dispositions of others, I beg leave to say one word more on the projectedabolition.—Could we persuade all our commercial neighbours to join inthatmeasure, the case would be different: but since I have seen cruelties exercised so commonly in Surinam, which I never heard of in the British islands, and from my certain observation have declared the soil[290]of that country to be so much more rich and productive than our West Indies, shall we not drive our planters from their worn-out lands, to settle on the more fertile spot, under a government which will allow a free importation of negroes, while our object (if we knew how to compass it) is to reduce an unlimited infliction of punishment, which indeed our planters have by their own laws most humanely restrained9?Such is indeed the love and confidence of some planters for their slaves, that they often entrust their infants to a negro wet-nurse, in preference to an European, where both may be had; and such the attachment of some slaves to their masters, that I have known many refuse to accept of their emancipation, and even some, who had their liberty, voluntarily return to dependence. No one isperfectlyfree in this world, all mankind is depending upon one another—while I will beg leave to conclude this laborious chapter, by this general remark, that all sublunary happiness exists only in imagination, and may ever be obtained, where health of body and peace of mind are not crushed bydespoticoppression.[291]1This is well known to be the case with many other animals, as rabbits, mice, &c. that are perfectly white, to have their eyesblood-coloured.↑2This tree grows to a considerable height and thickness, very straight, and covered with a strong grey prickly bark. The boughs spread very much, with small digitated leaves. The cotton, which it produces triennally, is neither white nor plentiful, which, makes it little sought after. It bears some resemblance to the British oak, the largest of which it surpasses both in elegance and magnitude.↑3This creature is from three to five feet long, and perfectly harmless; it has not the least apprehension of being hurtevenby man; while the unparalleled brilliancy of its colours may be another inducement for the adoration of the negroes.↑4See the 58th Psalm, ver. 4, and 5: “They are like the deaf adder, that stoppeth her ear; which will not hearken to the voice of charmers, charming never so wisely.”—Jerem. chap. viii. ver. 17,—and the Book of Ecclesiastes, chap. x. ver. 11, &c.↑5It is a well-known fact, that a negro, having been ill-treated by the family in which he lived as a servant, one day took the following desperate revenge:—The master and mistress being from home, he, having locked all the doors, at their return presented himself with their three fine children on the platform on the top of the house. When asked why he did not give admittance, he only answered by throwing an infant baby to the ground: they threatened—he tossed down the brother: they intreated, but to no purpose, the third sharing the same fate, who all lay dead at their parents’ feet—then calling out to them that he was now fully revenged, leaped down himself, and dashed out his own brains amongst the amazed spectators.——Another stabbed the inoffensive husband to be revenged on the guilty wife; declaring, that to kill herself was only temporary, but to lose all that was dear to her must be eternal bitterness, while to himself it was the sweetest satisfaction.↑6After the most scrupulous enquiry, and even ocular demonstration, I can assert the above as literally true.↑7We are told Job did the same.↑8WitnessJasJackson, the equestrian rider, London, &c.↑9By a law passed in the council of Jamaica, the punishment of a negro is usually limited to twelve lashes, but never exceeding thirty-nine. In Surinam I have known two hundred inflicted on a female; and was once the unfortunate occasion of seeing it immediately repeated. (See Plate XXXV. Vol. I.)↑

[Contents]CHAP. XXVI.The Troops on Board—Again ordered to disembark—Great Dejection—Mutiny—Insolent Conduct of an Owca Negro Captain—Near two hundred Sick sent to Holland—General Description of the African Negroes.On the evening of the 15th of July, we anchored off the estate Berkshoven, where I spent the night ashore with my friend Gourley; and in the morning we continued to row down the river, when I took my last farewel of Mr. Palmer. I passed the evening of the 17th with Captain Mac Neyl; and, on the 18th, the whole fleet, consisting of my own barges, together with three from Magdenberg, and those from the River Cottica, arrived safe at anchor in the roads of Paramaribo, where three transports lay ready to receive us, on board of which vessels I immediately embarked all the troops that had come down under my command.This service being accomplished, I went ashore, and made my report to Colonel Fourgeoud; after which I went to visit Joanna and her boy, whom, to my great joy, I found very much recovered.The following day I was again sent on board, to make the necessary arrangements for the voyage; and on the 20th I dined with Colonel Fourgeoud, where, to my[242]surprize, I found two species of fish, which I have never mentioned; the one is called thehaddock, being much like ours, but rather larger and whiter coloured: the other theseparee, which a little resembles the skait. At the dessert was a fruit called in Surinamzurzacka, which I believe by the English is called thesour-sap. It grows upon a tree of a moderate size, with a grey bark, and leaves like those of the orange-tree, but set in pairs; the fruit is of a pyramidical form, heavier than the largest pear, and all covered over with inoffensive prickles: the skin is very thin, the pulp a soft pithy substance as white as milk, and of a sweet taste, mixed with a most agreeable acid, in which are seeds like the large kernels of an apple. Another species ofsmall zurzackagrows in this country, something resembling hops, but is of no use whatever. We had also the fruit calledsabatille, which grows on a large tree, the leaves like those of the laurel. This fruit is the size of a peach, very round, and of a brown colour, covered over with a soft down: when cut in two, the pulp is not unlike marmalade, in which are found the seeds; it is such a luscious sweet, that to many palates it is even disagreeable.On the 21st we once more received our clearance, but in card money, by which we all lost very considerably; however, I instantly went to Mrs. Godefroy, and again gave her all the money that was in my pocket, being no more than £. 40. This excellent woman now renewed her entreaties that I should carry my boy and his mother[243]with me to Holland, but to no purpose; Joanna was perfectly immoveable, even to a degree of heroism, and no persuasion could make the least impression upon her, until her redemption should be made complete by the payment of the very last farthing. In this situation we affected to bear our fate with perfect resignation, though what each of us felt in particular may much more easily be imagined than described.The regiment’s colours were now carried on board on the 23d in great state, which put a final close to the expedition, but without receiving anyhonoursfrom Fort Zealandia, not a single gun being fired, nor even the flag hoisted on the occasion, to the great mortification of Colonel Fourgeoud, though in effect it was chiefly owing to his own neglect, as he had never given the Governorofficialnotice of his intended departure. The baggage was also sent on board the ships; and a gentleman of the name ofVan Heystentertained the marines at his private expence with three hundred bottles of wine, fruit, &c.I have often remarked the hospitality and generosity of these people, which I now also once more experienced, receiving various presents of fruits and preserves from my numerous friends, to refresh me at sea while on the voyage; amongst the preserves were the femalepappayas, the male bearing no fruit. This grows on a grey trunk, near twenty feet high, straight, and pithy within, the top being covered with a crown, and only fourteen or sixteen diverging leaves, extremely large and digitated. The fruit grows close to the trunk; the flower or blossom has[244]a most delicious fragrance. When ripe, it is the size and shape of a water-melon, and turns from green to yellow, but its pulp is more firm and solid: the inner pulp is soft and slimy, filled with innumerable seeds. This fruit at full maturity is cut in pieces and boiled, when it eats like English turnips; but they use it principally for confectionary and sweetmeats, when young, and with its blossoms being both extremely delicate and wholesome. I had also sent me some fine preservedginger; this is the root of a kind of reedy stalk, that never exceeds two feet in height, with long, narrow pointed leaves. These roots are tuberous, flattish, small, and clustered in many different shapes, not unlike pig-potatoes, and of nearly the same colour in the inside, but fibrous, acid, hot, and aromatic; the smell is highly fragrant: it is well known to be not only an agreeable preserve, but in many cases an excellent medicine.——But to proceed.On the 24th of July, the sails being bent to the yards, weat lastproceeded in corps to take leave of his Excellency the Governor of the colony, who, while he still received us with the greatest politeness, yet gave our hero to understand, that were his coloursnowto be sent on board, they should most certainly be saluted with thosehonourswhich indisputably were their due. After which he sent the whole corps of Society officers to the head-quarters in state, to wish us a prosperous voyage to Holland; and in this contest of etiquette his Excellency most assuredly led the van; for hinting which, however, to some of Fourgeoud’s favourites, I had nearly engaged myself once more[245]in a serious quarrel. Our men, who had been on board since the 18th, being now joined by their officers, the poor remains of this fine regiment were thus finally embarked, and in the highest flow of spirits, expecting to set sail thefollowing dayfor Europe; while (onealone excepted) every countenance wore the appearance of happiness and joy; and nothing indeed could equal the exultation of the few surviving troops, when the next morning the orders were issued for the ships to weigh anchor and put to sea.But it was by fate ordained that their eager hopes and expectations once more should be blasted: for on the very moment of departure, a ship entered the river with dispatches, inclosing an order for the regiment immediately tore-enter the woods, and remain in the colony until relieved by fresh troops to be sent out from Holland for that purpose. TheSINCERE THANKSof his Serene Highness the Prince of Orange were now read to the men from the quarter-deck of each vessel, “for the manly and spirited conduct they had displayed during so long a trial, and so many great and unprecedented hardships;” but as they concluded with orders for the troops todisembark, and remain in this dreadful service, I never saw dejection, disappointment, and despair so strongly marked: while at this moment I, who but just before had been completely miserable, was now in turn the only one who was not depressed with sorrow.[246]In the midst of this gloomy scene, the men were ordered to give three cheers, which the marines on board one of the vessels absolutely refused to comply with: Colonel Seyburg, and unluckily myself, were in consequence ordered to compel them; which he undertook, with a cane in one hand, and a loaded pistol cocked in the other. Knowing his temper to be fiery and irascible, what did I not feel at this moment? I suddenly leapt into the boat that lay along-side, where, after haranguing those few that leaned over the gunwale, I promised theship’s crewtwenty gallons of Holland’s gin iftheywould only begin the melancholy chorus. Then mounting again the quarter-deck, I acquainted the Colonel that all werenowready and willing to obey his commands; we then re-entered the boat, and in shoving off had the satisfaction to receive three hearty cheers from the sailors, in which joined a few marines, but with such languid looks and heavy hearts as cannot be described.At this time however the Prince of Orange’s goodness of heart appeared in a conspicuous light, as he ordered all private accounts due by the troops to surgeons and physicians to be paid by the treasury; which, however trifling it may appear, was no trifle to many of the officers, &c. and evinced an attention in his Serene Highness which is not always to be found in princes, while all knew his sorrow for the hard lot of his soldiers, but which could not yet be dispensed with, consistent with the general good.[247]If our disembarkation distressed the troops, it afforded joy to most of the colonists; as indeed a petition, signed by the principal inhabitants, had been presented to Colonel Fourgeoud but two days before, “praying that our regiment might stay some time longer, and give the finishing stroke to the rebels, as we had so gloriously begun, and persevered in routing and harassing them;” which indeed was certainly true, for our regiment, in conjunction with the Society and rangers, had demolished most settlements the rebels possessed in the colony, and had driven them to so considerable a distance, that their depredations, and the desertion of slaves, were incomparably less than upon our arrival; and this was assuredly much better than the Dutch making a shameful peace with them, as had been done with the rebels of theOwcaandSaramecasettlements before, yet which would probably again have been the consequence had we not landed in Guiana.As an instance of the insolence ofsavages, when perfectly independant, I must relate a conversation which passed between one of this description and myself at Paramaribo, where the troops were allowed some time to refresh themselves before they again retook the field:—Dining one day at Captain Mac Neyl’s, who was now come to town from his estate, a captain of theOwcanegroes, oursupposedallies, came in to demand money from his lady; and being very importunate, I desired her in English to “give him a dram, and he would be gone;” which the fellow understanding, called me without the[248]door, and lifting up his silver-headed cane, asked me, “If that house was my own? and if not, what business I had to interfere? I am,” said he, in a thundering voice, “CaptainFortune Dago-So; and, if I had you in my country at Owca, I would make the very earth drink up your blood.” To which I replied, drawing my sword, “That my name was Stedman; and that if he dared to utter one insolent expression more, my weapon should find the shortest way through his body.” Upon which he snapped his fingers, and marched off, leaving me much displeased, and blaming Fourgeoud for shewing so much indulgence to such a set of banditti. In the evening, as I returned from dinner, I met the same black fellow again, who, stepping short up to me, said, “Massera, you are a man, a very brave fellow; won’t you now give some money to the Owca Captain?” This I sternly refused; he then kissed my hand, and shewed his teeth (he said) in token of reconciliation, promising to send me a present of pistachio-nuts, which, however, never did arrive, nor indeed should I have tasted.Though we continued in Surinam some time longer, our future services could add but very little to its prosperity, as our numbers were now so very few, and out of this number, small as it was,nineofficers and aboveone hundred and sixtyprivates, all sick and incurable, embarked again for Holland on the 1st of August. I was ill with an ague at this time, and had the offer of making one of the party, but declined it, being determined to see the end of the expedition if I could; I however availed myself[249]of the opportunity to send some presents to my friends in Europe; amongst these were a couple of beautiful parrots, two curious monkies, an elegant collection of fine butterflies, three chests of sweetmeats, and some pickles, all shipped on board the shipParamaribo, and under the care of Serjeant Fowler, who was, poor fellow, one of the invalids bound for Amsterdam.MajorMedlarbeing quite emaciated with fatigue and hardships, now also sailed for Holland; thus, during his absence acting as major, I began to entertain an expectation that I should one day carry home the regiment myself, so very rapidly were our officers daily diminishing; and yet amongst those few who remained two had the courage at this time to venture upon matrimony, and married two Creole ladies, both widows.Every thing now being peaceable and quiet, I recovered my strength so far as on the 10th to walk to Mrs. Godefroy, when I acquainted her that I wished much to emancipate at leastJohnny Stedman; and requested her to become bail before the court, for the usual sum of £. 300, as he should never be any charge to the colony of Surinam. But this she peremptorily declined, though there was no risque, it being only a matter of form; at which I could not help feeling some astonishment, till I was acquainted that she had actually refused the same favour to her own son.The mention of slavery reminds me of a debt which I seem to have incurred to my reader. I have from time to time given some account of the mode in which[250]slaves are brought to this market, and of the manner in which they are treated—But I feel that I have not been sufficiently full upon this subject; and I am the more disposed to bring forward all the information that I have gained concerning the negroes, because I flatter myself that I shall be able to bring some truths to light, that have hitherto been unobserved or imperfectly related, at least to the generality of Europeans.In the first place, as to the complexion of a negro, this, as I have observed before, is I am persuaded entirely owing to the burning climate in which he lives, and an atmosphere still more heated by the sandy desarts, over which the trade winds pass before they reach the habitable parts. The Indians of America, on the contrary, who indeed live under the same degree of latitude, have this wind refreshed by the Atlantic Ocean, and are copper-coloured; and the inhabitants of Abyssinia, who receive it cooled by the Arabian and the Indian Seas, are entirely olive. Thus north of the great River Senegal the complexion changes from black to brown amongst the Moors, as it does toward the south amongst the Caffrarians and the Hottentots; and I am of opinion, that the woolly texture of their hair is an effect proceeding from the same cause. The epidermis or cuticle of the negroes I have seen dissected more than once; it is clear and transparent, but between this and the real skin lies a thin follicle, which is perfectly black, which being removed by severe flagellation, or by scalding, exposes a complexion not inferior to that of an European.[251]On the estateVossenbergh, in Surinam, were born twowhite negroes, whose parents were both perfectly black; the one was a female, sent to Paris in 1734; the other a boy, born in March 1738. And in 1794, a similar woman,Emelia Lewsam, was exhibited in England, whose children (though she is married to an European) are all mulattoes. The skin of these people is not of the European white, but more resembles chalk; their hair the same; their eyes are often red1, and they see very little in the sun-shine, neither are they fit for any kind of labour; while their mental faculties, I have been told, usually correspond with the debility of their bodies.With respect to theshapeof the African negroes, it is from head to foot certainly different from the European mould, though not, in my opinion, in any degree inferior, prejudice being laid aside. Their strong features, flat noses, thick lips, and high cheek bones, may appear deformities to us, and yet amongst themselves may be esteemed the reverse; their bright black eyes, and fine white teeth, we are forced to admire; and one decided advantage in a black complexion is, that all those languid pale sickly-looking countenances, so common in Europe, are never exhibited among them, nor are the wrinkles and ravages of age equally conspicuous; though I must confess that when a negro is very ill, his black changes to a very disagreeable sallow olive.[252]For exertion and activity, their shape is assuredly preferable to ours, being generally strong and muscular near the trunk, and slender towards the extremities; they have mostly a remarkable fine chest, but are small about the hips; their buttocks are more prominent, and their necks are thicker than ours; the thighs are strong, as also the arms above the elbow, but the wrists and lower part of the legs are very slender; and a good deal indeed of the Herculean make of the lateBroughtonthe pugilist may be traced in the form of a vigorous negro. As to the crookedness of their limbs, it is to be accounted for by the manner in which they are carried whilst infants upon the mother’s back, their tender legs being tied close round each side of her waist, which occasions that unnatural bent, with which they are not born: nor are their children ever taught to walk, but left to creep amongst the sand and grass, until they gradually acquire strength and inclination to erect themselves, which they do very soon; by this custom, however, the position of their feet is much neglected, yet by exercise, and daily bathing, they acquire that strength and agility, for which they are so remarkable.Another custom which, in their opinion, conduces much to their health and vigour is, that, during thetwoyears in which the mothers suckle their children, they frequently make them swallow large quantities of water, after which they shake them twice a day, with much violence; they are then taken by a leg or an arm, and[253]tossed into the river, to be well scoured outwardly; nor are the females exempt from this mode of rearing youth, which renders them not inferior to the men, in size alone excepted, while some in running, swimming, climbing, and dancing, as well as wrestling, are even their superiors: thus, that it depends on education to form a race ofAmazonianfemales, is a proposition of which I have very little doubt.Nor are these hardy daughters of the Torrid Zone less remarkable for propagation. I knew a female servant at Mr. de Graaf’s, calledLesperanza, who actually boreninechildren in the course of three years, the first year four, the next two, and the third three. They bring their offspring into the world without pain, and like the Indian women resuming their domestic employments even the same day. During the first week their infants are as fair as any Europeans, except that in the males there is a little appearance of black in acertain part, and the whole body becomes gradually of that colour. Their females arrive early at the age of puberty; but, as in the fruits of this climate, this early maturity is succeeded by a sudden decay. Many of the negroes, however, live to a very considerable age: I have seen one or two that were above one hundred; and the London. Chronicle for October 5, 1780, makes mention of a negro woman, calledLouisa Truxo, atTucomea, in South America, still living, at the surprizing age of one hundred and seventy-five years. In what tables of longevity is there such an European to be found? though most probably[254]this venerable person spent her youth in hard labour, like other slaves; which, though a negro can bear much better in a tropical climate than a native of Europe, yet cannot be natural, either on the coast of Guinea or Guiana, where, without toil, the necessaries of life are produced, and vegetation flourishes spontaneously for ever.In the constitution of the negroes I have still observed this singularity, that while they bear the fatigue of labour in the hottest days, they can also bear the cold and damp better than an European, at least better than I could; sleeping all night on the wet grass, perfectly naked, without any injury to their health, while I have been glad, especially early in the morning, to have a fire lit under my hammock, and while the marines for want of it lay in a shiver. They also bear hunger and thirst, and pain or sickness, with the greatest patience and resolution.I have formerly mentioned the names of more than a dozen of negro tribes: all these know each other by the different marks and incisions made on their bodies—for instance, theCoromantynnegroes, who are most esteemed, cut three or four long gashes on each of their cheeks, as represented in the face of the armed free negro or ranger, in plate VII.TheLoangonegroes, who are reckoned the worst, distinguish themselves by puncturing or marking the skin of their sides, arms, and thighs with square elevated figures, something like dice. (See plate LXVIII.) These[255]also cut their fore-teeth to a sharp point, which gives them a frightful appearance, resembling in some degree those of a shark: and all their males are circumcised, after the manner of the Jews.Among the strange productions of nature, a species of people known by the name ofAccorees, deserves to be particularly noticed.—TheAccorees, or Two-fingers, live amongst the Seramaca negroes, in the very upper parts of the river of that name. This heterogeneous tribe are so deformed in their hands and feet, that while some have three or four fingers and toes on each hand and foot, others have only two, which resemble the claws of a lobster, or rather limbs that have been cured after mutilation by fire, or some other accident. This deformity in one person would cause but small admiration; but that a whole community should be afflicted with this singularity, is certainly a most wonderful phænomenon. Having seen buttwomyself, and that at too great a distance to take a drawing of them, I cannot pretend to vouch for the truth of what I have only heard; but an engraving of one of these figures was positively sent to the Society of Arts and Sciences atHaerlem; while I beg leave to introduce, as a further voucher, the following extract from an old book of surgery and anatomy, procured me by the ingenious and learnedOwen Cambridge, Esquire, ofTwickenham.“After Michaelmas term, in the year 1629, a body was brought from the place of execution to the College of Physicians, to be cut up for an anatomy; and by chance[256]the officer of the college brought the body of a cruel wretch, who had murdered the son of one Master Scot, a surgeon of good note in this city. This wretch was of a very truculent countenance and aspect; his hair was black and curled, not very long, but thick and bushy; his forehead little above an inch high; his brows great and prominent; his eyes set deep in their sockets; his nose crooked, with a round knob or button at the end, which also somewhat turned upwards; on his upper lip he had some quantity of black hair, on his chin very few, straggling, black and stiff; and his nether lip was as big as three lips. Such was his face: but the greatest deformity was his feet, and that almost to admiration; for they were both cloven, but not alike. One foot was equally divided between four and five inches deep into two toes, jointed like other men’s toes, but as large each of them as half the foot could make them, with nails proportionable. The left foot was divided likewise in the middle, but the division was not above three inches deep, or scarce so much; the one half, which was towards the body, made one large toe, with a nail proportionable, like the inward half of the right foot; but the outward half was compounded of two toes, yet growing close and fast together. This monstrous shape of a man I have thought good to give this relation of, from certain knowledge, for there were a thousand witnesses of it present.”With the languages of the African negroes I am but[257]little acquainted; as a specimen, however, I will insert a few sentences of that called theCoromantyn, upon the credit of my boy Quaco, who belonged to that nation, together with a translation in English; and only observe, that they break off their words very short, in a kind of guttural manner, which I cannot easily describe:—For instance—“Co fa ansyo, na baramon bra, Go to the river, and bring me some water.”—“Mee yeree, nacomeda mee, My wife, I want some food.”—So much for the Coromantyn language, as spoken by the negroes on the coast of Guinea.But as to that spoken by the black people in Surinam, I consider myself a perfect master, it being a compound of Dutch, French, Spanish, Portuguese, and English. The latter they like best, and consequently use the most. It has been already observed, that the English were the first Europeans who possessed this colony, hence probably the predilection for that language, which they have still retained. In this mixed dialect, for which I have seen a printed grammar, the words end mostly with a vowel, like the Indian and Italian, and it is so sweet, so sonorous and soft, that the genteelest Europeans in Surinam speak little else; it is also wonderfully expressive and sentimental, such as, “Good eating,sweety-muffo.”—“Gun-powder,man sanny.”—“I will love you, with all my heart, so long as I live,Mee saloby you, langa alla mee hatty, so langa me leeby.”—“A pleasing tale,ananassy[258]tory.”—“I am very angry,me hatty brun.”—“Live long, so long until your hair become white as cotton,Lebee langa, tay, tay, ta-y you weeree weeree tan wity likee catoo.”—“Small,peekeen.”—“Very small,peekeeneenee.”—“Farewel! Good-bye! I am dying, and going to my God,Adioso, cerroboay, mee de go dede, me de go na mee Gado.”—In this sample, many corrupt English words are perceptible, which however begin to grow out of use near the capital, but are still retained in the distant plantations; for instance, at the estateGoet-Accoord, in Cottica, I have heard an old negro woman say, “We lobee so lebee togeddere,” by which she meant, we love to live together; and at Paramaribo to express the same sentence, “Wee looko for tanna macandera.”Theirvocal musicis like that of the birds, melodious, but without time, and in other respects not unlike that of aclerkperforming to the congregation, one person constantly pronouncing a sentence extempore, which he next hums or whistles, and then all the others repeat the same in chorus; another sentence is then spoken, and the chorus is a second time renewed, &c.This kind of singing is much practised by the barge rowers or boat negroes on the water, especially during the night in a clear moonshine; it is to them peculiarly animating, and may, together with the sound of their oars, be heard at a considerable distance.As a specimen, I have tried to set the following words[259]to music, supposing a ranger going to battle, and thus taking leave of his girl:Oan bus adiosi-o da so adiosso me de-go me loby so fighty me man oOne buss good-by o ’tis so good-by girl I must go I love for to fight like a man oAmimbame dego na boosy o da so adiosso me do go.AmimbaI go to the woods o ’tis so good-by girl, I must go.[[audio/mpeg]|MuseScore]Such is their vocal melody; and of their instrumental music, and dancing, which is perfectly to time, I shall speak hereafter, having already given a short account of that which is practised by the Loango negroes. That these people are neither divested of a good ear, nor poetical genius, has been frequently proved, when they have had the advantages of a good education. Amongst others,Phillis Wheatley, who was a slave atBostonin New England, learned the Latin language, and wrote thirty-eight elegant pieces of poetry on different subjects, which were published in 1773. As a specimen, I cannot refrain here inserting the following extract from that entitled, “Thoughts on Imagination.”“Now here, now there, the roving fancy flies,Till some lov’d object strikes her wand’ring eyes,Whose silken fetters all the senses bind,And soft captivity invades the mind.[260]“Imagination! who can sing thy force?Or where describe the swiftness of thy course?Soaring through air to find the bright abode,Th’ imperial palace of the thundering God.“We on thy pinions can surpass the wind,And leave the rolling universe behind.From star to star the mental optics rove,Measure the skies, and range the realms above;There in one view we grasp the mighty whole,Or with new worlds amaze th’ unbounded soul.”What can be more beautiful and sublime?——Ignatius Sancho, a negro, many years servant to the Duke of Montagu, whose sentimental letters, so generally known, would not disgrace the pen of an European, may also be mentioned on this occasion; and with regard to their powers of memory and calculation, I shall only noticeThomas Fuller, a negro, the property of a Mrs.CoxinMaryland, North America; and quote one singular anecdote, as it is related by Dr.RushofPhiladelphia, in a letter to a gentleman at Manchester.“Being travelling,” says the Doctor, “with some other gentlemen of this city, through Maryland, and having heard of the astonishing powers of memory in arithmetical calculation possessed by Thomas Fuller, a negro, we sent for him; when one of the gentlemen in company asked him, how many seconds a man of seventy years, some odd months, weeks and days, had lived? He told the exact number in a minute and a half.[261]When the gentleman who had asked the question took his pen, and having calculated the same by figures, told the negro he must be mistaken, as the number he had mentioned was certainly too great. ‘Top, Massera,’ said the negro, ‘you have omitted the leap-years;’ when having calculated the seconds contained in the number of leap-years, and added them, the number was found exactly the same as that calculated by the negro. This same man multiplied nine figures by nine, by memory, before another company.” Another lately repeated theAlcoranfrom recollection only.—What amazing mental faculties in African negroes, who could neither read nor write! Yet that such things are, is well authenticated.To what I have already advanced, I may add, that all negroes firmly believe the being of aGod, upon whose goodness they rely, and whose power they adore, while they have no fear of death, and never taste food without offering a libation. In the riversGambiaandSenegalthey are mostly Mahometans; but generally the worship and religious ceremonies of the Africans vary, as do the numberless superstitious practices of all savages, and indeed of too many Europeans. Perceiving that it was their custom to bring their offerings to the wild cotton-tree2,[262]I enquired of an old negro, why they paid such particular reverence and veneration to this growing piece of timber. “This proceeds (said he) massera, from the following cause: having no churches nor places built for public worship (as you have) on the Coast of Guinea, and this tree being the largest and most beautiful growing there, our people, assembling under its branches when they are going to be instructed, are defended by it from the heavy rains and scorching sun. Under this tree our gadoman, or priest, delivers his lectures; and for this reason our common people have so much veneration for it, that they will not cut it down upon any account whatever.”No people can be more superstitious than the generality of negroes; and theirLocomen, or pretended prophets, find their interest in encouraging this superstition, by selling themobiasor amulets, as I have already mentioned, and as some hypocrites sell absolution in Europe, for a comfortable living. These people have also amongst them a kind ofSibyls, who deal in oracles; these sage matrons dancing and whirling round in the middle of an assembly, with amazing rapidity, until they foam at the mouth, and drop down as convulsed. Whatever the prophetess orders to be done during this paroxism, is most sacredly performed by the surrounding multitude; which renders these meetings extremely dangerous, as she frequently enjoins them to murder their masters, or desert to the woods; upon which account this scene of excessive fanaticism is forbidden by law in the colony of Surinam,[263]upon pain of the most rigorous punishment: yet it is often practised in private places, and is very common amongst the Owca and Seramica negroes, where captains Fredericy and Van Geurick told me they had seen it performed. It is here called thewinty-play, or the dance of the mermaid, and has existed from time immemorial; as even the classic authors make frequent mention of this extraordinary practice.Virgil, in his sixth book, makes Eneas visit the Sibyl of Cuma; andOvidalso mentions the same subject, lib. 14. where Eneas wishes to visit the ghost of his father.But what is still more strange, these unaccountable women by their voice know how to charm theammodytes,3orpapawserpent, down from the tree. This is an absolute fact; nor is this snake ever killed or hurt by the negroes, who, on the contrary, esteem it as their friend and guardian, and are happy to see it enter their huts. When these sibyls have charmed or conjured down the ammodytes serpent from the tree, it is common to see this reptile twine and wreathe about their arms, neck and breast, as if the creature took delight in hearing her voice, while the woman strokes and caresses it with her hand. The sacred writers speak of the charming of adders and serpents in many places, which I mention[264]only to prove the antiquity of the practice4; for nothing is more notorious, than that the Eastern Indians will rid the houses of the most venomous snakes by charming them with the sound of a flute, which calls them out of their holes. And it is not many years since an Italian woman brought over three tame snakes, which crawled about her neck and arms: they were four or five feet long, but not venomous.Another instance of superstition amongst the negroes I must relate; there is a direct prohibition in every family, handed down from father to son, against the eating of some one kind of animal food, which they calltreff; this may be either fowl, fish, or quadruped, but whatever it is, no negro will touch it; though I have seen some good Catholics eat roast-beef in Lent, and a religious Jew devouring a slice from a fat flitch of bacon.However ridiculous some of the above rites may appear, yet amongst the African blacks they are certainly necessary, to keep the rabble in subjection; and theirgadomenor priests know this as well as the infallible Pontiff of the Roman church. These illiterate mortals differ, however, in this respect from the modern Europeans, that whatever they believe, they do it firmly, and are never staggered by the doubts of scepticism, nor troubled with[265]the qualms of conscience; but whether they are, upon this account, better or worse, I will not pretend to determine.—I however think that they are a happy people, and possess so much friendship for one another, that they need not be told to “love their neighbour as themselves;” since the poorest negro, having only an egg, scorns to eat it alone; but were a dozen present, and every one a stranger, he would cut or break it into just as many shares; or were there one single dram of rum, he would divide it among the same number: this is not done, however, until a few drops are first sprinkled on the ground, as an oblation to the gods.—Approach then here, thou canting hypocrite, and take an example from thy illiterate sable brother!—From what I sometimes throw out, however, let it not be understood that I am an enemy to religious worship—God forbid! But I ever will profess myself the greatest friend to those whose actions best correspond with their doctrine; which, I am sorry to say, is too seldom the case amongst those nations who pretend most to civilization.If savage nations be commonly generous and faithful, they are not, however, without their dark shades; and among these, the most conspicuous is a proneness to anger and revenge. I never knew a negro indeed forgive those who had wilfully offended him. The strength of this passion can only be equalled by their gratitude; for, amongst them, it may be truly said, that[266]“A generous friendship no cold medium knows,But with one love, with one resentment glows.”Their abominable cruelties also, like those of all barbarous nations, are truly shocking. In the colony of Berbicè, during the late revolt, they made no scruple of cutting up their mistresses with child, even in their master’s presence, with many other savage devices too dreadful to relate5.—In the art of poisoning, not even theAccawawIndians are more expert; they can carry it under their nails, and by only dipping their thumb into a tumbler of water, which they offer as a beverage to the object of their revenge, they infuse a slow but certain death6. Whole estates, as well as private families, have become the victims of their fury, and experienced their fatal vengeance, even putting to death scores of their own friends and relations, with the double view of depriving their[267]proprietors of their most valuable possessions. These monsters are distinguished by the name ofWissy-men, perhaps fromwise, or knowing, and by their fatal genius carry destruction to a most dreadful length before they are detected.All barbarous and uneducated people have indistinct notions of property; nor can we wonder that slaves, who in their own persons suffer the most flagrant violation of every right, should be disposed to retaliate. The slaves on the plantations are therefore too commonly thieves, plundering whatever they can lay their hands upon with impunity; nor can any bounds be set to their intemperance, especially in drinking. I have seen a negro girl empty a china-bowl at one draught, containing two bottles of claret, which I had given her by way of experiment, till she could no more stand.I should not forget to mention that theGangonegroes are supposed to beanthropophagior cannibals, like the Caribbee Indians, instigated by habitual and implacable revenge. Amongst the rebels of this tribe, after the taking of Boucou, some pots were found on the fire with human flesh; which one of the officers had the curiosity to taste, and declared it was not inferior to some kinds of beef or pork.I have been since assured by a Mr.Vangills, an American, that having travelled for a great number of miles inland in Africa, he at length came to a place where human legs, arms, and thighs hung upon wooden shambles,[268]and were exposed to sale, like butchers meat in Leadenhall market. And CaptainJohn Keene, formerly of theDolphincutter, but late of theNaimbanaschooner, in the Sierra Leona company’s service, positively assured me, that when he, a few years since, was on the coast of Africa, in the brigFame, from Bristol, Mr. Samuel Biggs owner, trading for wood, iron, and gold-dust, a CaptainDunnigen, with his whole crew, belonging to theNassauschooner, which was her tender, were cut in pieces, salted, andeatenby the negroes ofGreat Drewin, about thirty miles North of the RiverSt. Andrew’s; who having torn the copper off her bottom, burned the vessel.But from these deformities of character I will now relieve the attention of the reader, and proceed in justice to dispel the gloomy cloud, by introducing the sun-shine of their virtues.Their genius has been already treated of, so has their gratitude; which last they carry to such a length, that they will even die for those who have shewn them any particular favour. Nothing can exceed the fidelity and attachment they have for those matters who use them well, which proves that their affection is as strong as their hatred. Negroes are generally good-natured, particularly theCoromantyn, and those ofNago. They are also susceptible of the tender passion, and jealousy in their breasts has produced the most dreadful effects. The delicacy of these people deserves likewise to be noticed: I do not remember, amongst the many thousands I have[269]seen during several years residence among them, ever to have observed even an offer to kiss a woman in public. Maternal tenderness for their children is also natural to the females, for in general, during the two years which they usually suckle them, they never cohabit with their husbands; this they consider as unnatural, and prejudicial to the infants: and the case of Lesperanza (who bore so many children in a short time) is no exception, as her children died almost as soon as they came into the world. The cleanliness of the negro nation is peculiarly remarkable, as they bathe above three times a day. TheCongotribe in particular are so fond of the water, that they may, not improperly, be called amphibious animals.The negroes are likewise spirited and brave, patient in adversity, meeting death and torture with the most undaunted fortitude. Their conduct, in the most trying situations, approaching even to heroism; no negro sighs, groans, or complains, though expiring in the midst of surrounding flames. Nor do I remember, upon any occasion whatever, to have seen an African shed a tear, though they beg for mercy with the greatest earnestness when ordered to be flogged for offences which they are conscious deserve to be punished; but if they think their punishment unmerited, immediate suicide is too often the fatal consequence, especially amongst theCoromantynnegroes, who frequently, during the act of flagellation, throw back their heads in the neck, and[270]swallow their tongue, which choaks them upon the spot, when they drop dead in the presence of their masters. But when negroes are sensible of having deserved correction, no people can be more humble, or bear their unhappy fate with greater resignation. The swallowing of the tongue, which they only practise during the moments of severe discipline, has of late been prevented in Surinam by thehumanemethod of holding a fire-brand to the victim’s mouth, which answers the double purpose of burning his face, and diverting his attention from the execution of his fatal determination. Some have a practice of eating commonearth, by which the stomach is prevented from performing its ordinary functions, and thus dispatch themselves without any immediate pain, but linger perhaps for a twelvemonth in the most debilitated and shocking condition. Against these ground-eaters the severest punishments are decreed by the laws, but without much effect, as they are seldom detected in this act of desperation.After these general remarks upon the mental and bodily faculties of the African negroes, we shall next proceed to view them in a state of bondage, under all the oppression they are exposed to from the rod of barbarous tyranny; then, rescuing them from this horrid scene, we will next consider them as protected by impartial justice, and fostered by the mild hand of tenderness and humanity.The reader may remember that I have already introduced[271]the slaves as landing from on board the Guinea ships, and generally shocking instances of debility and misery:—“Their visage is blacker than a coal, they are not known in the streets, their skin cleaveth to their bones, it is withered, it is become like a stick.”I have also observed, that under the care of some old negroes, appointed for that purpose, they soon become fat and sleek, and learn the language of the colony: they then are sent to work in the fields, to which they chearfully submit; though I have seen some instances of newly-imported negroes refusing to work, nor could promises, threats, rewards, nor even blows prevail; but these had beenprincesor people of the first rank in their native country, who by the casualties of war had the misfortune to become slaves, and whose heroic sentiments still preferred instant death to the baseness and miseries of servitude. Upon these occasions I have seen the other slaves fall upon their knees, and intreat the master to permit them to do the work required, in addition to their own tasks; which being sometimes granted, they continued to shew the same respect for the captive prince that he had been accustomed to receive in his own country. I remember once to have had a remarkable good-looking new negro to attend me, whose ancles and wrists being much galled by chains, I enquired the cause. “My father,” said he, “was a king, and treacherously murdered[272]by the sons of a neighbouring prince. To revenge his death, I daily went a hunting with some men, in hopes of retaliating upon his assassins; but I had the misfortune to be surprized, taken, and bound; hence these ignoble scars. I was afterwards sold to your European countrymen on the coast of Guiana—a punishment which was deemed greater than instant death.”The history of Quaco, my black boy, was still more extraordinary:—“My parents,” said he, “lived by hunting and fishing: I was stolen from them very young, whilst playing on the sands with two little brothers; I was put into a sack, and carried for several miles. I afterwards became the slave of a king on the coast of Guinea, with several hundreds more. When our master died, the principal part of his slaves were beheaded and buried along with him; I, with some other children of my age, were bestowed as presents to the different captains of his army; and the master of a Dutch ship afterwards had me, in exchange for a musket and some gun-powder.”—Each loves his country best, if mild its laws, or rigid:“Thenaked negro, panting at the line,Boasts of his golden sands and palmy wine;Basks in the glare, or stems the tepid wave,And thanks his gods for all the good they gave:—Such is the patriot’s boast, where’er he roam,His first best country ever is at home.”[273]No sooner do these wretched strangers begin to flag at their labour, than whips, cow-skins, bamboos, ropes, fetters, and chains are introduced, until they are ready to sink under accumulated oppression. With some masters their tasks can never be performed, as they must toil on, day and night, even Sundays not excepted. I recollect a strong young negro, calledMarquis, who had a wife he loved, with two fine children; he laboured hard, and generally finished his task of digging a trench of five hundred feet by four o’clock in the afternoon, that he might have some time to cultivate his little garden, and go to fish or fowl to support his beloved family: hard did Marquis strive to earn this additional pittance, when hishumanemaster, apprized of his industry, for his encouragement informed him, that if he could delve five hundred feet by four o’clock, he could certainly finish six hundred before sun-set; and this task the unfortunate young man was condemned from that day ever since to perform.In Surinam the slaves are kept nearly naked, and their daily food consists of little more than a few yams and plantains; perhaps twice a year they may receive a scanty allowance of salt-fish, with a few leaves of tobacco, which they callsweety-muffo, and this is all: but what is peculiarly provoking to them is, that if a negro and his wife have ever so great an attachment for each other, the woman, if handsome, must yield to the loathsome embrace of an adulterous and licentious manager, or see her husband cut to pieces for endeavouring to prevent it.[274]This, in frequent instances, has driven them to distraction, and been the cause of many murders.It is in consequence of these complicated evils, that so many also destroy themselves by suicide, run away to the woods to join their countrymen in rebellion, or if they stay, grow sad and spiritless, and languish under diseases, the effects of bad usage; such as thelota, which is a white scorbutic spot that externally covers the body. Thecrassy-crassy, or itch, which with us comes from poorness of diet, is of course very common with them. Theyaws, a most disagreeable disorder, by many compared to the venereal disease, which renders the patient a shocking spectacle, all covered over with yellow ulcers. To this last-mentioned loathsome malady most negroes are subject, yet but only once in their lives, in which, and being very infectious, it resembles the small-pox: indeed if a fly which has been feeding upon the diseased (and they are generally covered with them) lights upon the slightest scratch on a healthy person, it communicates this dreadful disorder, which always confines him for several months. The most general cure for the yaws in Surinam, is salivation and spare diet, with continual exercise to promote perspiration; and, during this process, the poor wretches absolutely look like decayed carcases.Still more dreadful is theboassy, orleprosy, which is deemed incurable: the face and limbs in this complaint swell, and the whole body is covered with scales and ulcers; the breath stinks, the hair falls off, the fingers and[275]toes become putrid, and drop away joint after joint. The worst of which is, that though the disease is hopeless, the unhappy sufferer may linger sometimes for many years. The lepers are naturally lascivious, and the disease being infectious, they are of necessity separated from all society, and condemned to a perpetual exile in some remote corner of the plantations.Theclabba-yaws, ortubboes, is also a very troublesome and tedious disorder; it occasions painful sores about the feet, mostly in the soles, between the skin and the flesh. The usual remedy in this case is, to burn out the morbid part with a red-hot iron, or cut it out with a lancet; and then the warm juice of roasted limes is introduced into the wound, though with great pain yet with great success.The African negroes are also subject to many species ofworms, both extraneous and internal, owing to the wading much in stagnated waters, and to the crudity of their diet. Of the former species is theGuineaortape-worm, which breeds between the skin and the flesh, and is sometimes two yards in length, of a shining silvery colour, and not thicker than the second string of a bass-viol. It occasions dangerous and painful swellings where-ever it inserts itself, which is mostly about the legs. The method of cure, is to seize the head of the worm when it appears above the skin, and extract it by winding it gently round a stick or card; this operation cannot be performed with too much caution, for if it breaks, the[276]loss of the limb, or even of life itself, is frequently the fatal consequence. Some are infested with seven or eight of these worms at a time.Besides these dreadful calamities, peculiar to themselves, the negroes are subject to every complaint common to the Europeans; who, in their turn, are not exempt in Guiana from the afflicting and dangerous distempers I have just described.It is therefore not to be wondered at if many of the plantations are crouded with miserable objects, left under the care of thedressy negroor black surgeon only, whose whole skill consists in administering a dose of salts, or spreading a plaister. As to the numbers who are excoriated from their neck to their heel, by constant whipping, they may cure themselves, or do their work without a skin, if they think proper.Thus from accumulated miseries, some naturally succeeding from the climate and their poor diet, but more from the inordinate cruelty ofmanagers, it must follow that numerous slaves become unfit for work, many from weakness and depression of spirits, and others from extreme labour becoming old before their time. But for all these evils, this plantation despot finds an infallible remedy, which is no other than to put them to death at once: the loss does not affect him but his master, and he is proud of shewing only such negroes as are able to do their task, assuring the owner that they mostly died by[277]the venereal disease; and the word of the human carcase-butcher is quite sufficient, as no negro is allowed to give evidence in any case whatever.“Dictio testimonii non est servo homini.”Yet should some fair European by accident prove the murder, the delinquent escapes, as I have observed, by paying a fine of £. 50 and the value of the slave, if the owner requires it; and for this price of blood he may slaughter the poor wretches whenever a temporary passion or a habit of cruelty, which is too commonly generated in this situation, prompts his rage.They have moreover many stratagems to evade the penalty, should even the magistrates be present. I have known it happen when one of these scourges of the human race became tired of a negro, that he has taken him out with him a shooting; and ordering him to discover the game, the first bird that started he has shot the poor man dead upon the spot. This was called an accident, and no farther enquiry was made concerning it. Others have been dispatched by the following method:—A stake being fastened in the middle of an open plain, the slave is chained to it, and exposed to the burning sun, where one jill of water and a single plantain is brought him daily, until he pines to death. But this is not called starving, as his master declares that he neither wanted victuals nor drink until he expired—thus he ishonourablyacquitted.[278]Another plan of murdering with impunity has often been put in practice. The slave is fastened naked to a tree in the forest, with his arms and legs extended, under pretence of stretching his limbs; but here he is left, and regularly fed, until he is actually stung to death by the musquitoes and other insects—a most infernal punishment, and such as may be with truth ascribed to the instigation of the devil! Drowning them, by kicking them overboard with a weight chained to their legs, is called accidental death. It has been known that by the orders of awoman, negro slaves have been privately burnt to death, miserably chained in a surrounding pile of flaming faggots. As to the breaking out of their teeth, merely for tasting the sugar-cane cultivated by themselves, slitting up their noses, and cutting off their ears, from private pique, these are accounted mere sport, and not worthy to be mentioned.By such inhuman usage this unhappy race of men are sometimes driven to such a height of desperation, that to finish their days, and be relieved from worse than Egyptian bondage, some even have leaped into the caldrons of boiling sugar, thus at once depriving the tyrant of his crop and of his servant.From these sketches can it be a matter of surprize, that armies of rebels are assembled in the forest, and at every opportunity thirsting for revenge?I shall now conclude this dreadful scene by one general[279]remark, shewing how far population is affected by this most infamous treatment.In Surinam there are, upon an average, about 75,000 negro slaves, as I have stated; from which if we subtract children, and superannuated men and women, there will not be found above 50,000 really fit for labour. There are from six to twelve Guinea ships, that import from 250 to 300 slaves each from Africa annually: we may therefore compute the yearly importation at an average of 2,500, necessary to supply and keep complete the above 50,000; so that the annual deaths exceed the births by the number of 2,500, though each man negro has a wife or two if he chuses, which is, upon the mass, just 5per cent.and consequently proves that the whole race of healthy slaves, consisting of 50,000, are totally extinct once every twenty years.Truth and justice however oblige me to declare, that the inhuman barbarities I have been just describing are not universal. Compassionate Heaven has ordained some exceptions, as I shall impartially shew, by reversing the picture: not, like some writers who have treated this subject, and carefully concealed the most pleasing touches of goodness and humanity, whilst only the darkest shades have been exposed to the public eye, but by candidly exhibiting both sides with equal justice and precision; and it is indeed with pleasure I can affirm, that the negro slaves onsomeestates are treated, in my opinion, asmen[280]ought to be treated; and this mode of conduct might still be more general, by amending the laws, which ought not corruptly to invest human nature with what it is certain to abuse—an authority completely despotic. No master surely ought to be entrusted with the dangerous power of taking away the life of his slaves with impunity; and it ought to be considered an equal crime in the eye of the law to kill a negro or a white man, as it is equally murder in the sight of God.Family of Negro Slaves from Loango.Blake Sculpt.Family of Negro Slaves from Loango.London, Published Decr. 1st, 1792, by J. Johnson, St. Paul’s Church Yard.I shall now introduce to the reader’s acquaintance a negro family in that state of tranquil happiness, which they always enjoy under a humane and indulgent master. The figures in the plate are supposed to be of theLoango nation, by the marks on the man’s body, while on his breast may be seenJ. G. S.in a cypher, by which his owner may ascertain his property. He carries a basket with small fish, and a net upon his head, with a large fish in his hand, caught by himself in the river. His wife, who is pregnant, is employed in carrying different kinds of fruit, spinning a thread of cotton upon her distaff, and comfortably smoking her pipe of tobacco. Besides all this, she has a boy upon her back, and another playing by her side. Thus, under a mild master and an honest overseer, a negro’s labour is no more than a healthy exercise, which ends at the setting-sun, and the remaining time is his own, which he employs in hunting, fishing, cultivating his garden, or making baskets[281]and fish-nets for sale; with this money he buys a hog or two, sometimes fowls or ducks, all which he fattens upon the spontaneous growth of the soil, without expence, and very little trouble, and, in the end, they afford him considerable profit. Thus pleasantly situated, he is exempt from every anxiety, and pays no taxes, but looks up to his master as the only protector of him and his family. He adores him, not from fear, but from a conviction that he is indebted to his goodness for all the comforts he enjoys. He breathes in a luxurious warm climate, like his own, which renders clothes unnecessary, and he finds himself more healthy, as well as more at his ease, by going naked. His house he may build after his own fancy. The forest affords him every necessary material for the cutting. His bed is a hammock, or a mat calledpapaya. His pots he manufactures himself, and his dishes are gourds, which grow in his garden. He never lives with a wife he does not love, exchanging for another the moment either he or she becomes tired, though this separation happens less frequently here than divorces do in Europe. Besides the regular allowance given him by his master weekly, his female friend has the art of making many savoury dishes; such asbraf, or a hodge-podge of plantains and yams boiled with salt meat, barbacued fish, and Cayenne pepper.Tom-tomis a very good pudding, composed of the flour of Indian corn, boiled with flesh,[282]fowl, fish, Cayenne pepper, and the young pods of theocraor althea plant.Pepper-potis a dish of boiled fish and capsicum, eaten with roasted plantains.Gangotayis made of dried, andasosooof green plantains.Acansaanddoquenooare composed of the flour of maize, and the latter is eaten with molasses. His common drink is the limpid stream, sometimes corrected by a little rum. If he is accidentally wounded or indisposed, he is cured for nothing; but it is very seldom he troubles the faculty, being tolerably skilled in herbs and simples, besides scarifying and puckering the skin, which serves instead of bleeding. The inconvenience of vermin he remedies without a comb, by plaistering up his hair with clay, which being dried on the head, and then washed with soap and water, makes him clean beyond conception; his teeth are constantly kept as white as ivory; for this purpose he uses nothing but a sprig of orange-tree, bitten at one end, until the fibres resemble a small brush; and no negro, male or female, is to be seen without this little instrument, which has besides the virtue of sweetening the breath.So much for his body; and with regard to hissoul, it is seldom troubled with any qualms of conscience, or fear of death, as I have stated, being firm and unshaken in what he was taught to believe, which is indeed little, but plain; and when he is no more, his companions or relations carry him to some grove of orange-trees, where he[283]is not interred without expence, being generally put in a coffin of the very best wood and workmanship, while the cries and lamentations of his surviving friends, who sing a dirge, pierce the sky. The grave being filled up, and a green turf neatly spread over it, a couple of large gourds are put by the side, the one with water, the other with boiled fowls, pork, cassava, &c. as a libation, not from a superstitious notion, as some believe, that he will eat or drink it, but as a testimony of that regard which they have for his memory and ashes; while some even add the little furniture that he left behind, breaking it in pieces over the grave. This done, every one takes his last farewell, speaking to him as if alive, and testifying their sorrow at his departure; adding, that they hope to see him, not inGuinea, as some have written, but in that better place, where he now enjoys the pleasant company of his parents, friends, and ancestors; when another dismal yell ends the ceremony, and all return home. Next a fat hog being killed, with fowls, ducks, &c. a general feast is given by his friends to all the other negroes, which concludes not till the following day. The nearest connections and relations of the deceased, both male and female, now cut their hair7and shave their heads, round which having tied a dark blue handkerchief, they wear this mourning for a whole year; after which, once more visiting the grave, they offer a last libation, and taking their final farewell, another hog and fowls being killed,[284]the funeral rites are quite ended by a second feast, which finishes with a joyful dance, and songs in memory and praise of their dear departed friend or relation.No people can more esteem or have a greater friendship for one another than the negro slaves; they appear to have unbounded enjoyment in each other’s company, and are not destitute of social amusements, such as thesoesa, which consists in footing opposite to each other, and clapping with their hands upon their sides to keep in time. So very eager are they at this animating play, in which sometimes six or eight couple are engaged at once, that the violent exercise having been known to kill some of the negroes, it is forbidden by the magistrates at Paramaribo.Awareeis an innocent amusement, consisting in pitching with a large kind of marbles, in defect of which they use the awaree nuts or large pebbles.The men also cudgel and wrestle; yet at this I think them inferior to either those of Cornwall or Devon. Most negroes are strong and active8. But swimming is their favourite diversion, which they practise every day at least twice or thrice, promiscuously, in groupes of boys and girls, like the Indians, when both sexes exhibit astonishing feats of courage, strength, and activity. I have not only seen a negro girl beat a hardy youth in swimming across the River Comewina (while I was one of the party) but on landing challenge him to run a two mile[285]race, and beat him again, naked as they were; while all ideas of shame on the one side, and of insult on the other, are totally unknown.—I shall now say something of their instrumental music and dancing. I have already mentioned the singing and the dancing of theLoangotribe in particular; and will now describe that practised by the other negro nations in general.Their instruments of music, which are not a little ingenious, are all made by themselves, and consist of those represented in the annexed plate; whereNo1, which is calledqua-qua, is a hard sounding-board, elevated on one side like a boot-jack, on which they beat time as on a drum, with two pieces of iron, or two bones.No2, is thekiemba-toetoe, or hollow reed, which is blown through the nostrils, like the nasal flute of Otaheite: it has but two holes, one at each end, the one serving to sound it, the other to be touched by the finger.No3, is theAnsokko-baina, which is a hard board, supported on both sides like a low seat, on which are placed small blocks of different sizes, which being struck with two small sticks like a dulcimer, give different sounds, that are not at all disagreeable.No4, is thegreat Creole drum, being a hollow tree, open at one end, and covered at the other with a sheep-skin, on which they sit astride, and so beat time with the palms of their hands; answering the effect of a bass-viol to thequa-quaboard.[286]No5, is thegreat Loango drum, being covered at both ends, and serves the same purpose as a bass drum.No6, is thePapa drum, beaten as the others.No7, is thesmall Loango drum, beaten together with the great one.No8, thesmall Creole drum, for the same use.No9, is calledcoeroema; this is a wooden cup, ingeniously made, covered also with a sheep-skin, and beaten with two small rods or drum-sticks, after the manner of thequa-quaboard.No10, is theLoango-bania. This I thought exceedingly curious, being a dry board, on which are laced, and kept down by a transverse bar, different sized elastic splinters of the palm-tree, like pieces of whalebone, in such a manner that both ends are elevated by two other bars that are fixed under them; and the above apparatus being placed onNo11, which is a large emptycallebashto promote the sound; the extremities of the splinters are snapt by the fingers, something in the manner of a piano-forte, when the music has a soft and very pleasing effect.No12, is called by the negroessaka-saka, being a hollow gourd, with a stick and handle fixed through it, and filled with small pebbles and pease, not unlike the magic shell of the Indians. This they hold above their heads, and while they dance rattle it to measure.Musical Instruments of the African Negroes.Musical Instruments of the African Negroes.London, Published Decr. 1st, 1791, by J. Johnson, St. Paul’s Church Yard.No13, is aconch, or sea-shell, which by blowing they[287]sound, for pleasure, or to cause an alarm, &c. but is not used as an accompaniment to dancing.No14, is calledbenta, being a branch bent like a bow by means of a slip of dry reed or warimbo; which cord, when held to the teeth, is beaten with a short stick, and by being shifted backwards and forwards sounds not unlike a jew’s-harp.No15, is theCreole-bania, this is like a mandoline or guitar, being made of a half gourd covered with a sheep-skin, to which is fixed a very long neck or handle. This instrument has but four strings, three long and one short, which is thick, and serves for a bass; it is played by the fingers, and has a very agreeable sound, but more so when accompanied by a song.No16, is thetrumpet of war, to command advancing, retreating, &c. and is called by the negroes thetoo-too.No17, is ahornused to supply the place of the other, or on the plantations to call the slaves to work.No18, is theLoango too-tooor flute, which they blow as the Europeans do, after the common way. It has but four holes for the fingers, and yet they make it produce a variety of sounds.—Such are the musical instruments of our African brethren, to which they dance with more spirit than we do to the best band in Europe.To what I have stated, I will only add, that they always use full or half measure, but never triple time, in their dancing music, which is not unlike that of a baker’s[288]bunt, when he separates the flour from the bran, soundingtuckety-tuckandtuckety-tuckad perpetuum. To this noise they dance with uncommon pleasure, and most times foot it away with great art and dexterity.“Saltantes satiros imitabitur Alphisibœus.”Every Saturday evening, the slaves who are well treated close the week with an entertainment of this kind, and generally once a quarter are indulged with a grand ball, to which the neighbouring slaves are invited; the master often contributing to their happiness by his presence, or at least by sending them a present of a few jugs of new rum.At these grand balls the slaves are remarkably neat, the women appearing in their best chintz petticoats, and many of the men in fine Holland trowsers. So indefatigable are they at this diversion, that I have known the drums continue beating without intermission from six o’clock on Saturday night till the sun made its appearance on the Monday morning; thus had passed six-and-thirty hours in dancing, cheering, hallooing, and clapping of hands. The negroes dance always in couples, the men figuring and footing, while the women turn round like a top, their petticoats expanding like an umbrella; and this they callwaey-cotto. During this, the by-standing youths fill about the liquor, while the girls encourage the performance, and wipe the sweat from the brows and sides of the unwearied musicians.[289]It is indeed upon the whole astonishing to see with what good-nature and even good-manners these dancing societies are kept up, of which I repeat it they are so fond, that I have known a newly-imported negro, for want of a partner, figure and foot it for nearly the space of two hours, to his shadow against the wall.If to what I have stated relative to negro slaves, when under a candid and humane master, we further add, their never being separated from each other; parents seeing their children around them, sometimes till the third and fourth generation, besides the confidence that they are all provided for to the end of their lives;—then if we draw the comparison between this class of people, and the numberless wretched objects that disgrace the streets ofEurope, we can assuredly not call those Africans who fall under the above description—unhappy.And now, to sum up all I have to say on the subject of slaves in the fewest words, for the sake of the reader, and also for my own, lest I should seem to contradict myself, by having so frequently animadverted on the shocking cruelties of some masters, and occasionally done justice to the humane and liberal dispositions of others, I beg leave to say one word more on the projectedabolition.—Could we persuade all our commercial neighbours to join inthatmeasure, the case would be different: but since I have seen cruelties exercised so commonly in Surinam, which I never heard of in the British islands, and from my certain observation have declared the soil[290]of that country to be so much more rich and productive than our West Indies, shall we not drive our planters from their worn-out lands, to settle on the more fertile spot, under a government which will allow a free importation of negroes, while our object (if we knew how to compass it) is to reduce an unlimited infliction of punishment, which indeed our planters have by their own laws most humanely restrained9?Such is indeed the love and confidence of some planters for their slaves, that they often entrust their infants to a negro wet-nurse, in preference to an European, where both may be had; and such the attachment of some slaves to their masters, that I have known many refuse to accept of their emancipation, and even some, who had their liberty, voluntarily return to dependence. No one isperfectlyfree in this world, all mankind is depending upon one another—while I will beg leave to conclude this laborious chapter, by this general remark, that all sublunary happiness exists only in imagination, and may ever be obtained, where health of body and peace of mind are not crushed bydespoticoppression.[291]1This is well known to be the case with many other animals, as rabbits, mice, &c. that are perfectly white, to have their eyesblood-coloured.↑2This tree grows to a considerable height and thickness, very straight, and covered with a strong grey prickly bark. The boughs spread very much, with small digitated leaves. The cotton, which it produces triennally, is neither white nor plentiful, which, makes it little sought after. It bears some resemblance to the British oak, the largest of which it surpasses both in elegance and magnitude.↑3This creature is from three to five feet long, and perfectly harmless; it has not the least apprehension of being hurtevenby man; while the unparalleled brilliancy of its colours may be another inducement for the adoration of the negroes.↑4See the 58th Psalm, ver. 4, and 5: “They are like the deaf adder, that stoppeth her ear; which will not hearken to the voice of charmers, charming never so wisely.”—Jerem. chap. viii. ver. 17,—and the Book of Ecclesiastes, chap. x. ver. 11, &c.↑5It is a well-known fact, that a negro, having been ill-treated by the family in which he lived as a servant, one day took the following desperate revenge:—The master and mistress being from home, he, having locked all the doors, at their return presented himself with their three fine children on the platform on the top of the house. When asked why he did not give admittance, he only answered by throwing an infant baby to the ground: they threatened—he tossed down the brother: they intreated, but to no purpose, the third sharing the same fate, who all lay dead at their parents’ feet—then calling out to them that he was now fully revenged, leaped down himself, and dashed out his own brains amongst the amazed spectators.——Another stabbed the inoffensive husband to be revenged on the guilty wife; declaring, that to kill herself was only temporary, but to lose all that was dear to her must be eternal bitterness, while to himself it was the sweetest satisfaction.↑6After the most scrupulous enquiry, and even ocular demonstration, I can assert the above as literally true.↑7We are told Job did the same.↑8WitnessJasJackson, the equestrian rider, London, &c.↑9By a law passed in the council of Jamaica, the punishment of a negro is usually limited to twelve lashes, but never exceeding thirty-nine. In Surinam I have known two hundred inflicted on a female; and was once the unfortunate occasion of seeing it immediately repeated. (See Plate XXXV. Vol. I.)↑

CHAP. XXVI.The Troops on Board—Again ordered to disembark—Great Dejection—Mutiny—Insolent Conduct of an Owca Negro Captain—Near two hundred Sick sent to Holland—General Description of the African Negroes.

The Troops on Board—Again ordered to disembark—Great Dejection—Mutiny—Insolent Conduct of an Owca Negro Captain—Near two hundred Sick sent to Holland—General Description of the African Negroes.

The Troops on Board—Again ordered to disembark—Great Dejection—Mutiny—Insolent Conduct of an Owca Negro Captain—Near two hundred Sick sent to Holland—General Description of the African Negroes.

On the evening of the 15th of July, we anchored off the estate Berkshoven, where I spent the night ashore with my friend Gourley; and in the morning we continued to row down the river, when I took my last farewel of Mr. Palmer. I passed the evening of the 17th with Captain Mac Neyl; and, on the 18th, the whole fleet, consisting of my own barges, together with three from Magdenberg, and those from the River Cottica, arrived safe at anchor in the roads of Paramaribo, where three transports lay ready to receive us, on board of which vessels I immediately embarked all the troops that had come down under my command.This service being accomplished, I went ashore, and made my report to Colonel Fourgeoud; after which I went to visit Joanna and her boy, whom, to my great joy, I found very much recovered.The following day I was again sent on board, to make the necessary arrangements for the voyage; and on the 20th I dined with Colonel Fourgeoud, where, to my[242]surprize, I found two species of fish, which I have never mentioned; the one is called thehaddock, being much like ours, but rather larger and whiter coloured: the other theseparee, which a little resembles the skait. At the dessert was a fruit called in Surinamzurzacka, which I believe by the English is called thesour-sap. It grows upon a tree of a moderate size, with a grey bark, and leaves like those of the orange-tree, but set in pairs; the fruit is of a pyramidical form, heavier than the largest pear, and all covered over with inoffensive prickles: the skin is very thin, the pulp a soft pithy substance as white as milk, and of a sweet taste, mixed with a most agreeable acid, in which are seeds like the large kernels of an apple. Another species ofsmall zurzackagrows in this country, something resembling hops, but is of no use whatever. We had also the fruit calledsabatille, which grows on a large tree, the leaves like those of the laurel. This fruit is the size of a peach, very round, and of a brown colour, covered over with a soft down: when cut in two, the pulp is not unlike marmalade, in which are found the seeds; it is such a luscious sweet, that to many palates it is even disagreeable.On the 21st we once more received our clearance, but in card money, by which we all lost very considerably; however, I instantly went to Mrs. Godefroy, and again gave her all the money that was in my pocket, being no more than £. 40. This excellent woman now renewed her entreaties that I should carry my boy and his mother[243]with me to Holland, but to no purpose; Joanna was perfectly immoveable, even to a degree of heroism, and no persuasion could make the least impression upon her, until her redemption should be made complete by the payment of the very last farthing. In this situation we affected to bear our fate with perfect resignation, though what each of us felt in particular may much more easily be imagined than described.The regiment’s colours were now carried on board on the 23d in great state, which put a final close to the expedition, but without receiving anyhonoursfrom Fort Zealandia, not a single gun being fired, nor even the flag hoisted on the occasion, to the great mortification of Colonel Fourgeoud, though in effect it was chiefly owing to his own neglect, as he had never given the Governorofficialnotice of his intended departure. The baggage was also sent on board the ships; and a gentleman of the name ofVan Heystentertained the marines at his private expence with three hundred bottles of wine, fruit, &c.I have often remarked the hospitality and generosity of these people, which I now also once more experienced, receiving various presents of fruits and preserves from my numerous friends, to refresh me at sea while on the voyage; amongst the preserves were the femalepappayas, the male bearing no fruit. This grows on a grey trunk, near twenty feet high, straight, and pithy within, the top being covered with a crown, and only fourteen or sixteen diverging leaves, extremely large and digitated. The fruit grows close to the trunk; the flower or blossom has[244]a most delicious fragrance. When ripe, it is the size and shape of a water-melon, and turns from green to yellow, but its pulp is more firm and solid: the inner pulp is soft and slimy, filled with innumerable seeds. This fruit at full maturity is cut in pieces and boiled, when it eats like English turnips; but they use it principally for confectionary and sweetmeats, when young, and with its blossoms being both extremely delicate and wholesome. I had also sent me some fine preservedginger; this is the root of a kind of reedy stalk, that never exceeds two feet in height, with long, narrow pointed leaves. These roots are tuberous, flattish, small, and clustered in many different shapes, not unlike pig-potatoes, and of nearly the same colour in the inside, but fibrous, acid, hot, and aromatic; the smell is highly fragrant: it is well known to be not only an agreeable preserve, but in many cases an excellent medicine.——But to proceed.On the 24th of July, the sails being bent to the yards, weat lastproceeded in corps to take leave of his Excellency the Governor of the colony, who, while he still received us with the greatest politeness, yet gave our hero to understand, that were his coloursnowto be sent on board, they should most certainly be saluted with thosehonourswhich indisputably were their due. After which he sent the whole corps of Society officers to the head-quarters in state, to wish us a prosperous voyage to Holland; and in this contest of etiquette his Excellency most assuredly led the van; for hinting which, however, to some of Fourgeoud’s favourites, I had nearly engaged myself once more[245]in a serious quarrel. Our men, who had been on board since the 18th, being now joined by their officers, the poor remains of this fine regiment were thus finally embarked, and in the highest flow of spirits, expecting to set sail thefollowing dayfor Europe; while (onealone excepted) every countenance wore the appearance of happiness and joy; and nothing indeed could equal the exultation of the few surviving troops, when the next morning the orders were issued for the ships to weigh anchor and put to sea.But it was by fate ordained that their eager hopes and expectations once more should be blasted: for on the very moment of departure, a ship entered the river with dispatches, inclosing an order for the regiment immediately tore-enter the woods, and remain in the colony until relieved by fresh troops to be sent out from Holland for that purpose. TheSINCERE THANKSof his Serene Highness the Prince of Orange were now read to the men from the quarter-deck of each vessel, “for the manly and spirited conduct they had displayed during so long a trial, and so many great and unprecedented hardships;” but as they concluded with orders for the troops todisembark, and remain in this dreadful service, I never saw dejection, disappointment, and despair so strongly marked: while at this moment I, who but just before had been completely miserable, was now in turn the only one who was not depressed with sorrow.[246]In the midst of this gloomy scene, the men were ordered to give three cheers, which the marines on board one of the vessels absolutely refused to comply with: Colonel Seyburg, and unluckily myself, were in consequence ordered to compel them; which he undertook, with a cane in one hand, and a loaded pistol cocked in the other. Knowing his temper to be fiery and irascible, what did I not feel at this moment? I suddenly leapt into the boat that lay along-side, where, after haranguing those few that leaned over the gunwale, I promised theship’s crewtwenty gallons of Holland’s gin iftheywould only begin the melancholy chorus. Then mounting again the quarter-deck, I acquainted the Colonel that all werenowready and willing to obey his commands; we then re-entered the boat, and in shoving off had the satisfaction to receive three hearty cheers from the sailors, in which joined a few marines, but with such languid looks and heavy hearts as cannot be described.At this time however the Prince of Orange’s goodness of heart appeared in a conspicuous light, as he ordered all private accounts due by the troops to surgeons and physicians to be paid by the treasury; which, however trifling it may appear, was no trifle to many of the officers, &c. and evinced an attention in his Serene Highness which is not always to be found in princes, while all knew his sorrow for the hard lot of his soldiers, but which could not yet be dispensed with, consistent with the general good.[247]If our disembarkation distressed the troops, it afforded joy to most of the colonists; as indeed a petition, signed by the principal inhabitants, had been presented to Colonel Fourgeoud but two days before, “praying that our regiment might stay some time longer, and give the finishing stroke to the rebels, as we had so gloriously begun, and persevered in routing and harassing them;” which indeed was certainly true, for our regiment, in conjunction with the Society and rangers, had demolished most settlements the rebels possessed in the colony, and had driven them to so considerable a distance, that their depredations, and the desertion of slaves, were incomparably less than upon our arrival; and this was assuredly much better than the Dutch making a shameful peace with them, as had been done with the rebels of theOwcaandSaramecasettlements before, yet which would probably again have been the consequence had we not landed in Guiana.As an instance of the insolence ofsavages, when perfectly independant, I must relate a conversation which passed between one of this description and myself at Paramaribo, where the troops were allowed some time to refresh themselves before they again retook the field:—Dining one day at Captain Mac Neyl’s, who was now come to town from his estate, a captain of theOwcanegroes, oursupposedallies, came in to demand money from his lady; and being very importunate, I desired her in English to “give him a dram, and he would be gone;” which the fellow understanding, called me without the[248]door, and lifting up his silver-headed cane, asked me, “If that house was my own? and if not, what business I had to interfere? I am,” said he, in a thundering voice, “CaptainFortune Dago-So; and, if I had you in my country at Owca, I would make the very earth drink up your blood.” To which I replied, drawing my sword, “That my name was Stedman; and that if he dared to utter one insolent expression more, my weapon should find the shortest way through his body.” Upon which he snapped his fingers, and marched off, leaving me much displeased, and blaming Fourgeoud for shewing so much indulgence to such a set of banditti. In the evening, as I returned from dinner, I met the same black fellow again, who, stepping short up to me, said, “Massera, you are a man, a very brave fellow; won’t you now give some money to the Owca Captain?” This I sternly refused; he then kissed my hand, and shewed his teeth (he said) in token of reconciliation, promising to send me a present of pistachio-nuts, which, however, never did arrive, nor indeed should I have tasted.Though we continued in Surinam some time longer, our future services could add but very little to its prosperity, as our numbers were now so very few, and out of this number, small as it was,nineofficers and aboveone hundred and sixtyprivates, all sick and incurable, embarked again for Holland on the 1st of August. I was ill with an ague at this time, and had the offer of making one of the party, but declined it, being determined to see the end of the expedition if I could; I however availed myself[249]of the opportunity to send some presents to my friends in Europe; amongst these were a couple of beautiful parrots, two curious monkies, an elegant collection of fine butterflies, three chests of sweetmeats, and some pickles, all shipped on board the shipParamaribo, and under the care of Serjeant Fowler, who was, poor fellow, one of the invalids bound for Amsterdam.MajorMedlarbeing quite emaciated with fatigue and hardships, now also sailed for Holland; thus, during his absence acting as major, I began to entertain an expectation that I should one day carry home the regiment myself, so very rapidly were our officers daily diminishing; and yet amongst those few who remained two had the courage at this time to venture upon matrimony, and married two Creole ladies, both widows.Every thing now being peaceable and quiet, I recovered my strength so far as on the 10th to walk to Mrs. Godefroy, when I acquainted her that I wished much to emancipate at leastJohnny Stedman; and requested her to become bail before the court, for the usual sum of £. 300, as he should never be any charge to the colony of Surinam. But this she peremptorily declined, though there was no risque, it being only a matter of form; at which I could not help feeling some astonishment, till I was acquainted that she had actually refused the same favour to her own son.The mention of slavery reminds me of a debt which I seem to have incurred to my reader. I have from time to time given some account of the mode in which[250]slaves are brought to this market, and of the manner in which they are treated—But I feel that I have not been sufficiently full upon this subject; and I am the more disposed to bring forward all the information that I have gained concerning the negroes, because I flatter myself that I shall be able to bring some truths to light, that have hitherto been unobserved or imperfectly related, at least to the generality of Europeans.In the first place, as to the complexion of a negro, this, as I have observed before, is I am persuaded entirely owing to the burning climate in which he lives, and an atmosphere still more heated by the sandy desarts, over which the trade winds pass before they reach the habitable parts. The Indians of America, on the contrary, who indeed live under the same degree of latitude, have this wind refreshed by the Atlantic Ocean, and are copper-coloured; and the inhabitants of Abyssinia, who receive it cooled by the Arabian and the Indian Seas, are entirely olive. Thus north of the great River Senegal the complexion changes from black to brown amongst the Moors, as it does toward the south amongst the Caffrarians and the Hottentots; and I am of opinion, that the woolly texture of their hair is an effect proceeding from the same cause. The epidermis or cuticle of the negroes I have seen dissected more than once; it is clear and transparent, but between this and the real skin lies a thin follicle, which is perfectly black, which being removed by severe flagellation, or by scalding, exposes a complexion not inferior to that of an European.[251]On the estateVossenbergh, in Surinam, were born twowhite negroes, whose parents were both perfectly black; the one was a female, sent to Paris in 1734; the other a boy, born in March 1738. And in 1794, a similar woman,Emelia Lewsam, was exhibited in England, whose children (though she is married to an European) are all mulattoes. The skin of these people is not of the European white, but more resembles chalk; their hair the same; their eyes are often red1, and they see very little in the sun-shine, neither are they fit for any kind of labour; while their mental faculties, I have been told, usually correspond with the debility of their bodies.With respect to theshapeof the African negroes, it is from head to foot certainly different from the European mould, though not, in my opinion, in any degree inferior, prejudice being laid aside. Their strong features, flat noses, thick lips, and high cheek bones, may appear deformities to us, and yet amongst themselves may be esteemed the reverse; their bright black eyes, and fine white teeth, we are forced to admire; and one decided advantage in a black complexion is, that all those languid pale sickly-looking countenances, so common in Europe, are never exhibited among them, nor are the wrinkles and ravages of age equally conspicuous; though I must confess that when a negro is very ill, his black changes to a very disagreeable sallow olive.[252]For exertion and activity, their shape is assuredly preferable to ours, being generally strong and muscular near the trunk, and slender towards the extremities; they have mostly a remarkable fine chest, but are small about the hips; their buttocks are more prominent, and their necks are thicker than ours; the thighs are strong, as also the arms above the elbow, but the wrists and lower part of the legs are very slender; and a good deal indeed of the Herculean make of the lateBroughtonthe pugilist may be traced in the form of a vigorous negro. As to the crookedness of their limbs, it is to be accounted for by the manner in which they are carried whilst infants upon the mother’s back, their tender legs being tied close round each side of her waist, which occasions that unnatural bent, with which they are not born: nor are their children ever taught to walk, but left to creep amongst the sand and grass, until they gradually acquire strength and inclination to erect themselves, which they do very soon; by this custom, however, the position of their feet is much neglected, yet by exercise, and daily bathing, they acquire that strength and agility, for which they are so remarkable.Another custom which, in their opinion, conduces much to their health and vigour is, that, during thetwoyears in which the mothers suckle their children, they frequently make them swallow large quantities of water, after which they shake them twice a day, with much violence; they are then taken by a leg or an arm, and[253]tossed into the river, to be well scoured outwardly; nor are the females exempt from this mode of rearing youth, which renders them not inferior to the men, in size alone excepted, while some in running, swimming, climbing, and dancing, as well as wrestling, are even their superiors: thus, that it depends on education to form a race ofAmazonianfemales, is a proposition of which I have very little doubt.Nor are these hardy daughters of the Torrid Zone less remarkable for propagation. I knew a female servant at Mr. de Graaf’s, calledLesperanza, who actually boreninechildren in the course of three years, the first year four, the next two, and the third three. They bring their offspring into the world without pain, and like the Indian women resuming their domestic employments even the same day. During the first week their infants are as fair as any Europeans, except that in the males there is a little appearance of black in acertain part, and the whole body becomes gradually of that colour. Their females arrive early at the age of puberty; but, as in the fruits of this climate, this early maturity is succeeded by a sudden decay. Many of the negroes, however, live to a very considerable age: I have seen one or two that were above one hundred; and the London. Chronicle for October 5, 1780, makes mention of a negro woman, calledLouisa Truxo, atTucomea, in South America, still living, at the surprizing age of one hundred and seventy-five years. In what tables of longevity is there such an European to be found? though most probably[254]this venerable person spent her youth in hard labour, like other slaves; which, though a negro can bear much better in a tropical climate than a native of Europe, yet cannot be natural, either on the coast of Guinea or Guiana, where, without toil, the necessaries of life are produced, and vegetation flourishes spontaneously for ever.In the constitution of the negroes I have still observed this singularity, that while they bear the fatigue of labour in the hottest days, they can also bear the cold and damp better than an European, at least better than I could; sleeping all night on the wet grass, perfectly naked, without any injury to their health, while I have been glad, especially early in the morning, to have a fire lit under my hammock, and while the marines for want of it lay in a shiver. They also bear hunger and thirst, and pain or sickness, with the greatest patience and resolution.I have formerly mentioned the names of more than a dozen of negro tribes: all these know each other by the different marks and incisions made on their bodies—for instance, theCoromantynnegroes, who are most esteemed, cut three or four long gashes on each of their cheeks, as represented in the face of the armed free negro or ranger, in plate VII.TheLoangonegroes, who are reckoned the worst, distinguish themselves by puncturing or marking the skin of their sides, arms, and thighs with square elevated figures, something like dice. (See plate LXVIII.) These[255]also cut their fore-teeth to a sharp point, which gives them a frightful appearance, resembling in some degree those of a shark: and all their males are circumcised, after the manner of the Jews.Among the strange productions of nature, a species of people known by the name ofAccorees, deserves to be particularly noticed.—TheAccorees, or Two-fingers, live amongst the Seramaca negroes, in the very upper parts of the river of that name. This heterogeneous tribe are so deformed in their hands and feet, that while some have three or four fingers and toes on each hand and foot, others have only two, which resemble the claws of a lobster, or rather limbs that have been cured after mutilation by fire, or some other accident. This deformity in one person would cause but small admiration; but that a whole community should be afflicted with this singularity, is certainly a most wonderful phænomenon. Having seen buttwomyself, and that at too great a distance to take a drawing of them, I cannot pretend to vouch for the truth of what I have only heard; but an engraving of one of these figures was positively sent to the Society of Arts and Sciences atHaerlem; while I beg leave to introduce, as a further voucher, the following extract from an old book of surgery and anatomy, procured me by the ingenious and learnedOwen Cambridge, Esquire, ofTwickenham.“After Michaelmas term, in the year 1629, a body was brought from the place of execution to the College of Physicians, to be cut up for an anatomy; and by chance[256]the officer of the college brought the body of a cruel wretch, who had murdered the son of one Master Scot, a surgeon of good note in this city. This wretch was of a very truculent countenance and aspect; his hair was black and curled, not very long, but thick and bushy; his forehead little above an inch high; his brows great and prominent; his eyes set deep in their sockets; his nose crooked, with a round knob or button at the end, which also somewhat turned upwards; on his upper lip he had some quantity of black hair, on his chin very few, straggling, black and stiff; and his nether lip was as big as three lips. Such was his face: but the greatest deformity was his feet, and that almost to admiration; for they were both cloven, but not alike. One foot was equally divided between four and five inches deep into two toes, jointed like other men’s toes, but as large each of them as half the foot could make them, with nails proportionable. The left foot was divided likewise in the middle, but the division was not above three inches deep, or scarce so much; the one half, which was towards the body, made one large toe, with a nail proportionable, like the inward half of the right foot; but the outward half was compounded of two toes, yet growing close and fast together. This monstrous shape of a man I have thought good to give this relation of, from certain knowledge, for there were a thousand witnesses of it present.”With the languages of the African negroes I am but[257]little acquainted; as a specimen, however, I will insert a few sentences of that called theCoromantyn, upon the credit of my boy Quaco, who belonged to that nation, together with a translation in English; and only observe, that they break off their words very short, in a kind of guttural manner, which I cannot easily describe:—For instance—“Co fa ansyo, na baramon bra, Go to the river, and bring me some water.”—“Mee yeree, nacomeda mee, My wife, I want some food.”—So much for the Coromantyn language, as spoken by the negroes on the coast of Guinea.But as to that spoken by the black people in Surinam, I consider myself a perfect master, it being a compound of Dutch, French, Spanish, Portuguese, and English. The latter they like best, and consequently use the most. It has been already observed, that the English were the first Europeans who possessed this colony, hence probably the predilection for that language, which they have still retained. In this mixed dialect, for which I have seen a printed grammar, the words end mostly with a vowel, like the Indian and Italian, and it is so sweet, so sonorous and soft, that the genteelest Europeans in Surinam speak little else; it is also wonderfully expressive and sentimental, such as, “Good eating,sweety-muffo.”—“Gun-powder,man sanny.”—“I will love you, with all my heart, so long as I live,Mee saloby you, langa alla mee hatty, so langa me leeby.”—“A pleasing tale,ananassy[258]tory.”—“I am very angry,me hatty brun.”—“Live long, so long until your hair become white as cotton,Lebee langa, tay, tay, ta-y you weeree weeree tan wity likee catoo.”—“Small,peekeen.”—“Very small,peekeeneenee.”—“Farewel! Good-bye! I am dying, and going to my God,Adioso, cerroboay, mee de go dede, me de go na mee Gado.”—In this sample, many corrupt English words are perceptible, which however begin to grow out of use near the capital, but are still retained in the distant plantations; for instance, at the estateGoet-Accoord, in Cottica, I have heard an old negro woman say, “We lobee so lebee togeddere,” by which she meant, we love to live together; and at Paramaribo to express the same sentence, “Wee looko for tanna macandera.”Theirvocal musicis like that of the birds, melodious, but without time, and in other respects not unlike that of aclerkperforming to the congregation, one person constantly pronouncing a sentence extempore, which he next hums or whistles, and then all the others repeat the same in chorus; another sentence is then spoken, and the chorus is a second time renewed, &c.This kind of singing is much practised by the barge rowers or boat negroes on the water, especially during the night in a clear moonshine; it is to them peculiarly animating, and may, together with the sound of their oars, be heard at a considerable distance.As a specimen, I have tried to set the following words[259]to music, supposing a ranger going to battle, and thus taking leave of his girl:Oan bus adiosi-o da so adiosso me de-go me loby so fighty me man oOne buss good-by o ’tis so good-by girl I must go I love for to fight like a man oAmimbame dego na boosy o da so adiosso me do go.AmimbaI go to the woods o ’tis so good-by girl, I must go.[[audio/mpeg]|MuseScore]Such is their vocal melody; and of their instrumental music, and dancing, which is perfectly to time, I shall speak hereafter, having already given a short account of that which is practised by the Loango negroes. That these people are neither divested of a good ear, nor poetical genius, has been frequently proved, when they have had the advantages of a good education. Amongst others,Phillis Wheatley, who was a slave atBostonin New England, learned the Latin language, and wrote thirty-eight elegant pieces of poetry on different subjects, which were published in 1773. As a specimen, I cannot refrain here inserting the following extract from that entitled, “Thoughts on Imagination.”“Now here, now there, the roving fancy flies,Till some lov’d object strikes her wand’ring eyes,Whose silken fetters all the senses bind,And soft captivity invades the mind.[260]“Imagination! who can sing thy force?Or where describe the swiftness of thy course?Soaring through air to find the bright abode,Th’ imperial palace of the thundering God.“We on thy pinions can surpass the wind,And leave the rolling universe behind.From star to star the mental optics rove,Measure the skies, and range the realms above;There in one view we grasp the mighty whole,Or with new worlds amaze th’ unbounded soul.”What can be more beautiful and sublime?——Ignatius Sancho, a negro, many years servant to the Duke of Montagu, whose sentimental letters, so generally known, would not disgrace the pen of an European, may also be mentioned on this occasion; and with regard to their powers of memory and calculation, I shall only noticeThomas Fuller, a negro, the property of a Mrs.CoxinMaryland, North America; and quote one singular anecdote, as it is related by Dr.RushofPhiladelphia, in a letter to a gentleman at Manchester.“Being travelling,” says the Doctor, “with some other gentlemen of this city, through Maryland, and having heard of the astonishing powers of memory in arithmetical calculation possessed by Thomas Fuller, a negro, we sent for him; when one of the gentlemen in company asked him, how many seconds a man of seventy years, some odd months, weeks and days, had lived? He told the exact number in a minute and a half.[261]When the gentleman who had asked the question took his pen, and having calculated the same by figures, told the negro he must be mistaken, as the number he had mentioned was certainly too great. ‘Top, Massera,’ said the negro, ‘you have omitted the leap-years;’ when having calculated the seconds contained in the number of leap-years, and added them, the number was found exactly the same as that calculated by the negro. This same man multiplied nine figures by nine, by memory, before another company.” Another lately repeated theAlcoranfrom recollection only.—What amazing mental faculties in African negroes, who could neither read nor write! Yet that such things are, is well authenticated.To what I have already advanced, I may add, that all negroes firmly believe the being of aGod, upon whose goodness they rely, and whose power they adore, while they have no fear of death, and never taste food without offering a libation. In the riversGambiaandSenegalthey are mostly Mahometans; but generally the worship and religious ceremonies of the Africans vary, as do the numberless superstitious practices of all savages, and indeed of too many Europeans. Perceiving that it was their custom to bring their offerings to the wild cotton-tree2,[262]I enquired of an old negro, why they paid such particular reverence and veneration to this growing piece of timber. “This proceeds (said he) massera, from the following cause: having no churches nor places built for public worship (as you have) on the Coast of Guinea, and this tree being the largest and most beautiful growing there, our people, assembling under its branches when they are going to be instructed, are defended by it from the heavy rains and scorching sun. Under this tree our gadoman, or priest, delivers his lectures; and for this reason our common people have so much veneration for it, that they will not cut it down upon any account whatever.”No people can be more superstitious than the generality of negroes; and theirLocomen, or pretended prophets, find their interest in encouraging this superstition, by selling themobiasor amulets, as I have already mentioned, and as some hypocrites sell absolution in Europe, for a comfortable living. These people have also amongst them a kind ofSibyls, who deal in oracles; these sage matrons dancing and whirling round in the middle of an assembly, with amazing rapidity, until they foam at the mouth, and drop down as convulsed. Whatever the prophetess orders to be done during this paroxism, is most sacredly performed by the surrounding multitude; which renders these meetings extremely dangerous, as she frequently enjoins them to murder their masters, or desert to the woods; upon which account this scene of excessive fanaticism is forbidden by law in the colony of Surinam,[263]upon pain of the most rigorous punishment: yet it is often practised in private places, and is very common amongst the Owca and Seramica negroes, where captains Fredericy and Van Geurick told me they had seen it performed. It is here called thewinty-play, or the dance of the mermaid, and has existed from time immemorial; as even the classic authors make frequent mention of this extraordinary practice.Virgil, in his sixth book, makes Eneas visit the Sibyl of Cuma; andOvidalso mentions the same subject, lib. 14. where Eneas wishes to visit the ghost of his father.But what is still more strange, these unaccountable women by their voice know how to charm theammodytes,3orpapawserpent, down from the tree. This is an absolute fact; nor is this snake ever killed or hurt by the negroes, who, on the contrary, esteem it as their friend and guardian, and are happy to see it enter their huts. When these sibyls have charmed or conjured down the ammodytes serpent from the tree, it is common to see this reptile twine and wreathe about their arms, neck and breast, as if the creature took delight in hearing her voice, while the woman strokes and caresses it with her hand. The sacred writers speak of the charming of adders and serpents in many places, which I mention[264]only to prove the antiquity of the practice4; for nothing is more notorious, than that the Eastern Indians will rid the houses of the most venomous snakes by charming them with the sound of a flute, which calls them out of their holes. And it is not many years since an Italian woman brought over three tame snakes, which crawled about her neck and arms: they were four or five feet long, but not venomous.Another instance of superstition amongst the negroes I must relate; there is a direct prohibition in every family, handed down from father to son, against the eating of some one kind of animal food, which they calltreff; this may be either fowl, fish, or quadruped, but whatever it is, no negro will touch it; though I have seen some good Catholics eat roast-beef in Lent, and a religious Jew devouring a slice from a fat flitch of bacon.However ridiculous some of the above rites may appear, yet amongst the African blacks they are certainly necessary, to keep the rabble in subjection; and theirgadomenor priests know this as well as the infallible Pontiff of the Roman church. These illiterate mortals differ, however, in this respect from the modern Europeans, that whatever they believe, they do it firmly, and are never staggered by the doubts of scepticism, nor troubled with[265]the qualms of conscience; but whether they are, upon this account, better or worse, I will not pretend to determine.—I however think that they are a happy people, and possess so much friendship for one another, that they need not be told to “love their neighbour as themselves;” since the poorest negro, having only an egg, scorns to eat it alone; but were a dozen present, and every one a stranger, he would cut or break it into just as many shares; or were there one single dram of rum, he would divide it among the same number: this is not done, however, until a few drops are first sprinkled on the ground, as an oblation to the gods.—Approach then here, thou canting hypocrite, and take an example from thy illiterate sable brother!—From what I sometimes throw out, however, let it not be understood that I am an enemy to religious worship—God forbid! But I ever will profess myself the greatest friend to those whose actions best correspond with their doctrine; which, I am sorry to say, is too seldom the case amongst those nations who pretend most to civilization.If savage nations be commonly generous and faithful, they are not, however, without their dark shades; and among these, the most conspicuous is a proneness to anger and revenge. I never knew a negro indeed forgive those who had wilfully offended him. The strength of this passion can only be equalled by their gratitude; for, amongst them, it may be truly said, that[266]“A generous friendship no cold medium knows,But with one love, with one resentment glows.”Their abominable cruelties also, like those of all barbarous nations, are truly shocking. In the colony of Berbicè, during the late revolt, they made no scruple of cutting up their mistresses with child, even in their master’s presence, with many other savage devices too dreadful to relate5.—In the art of poisoning, not even theAccawawIndians are more expert; they can carry it under their nails, and by only dipping their thumb into a tumbler of water, which they offer as a beverage to the object of their revenge, they infuse a slow but certain death6. Whole estates, as well as private families, have become the victims of their fury, and experienced their fatal vengeance, even putting to death scores of their own friends and relations, with the double view of depriving their[267]proprietors of their most valuable possessions. These monsters are distinguished by the name ofWissy-men, perhaps fromwise, or knowing, and by their fatal genius carry destruction to a most dreadful length before they are detected.All barbarous and uneducated people have indistinct notions of property; nor can we wonder that slaves, who in their own persons suffer the most flagrant violation of every right, should be disposed to retaliate. The slaves on the plantations are therefore too commonly thieves, plundering whatever they can lay their hands upon with impunity; nor can any bounds be set to their intemperance, especially in drinking. I have seen a negro girl empty a china-bowl at one draught, containing two bottles of claret, which I had given her by way of experiment, till she could no more stand.I should not forget to mention that theGangonegroes are supposed to beanthropophagior cannibals, like the Caribbee Indians, instigated by habitual and implacable revenge. Amongst the rebels of this tribe, after the taking of Boucou, some pots were found on the fire with human flesh; which one of the officers had the curiosity to taste, and declared it was not inferior to some kinds of beef or pork.I have been since assured by a Mr.Vangills, an American, that having travelled for a great number of miles inland in Africa, he at length came to a place where human legs, arms, and thighs hung upon wooden shambles,[268]and were exposed to sale, like butchers meat in Leadenhall market. And CaptainJohn Keene, formerly of theDolphincutter, but late of theNaimbanaschooner, in the Sierra Leona company’s service, positively assured me, that when he, a few years since, was on the coast of Africa, in the brigFame, from Bristol, Mr. Samuel Biggs owner, trading for wood, iron, and gold-dust, a CaptainDunnigen, with his whole crew, belonging to theNassauschooner, which was her tender, were cut in pieces, salted, andeatenby the negroes ofGreat Drewin, about thirty miles North of the RiverSt. Andrew’s; who having torn the copper off her bottom, burned the vessel.But from these deformities of character I will now relieve the attention of the reader, and proceed in justice to dispel the gloomy cloud, by introducing the sun-shine of their virtues.Their genius has been already treated of, so has their gratitude; which last they carry to such a length, that they will even die for those who have shewn them any particular favour. Nothing can exceed the fidelity and attachment they have for those matters who use them well, which proves that their affection is as strong as their hatred. Negroes are generally good-natured, particularly theCoromantyn, and those ofNago. They are also susceptible of the tender passion, and jealousy in their breasts has produced the most dreadful effects. The delicacy of these people deserves likewise to be noticed: I do not remember, amongst the many thousands I have[269]seen during several years residence among them, ever to have observed even an offer to kiss a woman in public. Maternal tenderness for their children is also natural to the females, for in general, during the two years which they usually suckle them, they never cohabit with their husbands; this they consider as unnatural, and prejudicial to the infants: and the case of Lesperanza (who bore so many children in a short time) is no exception, as her children died almost as soon as they came into the world. The cleanliness of the negro nation is peculiarly remarkable, as they bathe above three times a day. TheCongotribe in particular are so fond of the water, that they may, not improperly, be called amphibious animals.The negroes are likewise spirited and brave, patient in adversity, meeting death and torture with the most undaunted fortitude. Their conduct, in the most trying situations, approaching even to heroism; no negro sighs, groans, or complains, though expiring in the midst of surrounding flames. Nor do I remember, upon any occasion whatever, to have seen an African shed a tear, though they beg for mercy with the greatest earnestness when ordered to be flogged for offences which they are conscious deserve to be punished; but if they think their punishment unmerited, immediate suicide is too often the fatal consequence, especially amongst theCoromantynnegroes, who frequently, during the act of flagellation, throw back their heads in the neck, and[270]swallow their tongue, which choaks them upon the spot, when they drop dead in the presence of their masters. But when negroes are sensible of having deserved correction, no people can be more humble, or bear their unhappy fate with greater resignation. The swallowing of the tongue, which they only practise during the moments of severe discipline, has of late been prevented in Surinam by thehumanemethod of holding a fire-brand to the victim’s mouth, which answers the double purpose of burning his face, and diverting his attention from the execution of his fatal determination. Some have a practice of eating commonearth, by which the stomach is prevented from performing its ordinary functions, and thus dispatch themselves without any immediate pain, but linger perhaps for a twelvemonth in the most debilitated and shocking condition. Against these ground-eaters the severest punishments are decreed by the laws, but without much effect, as they are seldom detected in this act of desperation.After these general remarks upon the mental and bodily faculties of the African negroes, we shall next proceed to view them in a state of bondage, under all the oppression they are exposed to from the rod of barbarous tyranny; then, rescuing them from this horrid scene, we will next consider them as protected by impartial justice, and fostered by the mild hand of tenderness and humanity.The reader may remember that I have already introduced[271]the slaves as landing from on board the Guinea ships, and generally shocking instances of debility and misery:—“Their visage is blacker than a coal, they are not known in the streets, their skin cleaveth to their bones, it is withered, it is become like a stick.”I have also observed, that under the care of some old negroes, appointed for that purpose, they soon become fat and sleek, and learn the language of the colony: they then are sent to work in the fields, to which they chearfully submit; though I have seen some instances of newly-imported negroes refusing to work, nor could promises, threats, rewards, nor even blows prevail; but these had beenprincesor people of the first rank in their native country, who by the casualties of war had the misfortune to become slaves, and whose heroic sentiments still preferred instant death to the baseness and miseries of servitude. Upon these occasions I have seen the other slaves fall upon their knees, and intreat the master to permit them to do the work required, in addition to their own tasks; which being sometimes granted, they continued to shew the same respect for the captive prince that he had been accustomed to receive in his own country. I remember once to have had a remarkable good-looking new negro to attend me, whose ancles and wrists being much galled by chains, I enquired the cause. “My father,” said he, “was a king, and treacherously murdered[272]by the sons of a neighbouring prince. To revenge his death, I daily went a hunting with some men, in hopes of retaliating upon his assassins; but I had the misfortune to be surprized, taken, and bound; hence these ignoble scars. I was afterwards sold to your European countrymen on the coast of Guiana—a punishment which was deemed greater than instant death.”The history of Quaco, my black boy, was still more extraordinary:—“My parents,” said he, “lived by hunting and fishing: I was stolen from them very young, whilst playing on the sands with two little brothers; I was put into a sack, and carried for several miles. I afterwards became the slave of a king on the coast of Guinea, with several hundreds more. When our master died, the principal part of his slaves were beheaded and buried along with him; I, with some other children of my age, were bestowed as presents to the different captains of his army; and the master of a Dutch ship afterwards had me, in exchange for a musket and some gun-powder.”—Each loves his country best, if mild its laws, or rigid:“Thenaked negro, panting at the line,Boasts of his golden sands and palmy wine;Basks in the glare, or stems the tepid wave,And thanks his gods for all the good they gave:—Such is the patriot’s boast, where’er he roam,His first best country ever is at home.”[273]No sooner do these wretched strangers begin to flag at their labour, than whips, cow-skins, bamboos, ropes, fetters, and chains are introduced, until they are ready to sink under accumulated oppression. With some masters their tasks can never be performed, as they must toil on, day and night, even Sundays not excepted. I recollect a strong young negro, calledMarquis, who had a wife he loved, with two fine children; he laboured hard, and generally finished his task of digging a trench of five hundred feet by four o’clock in the afternoon, that he might have some time to cultivate his little garden, and go to fish or fowl to support his beloved family: hard did Marquis strive to earn this additional pittance, when hishumanemaster, apprized of his industry, for his encouragement informed him, that if he could delve five hundred feet by four o’clock, he could certainly finish six hundred before sun-set; and this task the unfortunate young man was condemned from that day ever since to perform.In Surinam the slaves are kept nearly naked, and their daily food consists of little more than a few yams and plantains; perhaps twice a year they may receive a scanty allowance of salt-fish, with a few leaves of tobacco, which they callsweety-muffo, and this is all: but what is peculiarly provoking to them is, that if a negro and his wife have ever so great an attachment for each other, the woman, if handsome, must yield to the loathsome embrace of an adulterous and licentious manager, or see her husband cut to pieces for endeavouring to prevent it.[274]This, in frequent instances, has driven them to distraction, and been the cause of many murders.It is in consequence of these complicated evils, that so many also destroy themselves by suicide, run away to the woods to join their countrymen in rebellion, or if they stay, grow sad and spiritless, and languish under diseases, the effects of bad usage; such as thelota, which is a white scorbutic spot that externally covers the body. Thecrassy-crassy, or itch, which with us comes from poorness of diet, is of course very common with them. Theyaws, a most disagreeable disorder, by many compared to the venereal disease, which renders the patient a shocking spectacle, all covered over with yellow ulcers. To this last-mentioned loathsome malady most negroes are subject, yet but only once in their lives, in which, and being very infectious, it resembles the small-pox: indeed if a fly which has been feeding upon the diseased (and they are generally covered with them) lights upon the slightest scratch on a healthy person, it communicates this dreadful disorder, which always confines him for several months. The most general cure for the yaws in Surinam, is salivation and spare diet, with continual exercise to promote perspiration; and, during this process, the poor wretches absolutely look like decayed carcases.Still more dreadful is theboassy, orleprosy, which is deemed incurable: the face and limbs in this complaint swell, and the whole body is covered with scales and ulcers; the breath stinks, the hair falls off, the fingers and[275]toes become putrid, and drop away joint after joint. The worst of which is, that though the disease is hopeless, the unhappy sufferer may linger sometimes for many years. The lepers are naturally lascivious, and the disease being infectious, they are of necessity separated from all society, and condemned to a perpetual exile in some remote corner of the plantations.Theclabba-yaws, ortubboes, is also a very troublesome and tedious disorder; it occasions painful sores about the feet, mostly in the soles, between the skin and the flesh. The usual remedy in this case is, to burn out the morbid part with a red-hot iron, or cut it out with a lancet; and then the warm juice of roasted limes is introduced into the wound, though with great pain yet with great success.The African negroes are also subject to many species ofworms, both extraneous and internal, owing to the wading much in stagnated waters, and to the crudity of their diet. Of the former species is theGuineaortape-worm, which breeds between the skin and the flesh, and is sometimes two yards in length, of a shining silvery colour, and not thicker than the second string of a bass-viol. It occasions dangerous and painful swellings where-ever it inserts itself, which is mostly about the legs. The method of cure, is to seize the head of the worm when it appears above the skin, and extract it by winding it gently round a stick or card; this operation cannot be performed with too much caution, for if it breaks, the[276]loss of the limb, or even of life itself, is frequently the fatal consequence. Some are infested with seven or eight of these worms at a time.Besides these dreadful calamities, peculiar to themselves, the negroes are subject to every complaint common to the Europeans; who, in their turn, are not exempt in Guiana from the afflicting and dangerous distempers I have just described.It is therefore not to be wondered at if many of the plantations are crouded with miserable objects, left under the care of thedressy negroor black surgeon only, whose whole skill consists in administering a dose of salts, or spreading a plaister. As to the numbers who are excoriated from their neck to their heel, by constant whipping, they may cure themselves, or do their work without a skin, if they think proper.Thus from accumulated miseries, some naturally succeeding from the climate and their poor diet, but more from the inordinate cruelty ofmanagers, it must follow that numerous slaves become unfit for work, many from weakness and depression of spirits, and others from extreme labour becoming old before their time. But for all these evils, this plantation despot finds an infallible remedy, which is no other than to put them to death at once: the loss does not affect him but his master, and he is proud of shewing only such negroes as are able to do their task, assuring the owner that they mostly died by[277]the venereal disease; and the word of the human carcase-butcher is quite sufficient, as no negro is allowed to give evidence in any case whatever.“Dictio testimonii non est servo homini.”Yet should some fair European by accident prove the murder, the delinquent escapes, as I have observed, by paying a fine of £. 50 and the value of the slave, if the owner requires it; and for this price of blood he may slaughter the poor wretches whenever a temporary passion or a habit of cruelty, which is too commonly generated in this situation, prompts his rage.They have moreover many stratagems to evade the penalty, should even the magistrates be present. I have known it happen when one of these scourges of the human race became tired of a negro, that he has taken him out with him a shooting; and ordering him to discover the game, the first bird that started he has shot the poor man dead upon the spot. This was called an accident, and no farther enquiry was made concerning it. Others have been dispatched by the following method:—A stake being fastened in the middle of an open plain, the slave is chained to it, and exposed to the burning sun, where one jill of water and a single plantain is brought him daily, until he pines to death. But this is not called starving, as his master declares that he neither wanted victuals nor drink until he expired—thus he ishonourablyacquitted.[278]Another plan of murdering with impunity has often been put in practice. The slave is fastened naked to a tree in the forest, with his arms and legs extended, under pretence of stretching his limbs; but here he is left, and regularly fed, until he is actually stung to death by the musquitoes and other insects—a most infernal punishment, and such as may be with truth ascribed to the instigation of the devil! Drowning them, by kicking them overboard with a weight chained to their legs, is called accidental death. It has been known that by the orders of awoman, negro slaves have been privately burnt to death, miserably chained in a surrounding pile of flaming faggots. As to the breaking out of their teeth, merely for tasting the sugar-cane cultivated by themselves, slitting up their noses, and cutting off their ears, from private pique, these are accounted mere sport, and not worthy to be mentioned.By such inhuman usage this unhappy race of men are sometimes driven to such a height of desperation, that to finish their days, and be relieved from worse than Egyptian bondage, some even have leaped into the caldrons of boiling sugar, thus at once depriving the tyrant of his crop and of his servant.From these sketches can it be a matter of surprize, that armies of rebels are assembled in the forest, and at every opportunity thirsting for revenge?I shall now conclude this dreadful scene by one general[279]remark, shewing how far population is affected by this most infamous treatment.In Surinam there are, upon an average, about 75,000 negro slaves, as I have stated; from which if we subtract children, and superannuated men and women, there will not be found above 50,000 really fit for labour. There are from six to twelve Guinea ships, that import from 250 to 300 slaves each from Africa annually: we may therefore compute the yearly importation at an average of 2,500, necessary to supply and keep complete the above 50,000; so that the annual deaths exceed the births by the number of 2,500, though each man negro has a wife or two if he chuses, which is, upon the mass, just 5per cent.and consequently proves that the whole race of healthy slaves, consisting of 50,000, are totally extinct once every twenty years.Truth and justice however oblige me to declare, that the inhuman barbarities I have been just describing are not universal. Compassionate Heaven has ordained some exceptions, as I shall impartially shew, by reversing the picture: not, like some writers who have treated this subject, and carefully concealed the most pleasing touches of goodness and humanity, whilst only the darkest shades have been exposed to the public eye, but by candidly exhibiting both sides with equal justice and precision; and it is indeed with pleasure I can affirm, that the negro slaves onsomeestates are treated, in my opinion, asmen[280]ought to be treated; and this mode of conduct might still be more general, by amending the laws, which ought not corruptly to invest human nature with what it is certain to abuse—an authority completely despotic. No master surely ought to be entrusted with the dangerous power of taking away the life of his slaves with impunity; and it ought to be considered an equal crime in the eye of the law to kill a negro or a white man, as it is equally murder in the sight of God.Family of Negro Slaves from Loango.Blake Sculpt.Family of Negro Slaves from Loango.London, Published Decr. 1st, 1792, by J. Johnson, St. Paul’s Church Yard.I shall now introduce to the reader’s acquaintance a negro family in that state of tranquil happiness, which they always enjoy under a humane and indulgent master. The figures in the plate are supposed to be of theLoango nation, by the marks on the man’s body, while on his breast may be seenJ. G. S.in a cypher, by which his owner may ascertain his property. He carries a basket with small fish, and a net upon his head, with a large fish in his hand, caught by himself in the river. His wife, who is pregnant, is employed in carrying different kinds of fruit, spinning a thread of cotton upon her distaff, and comfortably smoking her pipe of tobacco. Besides all this, she has a boy upon her back, and another playing by her side. Thus, under a mild master and an honest overseer, a negro’s labour is no more than a healthy exercise, which ends at the setting-sun, and the remaining time is his own, which he employs in hunting, fishing, cultivating his garden, or making baskets[281]and fish-nets for sale; with this money he buys a hog or two, sometimes fowls or ducks, all which he fattens upon the spontaneous growth of the soil, without expence, and very little trouble, and, in the end, they afford him considerable profit. Thus pleasantly situated, he is exempt from every anxiety, and pays no taxes, but looks up to his master as the only protector of him and his family. He adores him, not from fear, but from a conviction that he is indebted to his goodness for all the comforts he enjoys. He breathes in a luxurious warm climate, like his own, which renders clothes unnecessary, and he finds himself more healthy, as well as more at his ease, by going naked. His house he may build after his own fancy. The forest affords him every necessary material for the cutting. His bed is a hammock, or a mat calledpapaya. His pots he manufactures himself, and his dishes are gourds, which grow in his garden. He never lives with a wife he does not love, exchanging for another the moment either he or she becomes tired, though this separation happens less frequently here than divorces do in Europe. Besides the regular allowance given him by his master weekly, his female friend has the art of making many savoury dishes; such asbraf, or a hodge-podge of plantains and yams boiled with salt meat, barbacued fish, and Cayenne pepper.Tom-tomis a very good pudding, composed of the flour of Indian corn, boiled with flesh,[282]fowl, fish, Cayenne pepper, and the young pods of theocraor althea plant.Pepper-potis a dish of boiled fish and capsicum, eaten with roasted plantains.Gangotayis made of dried, andasosooof green plantains.Acansaanddoquenooare composed of the flour of maize, and the latter is eaten with molasses. His common drink is the limpid stream, sometimes corrected by a little rum. If he is accidentally wounded or indisposed, he is cured for nothing; but it is very seldom he troubles the faculty, being tolerably skilled in herbs and simples, besides scarifying and puckering the skin, which serves instead of bleeding. The inconvenience of vermin he remedies without a comb, by plaistering up his hair with clay, which being dried on the head, and then washed with soap and water, makes him clean beyond conception; his teeth are constantly kept as white as ivory; for this purpose he uses nothing but a sprig of orange-tree, bitten at one end, until the fibres resemble a small brush; and no negro, male or female, is to be seen without this little instrument, which has besides the virtue of sweetening the breath.So much for his body; and with regard to hissoul, it is seldom troubled with any qualms of conscience, or fear of death, as I have stated, being firm and unshaken in what he was taught to believe, which is indeed little, but plain; and when he is no more, his companions or relations carry him to some grove of orange-trees, where he[283]is not interred without expence, being generally put in a coffin of the very best wood and workmanship, while the cries and lamentations of his surviving friends, who sing a dirge, pierce the sky. The grave being filled up, and a green turf neatly spread over it, a couple of large gourds are put by the side, the one with water, the other with boiled fowls, pork, cassava, &c. as a libation, not from a superstitious notion, as some believe, that he will eat or drink it, but as a testimony of that regard which they have for his memory and ashes; while some even add the little furniture that he left behind, breaking it in pieces over the grave. This done, every one takes his last farewell, speaking to him as if alive, and testifying their sorrow at his departure; adding, that they hope to see him, not inGuinea, as some have written, but in that better place, where he now enjoys the pleasant company of his parents, friends, and ancestors; when another dismal yell ends the ceremony, and all return home. Next a fat hog being killed, with fowls, ducks, &c. a general feast is given by his friends to all the other negroes, which concludes not till the following day. The nearest connections and relations of the deceased, both male and female, now cut their hair7and shave their heads, round which having tied a dark blue handkerchief, they wear this mourning for a whole year; after which, once more visiting the grave, they offer a last libation, and taking their final farewell, another hog and fowls being killed,[284]the funeral rites are quite ended by a second feast, which finishes with a joyful dance, and songs in memory and praise of their dear departed friend or relation.No people can more esteem or have a greater friendship for one another than the negro slaves; they appear to have unbounded enjoyment in each other’s company, and are not destitute of social amusements, such as thesoesa, which consists in footing opposite to each other, and clapping with their hands upon their sides to keep in time. So very eager are they at this animating play, in which sometimes six or eight couple are engaged at once, that the violent exercise having been known to kill some of the negroes, it is forbidden by the magistrates at Paramaribo.Awareeis an innocent amusement, consisting in pitching with a large kind of marbles, in defect of which they use the awaree nuts or large pebbles.The men also cudgel and wrestle; yet at this I think them inferior to either those of Cornwall or Devon. Most negroes are strong and active8. But swimming is their favourite diversion, which they practise every day at least twice or thrice, promiscuously, in groupes of boys and girls, like the Indians, when both sexes exhibit astonishing feats of courage, strength, and activity. I have not only seen a negro girl beat a hardy youth in swimming across the River Comewina (while I was one of the party) but on landing challenge him to run a two mile[285]race, and beat him again, naked as they were; while all ideas of shame on the one side, and of insult on the other, are totally unknown.—I shall now say something of their instrumental music and dancing. I have already mentioned the singing and the dancing of theLoangotribe in particular; and will now describe that practised by the other negro nations in general.Their instruments of music, which are not a little ingenious, are all made by themselves, and consist of those represented in the annexed plate; whereNo1, which is calledqua-qua, is a hard sounding-board, elevated on one side like a boot-jack, on which they beat time as on a drum, with two pieces of iron, or two bones.No2, is thekiemba-toetoe, or hollow reed, which is blown through the nostrils, like the nasal flute of Otaheite: it has but two holes, one at each end, the one serving to sound it, the other to be touched by the finger.No3, is theAnsokko-baina, which is a hard board, supported on both sides like a low seat, on which are placed small blocks of different sizes, which being struck with two small sticks like a dulcimer, give different sounds, that are not at all disagreeable.No4, is thegreat Creole drum, being a hollow tree, open at one end, and covered at the other with a sheep-skin, on which they sit astride, and so beat time with the palms of their hands; answering the effect of a bass-viol to thequa-quaboard.[286]No5, is thegreat Loango drum, being covered at both ends, and serves the same purpose as a bass drum.No6, is thePapa drum, beaten as the others.No7, is thesmall Loango drum, beaten together with the great one.No8, thesmall Creole drum, for the same use.No9, is calledcoeroema; this is a wooden cup, ingeniously made, covered also with a sheep-skin, and beaten with two small rods or drum-sticks, after the manner of thequa-quaboard.No10, is theLoango-bania. This I thought exceedingly curious, being a dry board, on which are laced, and kept down by a transverse bar, different sized elastic splinters of the palm-tree, like pieces of whalebone, in such a manner that both ends are elevated by two other bars that are fixed under them; and the above apparatus being placed onNo11, which is a large emptycallebashto promote the sound; the extremities of the splinters are snapt by the fingers, something in the manner of a piano-forte, when the music has a soft and very pleasing effect.No12, is called by the negroessaka-saka, being a hollow gourd, with a stick and handle fixed through it, and filled with small pebbles and pease, not unlike the magic shell of the Indians. This they hold above their heads, and while they dance rattle it to measure.Musical Instruments of the African Negroes.Musical Instruments of the African Negroes.London, Published Decr. 1st, 1791, by J. Johnson, St. Paul’s Church Yard.No13, is aconch, or sea-shell, which by blowing they[287]sound, for pleasure, or to cause an alarm, &c. but is not used as an accompaniment to dancing.No14, is calledbenta, being a branch bent like a bow by means of a slip of dry reed or warimbo; which cord, when held to the teeth, is beaten with a short stick, and by being shifted backwards and forwards sounds not unlike a jew’s-harp.No15, is theCreole-bania, this is like a mandoline or guitar, being made of a half gourd covered with a sheep-skin, to which is fixed a very long neck or handle. This instrument has but four strings, three long and one short, which is thick, and serves for a bass; it is played by the fingers, and has a very agreeable sound, but more so when accompanied by a song.No16, is thetrumpet of war, to command advancing, retreating, &c. and is called by the negroes thetoo-too.No17, is ahornused to supply the place of the other, or on the plantations to call the slaves to work.No18, is theLoango too-tooor flute, which they blow as the Europeans do, after the common way. It has but four holes for the fingers, and yet they make it produce a variety of sounds.—Such are the musical instruments of our African brethren, to which they dance with more spirit than we do to the best band in Europe.To what I have stated, I will only add, that they always use full or half measure, but never triple time, in their dancing music, which is not unlike that of a baker’s[288]bunt, when he separates the flour from the bran, soundingtuckety-tuckandtuckety-tuckad perpetuum. To this noise they dance with uncommon pleasure, and most times foot it away with great art and dexterity.“Saltantes satiros imitabitur Alphisibœus.”Every Saturday evening, the slaves who are well treated close the week with an entertainment of this kind, and generally once a quarter are indulged with a grand ball, to which the neighbouring slaves are invited; the master often contributing to their happiness by his presence, or at least by sending them a present of a few jugs of new rum.At these grand balls the slaves are remarkably neat, the women appearing in their best chintz petticoats, and many of the men in fine Holland trowsers. So indefatigable are they at this diversion, that I have known the drums continue beating without intermission from six o’clock on Saturday night till the sun made its appearance on the Monday morning; thus had passed six-and-thirty hours in dancing, cheering, hallooing, and clapping of hands. The negroes dance always in couples, the men figuring and footing, while the women turn round like a top, their petticoats expanding like an umbrella; and this they callwaey-cotto. During this, the by-standing youths fill about the liquor, while the girls encourage the performance, and wipe the sweat from the brows and sides of the unwearied musicians.[289]It is indeed upon the whole astonishing to see with what good-nature and even good-manners these dancing societies are kept up, of which I repeat it they are so fond, that I have known a newly-imported negro, for want of a partner, figure and foot it for nearly the space of two hours, to his shadow against the wall.If to what I have stated relative to negro slaves, when under a candid and humane master, we further add, their never being separated from each other; parents seeing their children around them, sometimes till the third and fourth generation, besides the confidence that they are all provided for to the end of their lives;—then if we draw the comparison between this class of people, and the numberless wretched objects that disgrace the streets ofEurope, we can assuredly not call those Africans who fall under the above description—unhappy.And now, to sum up all I have to say on the subject of slaves in the fewest words, for the sake of the reader, and also for my own, lest I should seem to contradict myself, by having so frequently animadverted on the shocking cruelties of some masters, and occasionally done justice to the humane and liberal dispositions of others, I beg leave to say one word more on the projectedabolition.—Could we persuade all our commercial neighbours to join inthatmeasure, the case would be different: but since I have seen cruelties exercised so commonly in Surinam, which I never heard of in the British islands, and from my certain observation have declared the soil[290]of that country to be so much more rich and productive than our West Indies, shall we not drive our planters from their worn-out lands, to settle on the more fertile spot, under a government which will allow a free importation of negroes, while our object (if we knew how to compass it) is to reduce an unlimited infliction of punishment, which indeed our planters have by their own laws most humanely restrained9?Such is indeed the love and confidence of some planters for their slaves, that they often entrust their infants to a negro wet-nurse, in preference to an European, where both may be had; and such the attachment of some slaves to their masters, that I have known many refuse to accept of their emancipation, and even some, who had their liberty, voluntarily return to dependence. No one isperfectlyfree in this world, all mankind is depending upon one another—while I will beg leave to conclude this laborious chapter, by this general remark, that all sublunary happiness exists only in imagination, and may ever be obtained, where health of body and peace of mind are not crushed bydespoticoppression.[291]

On the evening of the 15th of July, we anchored off the estate Berkshoven, where I spent the night ashore with my friend Gourley; and in the morning we continued to row down the river, when I took my last farewel of Mr. Palmer. I passed the evening of the 17th with Captain Mac Neyl; and, on the 18th, the whole fleet, consisting of my own barges, together with three from Magdenberg, and those from the River Cottica, arrived safe at anchor in the roads of Paramaribo, where three transports lay ready to receive us, on board of which vessels I immediately embarked all the troops that had come down under my command.

This service being accomplished, I went ashore, and made my report to Colonel Fourgeoud; after which I went to visit Joanna and her boy, whom, to my great joy, I found very much recovered.

The following day I was again sent on board, to make the necessary arrangements for the voyage; and on the 20th I dined with Colonel Fourgeoud, where, to my[242]surprize, I found two species of fish, which I have never mentioned; the one is called thehaddock, being much like ours, but rather larger and whiter coloured: the other theseparee, which a little resembles the skait. At the dessert was a fruit called in Surinamzurzacka, which I believe by the English is called thesour-sap. It grows upon a tree of a moderate size, with a grey bark, and leaves like those of the orange-tree, but set in pairs; the fruit is of a pyramidical form, heavier than the largest pear, and all covered over with inoffensive prickles: the skin is very thin, the pulp a soft pithy substance as white as milk, and of a sweet taste, mixed with a most agreeable acid, in which are seeds like the large kernels of an apple. Another species ofsmall zurzackagrows in this country, something resembling hops, but is of no use whatever. We had also the fruit calledsabatille, which grows on a large tree, the leaves like those of the laurel. This fruit is the size of a peach, very round, and of a brown colour, covered over with a soft down: when cut in two, the pulp is not unlike marmalade, in which are found the seeds; it is such a luscious sweet, that to many palates it is even disagreeable.

On the 21st we once more received our clearance, but in card money, by which we all lost very considerably; however, I instantly went to Mrs. Godefroy, and again gave her all the money that was in my pocket, being no more than £. 40. This excellent woman now renewed her entreaties that I should carry my boy and his mother[243]with me to Holland, but to no purpose; Joanna was perfectly immoveable, even to a degree of heroism, and no persuasion could make the least impression upon her, until her redemption should be made complete by the payment of the very last farthing. In this situation we affected to bear our fate with perfect resignation, though what each of us felt in particular may much more easily be imagined than described.

The regiment’s colours were now carried on board on the 23d in great state, which put a final close to the expedition, but without receiving anyhonoursfrom Fort Zealandia, not a single gun being fired, nor even the flag hoisted on the occasion, to the great mortification of Colonel Fourgeoud, though in effect it was chiefly owing to his own neglect, as he had never given the Governorofficialnotice of his intended departure. The baggage was also sent on board the ships; and a gentleman of the name ofVan Heystentertained the marines at his private expence with three hundred bottles of wine, fruit, &c.

I have often remarked the hospitality and generosity of these people, which I now also once more experienced, receiving various presents of fruits and preserves from my numerous friends, to refresh me at sea while on the voyage; amongst the preserves were the femalepappayas, the male bearing no fruit. This grows on a grey trunk, near twenty feet high, straight, and pithy within, the top being covered with a crown, and only fourteen or sixteen diverging leaves, extremely large and digitated. The fruit grows close to the trunk; the flower or blossom has[244]a most delicious fragrance. When ripe, it is the size and shape of a water-melon, and turns from green to yellow, but its pulp is more firm and solid: the inner pulp is soft and slimy, filled with innumerable seeds. This fruit at full maturity is cut in pieces and boiled, when it eats like English turnips; but they use it principally for confectionary and sweetmeats, when young, and with its blossoms being both extremely delicate and wholesome. I had also sent me some fine preservedginger; this is the root of a kind of reedy stalk, that never exceeds two feet in height, with long, narrow pointed leaves. These roots are tuberous, flattish, small, and clustered in many different shapes, not unlike pig-potatoes, and of nearly the same colour in the inside, but fibrous, acid, hot, and aromatic; the smell is highly fragrant: it is well known to be not only an agreeable preserve, but in many cases an excellent medicine.——But to proceed.

On the 24th of July, the sails being bent to the yards, weat lastproceeded in corps to take leave of his Excellency the Governor of the colony, who, while he still received us with the greatest politeness, yet gave our hero to understand, that were his coloursnowto be sent on board, they should most certainly be saluted with thosehonourswhich indisputably were their due. After which he sent the whole corps of Society officers to the head-quarters in state, to wish us a prosperous voyage to Holland; and in this contest of etiquette his Excellency most assuredly led the van; for hinting which, however, to some of Fourgeoud’s favourites, I had nearly engaged myself once more[245]in a serious quarrel. Our men, who had been on board since the 18th, being now joined by their officers, the poor remains of this fine regiment were thus finally embarked, and in the highest flow of spirits, expecting to set sail thefollowing dayfor Europe; while (onealone excepted) every countenance wore the appearance of happiness and joy; and nothing indeed could equal the exultation of the few surviving troops, when the next morning the orders were issued for the ships to weigh anchor and put to sea.

But it was by fate ordained that their eager hopes and expectations once more should be blasted: for on the very moment of departure, a ship entered the river with dispatches, inclosing an order for the regiment immediately tore-enter the woods, and remain in the colony until relieved by fresh troops to be sent out from Holland for that purpose. TheSINCERE THANKSof his Serene Highness the Prince of Orange were now read to the men from the quarter-deck of each vessel, “for the manly and spirited conduct they had displayed during so long a trial, and so many great and unprecedented hardships;” but as they concluded with orders for the troops todisembark, and remain in this dreadful service, I never saw dejection, disappointment, and despair so strongly marked: while at this moment I, who but just before had been completely miserable, was now in turn the only one who was not depressed with sorrow.[246]

In the midst of this gloomy scene, the men were ordered to give three cheers, which the marines on board one of the vessels absolutely refused to comply with: Colonel Seyburg, and unluckily myself, were in consequence ordered to compel them; which he undertook, with a cane in one hand, and a loaded pistol cocked in the other. Knowing his temper to be fiery and irascible, what did I not feel at this moment? I suddenly leapt into the boat that lay along-side, where, after haranguing those few that leaned over the gunwale, I promised theship’s crewtwenty gallons of Holland’s gin iftheywould only begin the melancholy chorus. Then mounting again the quarter-deck, I acquainted the Colonel that all werenowready and willing to obey his commands; we then re-entered the boat, and in shoving off had the satisfaction to receive three hearty cheers from the sailors, in which joined a few marines, but with such languid looks and heavy hearts as cannot be described.

At this time however the Prince of Orange’s goodness of heart appeared in a conspicuous light, as he ordered all private accounts due by the troops to surgeons and physicians to be paid by the treasury; which, however trifling it may appear, was no trifle to many of the officers, &c. and evinced an attention in his Serene Highness which is not always to be found in princes, while all knew his sorrow for the hard lot of his soldiers, but which could not yet be dispensed with, consistent with the general good.[247]

If our disembarkation distressed the troops, it afforded joy to most of the colonists; as indeed a petition, signed by the principal inhabitants, had been presented to Colonel Fourgeoud but two days before, “praying that our regiment might stay some time longer, and give the finishing stroke to the rebels, as we had so gloriously begun, and persevered in routing and harassing them;” which indeed was certainly true, for our regiment, in conjunction with the Society and rangers, had demolished most settlements the rebels possessed in the colony, and had driven them to so considerable a distance, that their depredations, and the desertion of slaves, were incomparably less than upon our arrival; and this was assuredly much better than the Dutch making a shameful peace with them, as had been done with the rebels of theOwcaandSaramecasettlements before, yet which would probably again have been the consequence had we not landed in Guiana.

As an instance of the insolence ofsavages, when perfectly independant, I must relate a conversation which passed between one of this description and myself at Paramaribo, where the troops were allowed some time to refresh themselves before they again retook the field:—Dining one day at Captain Mac Neyl’s, who was now come to town from his estate, a captain of theOwcanegroes, oursupposedallies, came in to demand money from his lady; and being very importunate, I desired her in English to “give him a dram, and he would be gone;” which the fellow understanding, called me without the[248]door, and lifting up his silver-headed cane, asked me, “If that house was my own? and if not, what business I had to interfere? I am,” said he, in a thundering voice, “CaptainFortune Dago-So; and, if I had you in my country at Owca, I would make the very earth drink up your blood.” To which I replied, drawing my sword, “That my name was Stedman; and that if he dared to utter one insolent expression more, my weapon should find the shortest way through his body.” Upon which he snapped his fingers, and marched off, leaving me much displeased, and blaming Fourgeoud for shewing so much indulgence to such a set of banditti. In the evening, as I returned from dinner, I met the same black fellow again, who, stepping short up to me, said, “Massera, you are a man, a very brave fellow; won’t you now give some money to the Owca Captain?” This I sternly refused; he then kissed my hand, and shewed his teeth (he said) in token of reconciliation, promising to send me a present of pistachio-nuts, which, however, never did arrive, nor indeed should I have tasted.

Though we continued in Surinam some time longer, our future services could add but very little to its prosperity, as our numbers were now so very few, and out of this number, small as it was,nineofficers and aboveone hundred and sixtyprivates, all sick and incurable, embarked again for Holland on the 1st of August. I was ill with an ague at this time, and had the offer of making one of the party, but declined it, being determined to see the end of the expedition if I could; I however availed myself[249]of the opportunity to send some presents to my friends in Europe; amongst these were a couple of beautiful parrots, two curious monkies, an elegant collection of fine butterflies, three chests of sweetmeats, and some pickles, all shipped on board the shipParamaribo, and under the care of Serjeant Fowler, who was, poor fellow, one of the invalids bound for Amsterdam.

MajorMedlarbeing quite emaciated with fatigue and hardships, now also sailed for Holland; thus, during his absence acting as major, I began to entertain an expectation that I should one day carry home the regiment myself, so very rapidly were our officers daily diminishing; and yet amongst those few who remained two had the courage at this time to venture upon matrimony, and married two Creole ladies, both widows.

Every thing now being peaceable and quiet, I recovered my strength so far as on the 10th to walk to Mrs. Godefroy, when I acquainted her that I wished much to emancipate at leastJohnny Stedman; and requested her to become bail before the court, for the usual sum of £. 300, as he should never be any charge to the colony of Surinam. But this she peremptorily declined, though there was no risque, it being only a matter of form; at which I could not help feeling some astonishment, till I was acquainted that she had actually refused the same favour to her own son.

The mention of slavery reminds me of a debt which I seem to have incurred to my reader. I have from time to time given some account of the mode in which[250]slaves are brought to this market, and of the manner in which they are treated—But I feel that I have not been sufficiently full upon this subject; and I am the more disposed to bring forward all the information that I have gained concerning the negroes, because I flatter myself that I shall be able to bring some truths to light, that have hitherto been unobserved or imperfectly related, at least to the generality of Europeans.

In the first place, as to the complexion of a negro, this, as I have observed before, is I am persuaded entirely owing to the burning climate in which he lives, and an atmosphere still more heated by the sandy desarts, over which the trade winds pass before they reach the habitable parts. The Indians of America, on the contrary, who indeed live under the same degree of latitude, have this wind refreshed by the Atlantic Ocean, and are copper-coloured; and the inhabitants of Abyssinia, who receive it cooled by the Arabian and the Indian Seas, are entirely olive. Thus north of the great River Senegal the complexion changes from black to brown amongst the Moors, as it does toward the south amongst the Caffrarians and the Hottentots; and I am of opinion, that the woolly texture of their hair is an effect proceeding from the same cause. The epidermis or cuticle of the negroes I have seen dissected more than once; it is clear and transparent, but between this and the real skin lies a thin follicle, which is perfectly black, which being removed by severe flagellation, or by scalding, exposes a complexion not inferior to that of an European.[251]

On the estateVossenbergh, in Surinam, were born twowhite negroes, whose parents were both perfectly black; the one was a female, sent to Paris in 1734; the other a boy, born in March 1738. And in 1794, a similar woman,Emelia Lewsam, was exhibited in England, whose children (though she is married to an European) are all mulattoes. The skin of these people is not of the European white, but more resembles chalk; their hair the same; their eyes are often red1, and they see very little in the sun-shine, neither are they fit for any kind of labour; while their mental faculties, I have been told, usually correspond with the debility of their bodies.

With respect to theshapeof the African negroes, it is from head to foot certainly different from the European mould, though not, in my opinion, in any degree inferior, prejudice being laid aside. Their strong features, flat noses, thick lips, and high cheek bones, may appear deformities to us, and yet amongst themselves may be esteemed the reverse; their bright black eyes, and fine white teeth, we are forced to admire; and one decided advantage in a black complexion is, that all those languid pale sickly-looking countenances, so common in Europe, are never exhibited among them, nor are the wrinkles and ravages of age equally conspicuous; though I must confess that when a negro is very ill, his black changes to a very disagreeable sallow olive.[252]

For exertion and activity, their shape is assuredly preferable to ours, being generally strong and muscular near the trunk, and slender towards the extremities; they have mostly a remarkable fine chest, but are small about the hips; their buttocks are more prominent, and their necks are thicker than ours; the thighs are strong, as also the arms above the elbow, but the wrists and lower part of the legs are very slender; and a good deal indeed of the Herculean make of the lateBroughtonthe pugilist may be traced in the form of a vigorous negro. As to the crookedness of their limbs, it is to be accounted for by the manner in which they are carried whilst infants upon the mother’s back, their tender legs being tied close round each side of her waist, which occasions that unnatural bent, with which they are not born: nor are their children ever taught to walk, but left to creep amongst the sand and grass, until they gradually acquire strength and inclination to erect themselves, which they do very soon; by this custom, however, the position of their feet is much neglected, yet by exercise, and daily bathing, they acquire that strength and agility, for which they are so remarkable.

Another custom which, in their opinion, conduces much to their health and vigour is, that, during thetwoyears in which the mothers suckle their children, they frequently make them swallow large quantities of water, after which they shake them twice a day, with much violence; they are then taken by a leg or an arm, and[253]tossed into the river, to be well scoured outwardly; nor are the females exempt from this mode of rearing youth, which renders them not inferior to the men, in size alone excepted, while some in running, swimming, climbing, and dancing, as well as wrestling, are even their superiors: thus, that it depends on education to form a race ofAmazonianfemales, is a proposition of which I have very little doubt.

Nor are these hardy daughters of the Torrid Zone less remarkable for propagation. I knew a female servant at Mr. de Graaf’s, calledLesperanza, who actually boreninechildren in the course of three years, the first year four, the next two, and the third three. They bring their offspring into the world without pain, and like the Indian women resuming their domestic employments even the same day. During the first week their infants are as fair as any Europeans, except that in the males there is a little appearance of black in acertain part, and the whole body becomes gradually of that colour. Their females arrive early at the age of puberty; but, as in the fruits of this climate, this early maturity is succeeded by a sudden decay. Many of the negroes, however, live to a very considerable age: I have seen one or two that were above one hundred; and the London. Chronicle for October 5, 1780, makes mention of a negro woman, calledLouisa Truxo, atTucomea, in South America, still living, at the surprizing age of one hundred and seventy-five years. In what tables of longevity is there such an European to be found? though most probably[254]this venerable person spent her youth in hard labour, like other slaves; which, though a negro can bear much better in a tropical climate than a native of Europe, yet cannot be natural, either on the coast of Guinea or Guiana, where, without toil, the necessaries of life are produced, and vegetation flourishes spontaneously for ever.

In the constitution of the negroes I have still observed this singularity, that while they bear the fatigue of labour in the hottest days, they can also bear the cold and damp better than an European, at least better than I could; sleeping all night on the wet grass, perfectly naked, without any injury to their health, while I have been glad, especially early in the morning, to have a fire lit under my hammock, and while the marines for want of it lay in a shiver. They also bear hunger and thirst, and pain or sickness, with the greatest patience and resolution.

I have formerly mentioned the names of more than a dozen of negro tribes: all these know each other by the different marks and incisions made on their bodies—for instance, theCoromantynnegroes, who are most esteemed, cut three or four long gashes on each of their cheeks, as represented in the face of the armed free negro or ranger, in plate VII.

TheLoangonegroes, who are reckoned the worst, distinguish themselves by puncturing or marking the skin of their sides, arms, and thighs with square elevated figures, something like dice. (See plate LXVIII.) These[255]also cut their fore-teeth to a sharp point, which gives them a frightful appearance, resembling in some degree those of a shark: and all their males are circumcised, after the manner of the Jews.

Among the strange productions of nature, a species of people known by the name ofAccorees, deserves to be particularly noticed.—TheAccorees, or Two-fingers, live amongst the Seramaca negroes, in the very upper parts of the river of that name. This heterogeneous tribe are so deformed in their hands and feet, that while some have three or four fingers and toes on each hand and foot, others have only two, which resemble the claws of a lobster, or rather limbs that have been cured after mutilation by fire, or some other accident. This deformity in one person would cause but small admiration; but that a whole community should be afflicted with this singularity, is certainly a most wonderful phænomenon. Having seen buttwomyself, and that at too great a distance to take a drawing of them, I cannot pretend to vouch for the truth of what I have only heard; but an engraving of one of these figures was positively sent to the Society of Arts and Sciences atHaerlem; while I beg leave to introduce, as a further voucher, the following extract from an old book of surgery and anatomy, procured me by the ingenious and learnedOwen Cambridge, Esquire, ofTwickenham.

“After Michaelmas term, in the year 1629, a body was brought from the place of execution to the College of Physicians, to be cut up for an anatomy; and by chance[256]the officer of the college brought the body of a cruel wretch, who had murdered the son of one Master Scot, a surgeon of good note in this city. This wretch was of a very truculent countenance and aspect; his hair was black and curled, not very long, but thick and bushy; his forehead little above an inch high; his brows great and prominent; his eyes set deep in their sockets; his nose crooked, with a round knob or button at the end, which also somewhat turned upwards; on his upper lip he had some quantity of black hair, on his chin very few, straggling, black and stiff; and his nether lip was as big as three lips. Such was his face: but the greatest deformity was his feet, and that almost to admiration; for they were both cloven, but not alike. One foot was equally divided between four and five inches deep into two toes, jointed like other men’s toes, but as large each of them as half the foot could make them, with nails proportionable. The left foot was divided likewise in the middle, but the division was not above three inches deep, or scarce so much; the one half, which was towards the body, made one large toe, with a nail proportionable, like the inward half of the right foot; but the outward half was compounded of two toes, yet growing close and fast together. This monstrous shape of a man I have thought good to give this relation of, from certain knowledge, for there were a thousand witnesses of it present.”

With the languages of the African negroes I am but[257]little acquainted; as a specimen, however, I will insert a few sentences of that called theCoromantyn, upon the credit of my boy Quaco, who belonged to that nation, together with a translation in English; and only observe, that they break off their words very short, in a kind of guttural manner, which I cannot easily describe:—For instance—“Co fa ansyo, na baramon bra, Go to the river, and bring me some water.”—“Mee yeree, nacomeda mee, My wife, I want some food.”—So much for the Coromantyn language, as spoken by the negroes on the coast of Guinea.

But as to that spoken by the black people in Surinam, I consider myself a perfect master, it being a compound of Dutch, French, Spanish, Portuguese, and English. The latter they like best, and consequently use the most. It has been already observed, that the English were the first Europeans who possessed this colony, hence probably the predilection for that language, which they have still retained. In this mixed dialect, for which I have seen a printed grammar, the words end mostly with a vowel, like the Indian and Italian, and it is so sweet, so sonorous and soft, that the genteelest Europeans in Surinam speak little else; it is also wonderfully expressive and sentimental, such as, “Good eating,sweety-muffo.”—“Gun-powder,man sanny.”—“I will love you, with all my heart, so long as I live,Mee saloby you, langa alla mee hatty, so langa me leeby.”—“A pleasing tale,ananassy[258]tory.”—“I am very angry,me hatty brun.”—“Live long, so long until your hair become white as cotton,Lebee langa, tay, tay, ta-y you weeree weeree tan wity likee catoo.”—“Small,peekeen.”—“Very small,peekeeneenee.”—“Farewel! Good-bye! I am dying, and going to my God,Adioso, cerroboay, mee de go dede, me de go na mee Gado.”—In this sample, many corrupt English words are perceptible, which however begin to grow out of use near the capital, but are still retained in the distant plantations; for instance, at the estateGoet-Accoord, in Cottica, I have heard an old negro woman say, “We lobee so lebee togeddere,” by which she meant, we love to live together; and at Paramaribo to express the same sentence, “Wee looko for tanna macandera.”

Theirvocal musicis like that of the birds, melodious, but without time, and in other respects not unlike that of aclerkperforming to the congregation, one person constantly pronouncing a sentence extempore, which he next hums or whistles, and then all the others repeat the same in chorus; another sentence is then spoken, and the chorus is a second time renewed, &c.

This kind of singing is much practised by the barge rowers or boat negroes on the water, especially during the night in a clear moonshine; it is to them peculiarly animating, and may, together with the sound of their oars, be heard at a considerable distance.

As a specimen, I have tried to set the following words[259]to music, supposing a ranger going to battle, and thus taking leave of his girl:

Oan bus adiosi-o da so adiosso me de-go me loby so fighty me man oOne buss good-by o ’tis so good-by girl I must go I love for to fight like a man oAmimbame dego na boosy o da so adiosso me do go.AmimbaI go to the woods o ’tis so good-by girl, I must go.[[audio/mpeg]|MuseScore]

Oan bus adiosi-o da so adiosso me de-go me loby so fighty me man oOne buss good-by o ’tis so good-by girl I must go I love for to fight like a man o

Amimbame dego na boosy o da so adiosso me do go.AmimbaI go to the woods o ’tis so good-by girl, I must go.

[[audio/mpeg]|MuseScore]

Such is their vocal melody; and of their instrumental music, and dancing, which is perfectly to time, I shall speak hereafter, having already given a short account of that which is practised by the Loango negroes. That these people are neither divested of a good ear, nor poetical genius, has been frequently proved, when they have had the advantages of a good education. Amongst others,Phillis Wheatley, who was a slave atBostonin New England, learned the Latin language, and wrote thirty-eight elegant pieces of poetry on different subjects, which were published in 1773. As a specimen, I cannot refrain here inserting the following extract from that entitled, “Thoughts on Imagination.”

“Now here, now there, the roving fancy flies,Till some lov’d object strikes her wand’ring eyes,Whose silken fetters all the senses bind,And soft captivity invades the mind.[260]“Imagination! who can sing thy force?Or where describe the swiftness of thy course?Soaring through air to find the bright abode,Th’ imperial palace of the thundering God.“We on thy pinions can surpass the wind,And leave the rolling universe behind.From star to star the mental optics rove,Measure the skies, and range the realms above;There in one view we grasp the mighty whole,Or with new worlds amaze th’ unbounded soul.”

“Now here, now there, the roving fancy flies,Till some lov’d object strikes her wand’ring eyes,Whose silken fetters all the senses bind,And soft captivity invades the mind.

“Now here, now there, the roving fancy flies,

Till some lov’d object strikes her wand’ring eyes,

Whose silken fetters all the senses bind,

And soft captivity invades the mind.

[260]

“Imagination! who can sing thy force?Or where describe the swiftness of thy course?Soaring through air to find the bright abode,Th’ imperial palace of the thundering God.

“Imagination! who can sing thy force?

Or where describe the swiftness of thy course?

Soaring through air to find the bright abode,

Th’ imperial palace of the thundering God.

“We on thy pinions can surpass the wind,And leave the rolling universe behind.From star to star the mental optics rove,Measure the skies, and range the realms above;There in one view we grasp the mighty whole,Or with new worlds amaze th’ unbounded soul.”

“We on thy pinions can surpass the wind,

And leave the rolling universe behind.

From star to star the mental optics rove,

Measure the skies, and range the realms above;

There in one view we grasp the mighty whole,

Or with new worlds amaze th’ unbounded soul.”

What can be more beautiful and sublime?——

Ignatius Sancho, a negro, many years servant to the Duke of Montagu, whose sentimental letters, so generally known, would not disgrace the pen of an European, may also be mentioned on this occasion; and with regard to their powers of memory and calculation, I shall only noticeThomas Fuller, a negro, the property of a Mrs.CoxinMaryland, North America; and quote one singular anecdote, as it is related by Dr.RushofPhiladelphia, in a letter to a gentleman at Manchester.

“Being travelling,” says the Doctor, “with some other gentlemen of this city, through Maryland, and having heard of the astonishing powers of memory in arithmetical calculation possessed by Thomas Fuller, a negro, we sent for him; when one of the gentlemen in company asked him, how many seconds a man of seventy years, some odd months, weeks and days, had lived? He told the exact number in a minute and a half.[261]When the gentleman who had asked the question took his pen, and having calculated the same by figures, told the negro he must be mistaken, as the number he had mentioned was certainly too great. ‘Top, Massera,’ said the negro, ‘you have omitted the leap-years;’ when having calculated the seconds contained in the number of leap-years, and added them, the number was found exactly the same as that calculated by the negro. This same man multiplied nine figures by nine, by memory, before another company.” Another lately repeated theAlcoranfrom recollection only.—What amazing mental faculties in African negroes, who could neither read nor write! Yet that such things are, is well authenticated.

To what I have already advanced, I may add, that all negroes firmly believe the being of aGod, upon whose goodness they rely, and whose power they adore, while they have no fear of death, and never taste food without offering a libation. In the riversGambiaandSenegalthey are mostly Mahometans; but generally the worship and religious ceremonies of the Africans vary, as do the numberless superstitious practices of all savages, and indeed of too many Europeans. Perceiving that it was their custom to bring their offerings to the wild cotton-tree2,[262]I enquired of an old negro, why they paid such particular reverence and veneration to this growing piece of timber. “This proceeds (said he) massera, from the following cause: having no churches nor places built for public worship (as you have) on the Coast of Guinea, and this tree being the largest and most beautiful growing there, our people, assembling under its branches when they are going to be instructed, are defended by it from the heavy rains and scorching sun. Under this tree our gadoman, or priest, delivers his lectures; and for this reason our common people have so much veneration for it, that they will not cut it down upon any account whatever.”

No people can be more superstitious than the generality of negroes; and theirLocomen, or pretended prophets, find their interest in encouraging this superstition, by selling themobiasor amulets, as I have already mentioned, and as some hypocrites sell absolution in Europe, for a comfortable living. These people have also amongst them a kind ofSibyls, who deal in oracles; these sage matrons dancing and whirling round in the middle of an assembly, with amazing rapidity, until they foam at the mouth, and drop down as convulsed. Whatever the prophetess orders to be done during this paroxism, is most sacredly performed by the surrounding multitude; which renders these meetings extremely dangerous, as she frequently enjoins them to murder their masters, or desert to the woods; upon which account this scene of excessive fanaticism is forbidden by law in the colony of Surinam,[263]upon pain of the most rigorous punishment: yet it is often practised in private places, and is very common amongst the Owca and Seramica negroes, where captains Fredericy and Van Geurick told me they had seen it performed. It is here called thewinty-play, or the dance of the mermaid, and has existed from time immemorial; as even the classic authors make frequent mention of this extraordinary practice.Virgil, in his sixth book, makes Eneas visit the Sibyl of Cuma; andOvidalso mentions the same subject, lib. 14. where Eneas wishes to visit the ghost of his father.

But what is still more strange, these unaccountable women by their voice know how to charm theammodytes,3orpapawserpent, down from the tree. This is an absolute fact; nor is this snake ever killed or hurt by the negroes, who, on the contrary, esteem it as their friend and guardian, and are happy to see it enter their huts. When these sibyls have charmed or conjured down the ammodytes serpent from the tree, it is common to see this reptile twine and wreathe about their arms, neck and breast, as if the creature took delight in hearing her voice, while the woman strokes and caresses it with her hand. The sacred writers speak of the charming of adders and serpents in many places, which I mention[264]only to prove the antiquity of the practice4; for nothing is more notorious, than that the Eastern Indians will rid the houses of the most venomous snakes by charming them with the sound of a flute, which calls them out of their holes. And it is not many years since an Italian woman brought over three tame snakes, which crawled about her neck and arms: they were four or five feet long, but not venomous.

Another instance of superstition amongst the negroes I must relate; there is a direct prohibition in every family, handed down from father to son, against the eating of some one kind of animal food, which they calltreff; this may be either fowl, fish, or quadruped, but whatever it is, no negro will touch it; though I have seen some good Catholics eat roast-beef in Lent, and a religious Jew devouring a slice from a fat flitch of bacon.

However ridiculous some of the above rites may appear, yet amongst the African blacks they are certainly necessary, to keep the rabble in subjection; and theirgadomenor priests know this as well as the infallible Pontiff of the Roman church. These illiterate mortals differ, however, in this respect from the modern Europeans, that whatever they believe, they do it firmly, and are never staggered by the doubts of scepticism, nor troubled with[265]the qualms of conscience; but whether they are, upon this account, better or worse, I will not pretend to determine.—I however think that they are a happy people, and possess so much friendship for one another, that they need not be told to “love their neighbour as themselves;” since the poorest negro, having only an egg, scorns to eat it alone; but were a dozen present, and every one a stranger, he would cut or break it into just as many shares; or were there one single dram of rum, he would divide it among the same number: this is not done, however, until a few drops are first sprinkled on the ground, as an oblation to the gods.—Approach then here, thou canting hypocrite, and take an example from thy illiterate sable brother!—From what I sometimes throw out, however, let it not be understood that I am an enemy to religious worship—God forbid! But I ever will profess myself the greatest friend to those whose actions best correspond with their doctrine; which, I am sorry to say, is too seldom the case amongst those nations who pretend most to civilization.

If savage nations be commonly generous and faithful, they are not, however, without their dark shades; and among these, the most conspicuous is a proneness to anger and revenge. I never knew a negro indeed forgive those who had wilfully offended him. The strength of this passion can only be equalled by their gratitude; for, amongst them, it may be truly said, that[266]

“A generous friendship no cold medium knows,But with one love, with one resentment glows.”

“A generous friendship no cold medium knows,

But with one love, with one resentment glows.”

Their abominable cruelties also, like those of all barbarous nations, are truly shocking. In the colony of Berbicè, during the late revolt, they made no scruple of cutting up their mistresses with child, even in their master’s presence, with many other savage devices too dreadful to relate5.—In the art of poisoning, not even theAccawawIndians are more expert; they can carry it under their nails, and by only dipping their thumb into a tumbler of water, which they offer as a beverage to the object of their revenge, they infuse a slow but certain death6. Whole estates, as well as private families, have become the victims of their fury, and experienced their fatal vengeance, even putting to death scores of their own friends and relations, with the double view of depriving their[267]proprietors of their most valuable possessions. These monsters are distinguished by the name ofWissy-men, perhaps fromwise, or knowing, and by their fatal genius carry destruction to a most dreadful length before they are detected.

All barbarous and uneducated people have indistinct notions of property; nor can we wonder that slaves, who in their own persons suffer the most flagrant violation of every right, should be disposed to retaliate. The slaves on the plantations are therefore too commonly thieves, plundering whatever they can lay their hands upon with impunity; nor can any bounds be set to their intemperance, especially in drinking. I have seen a negro girl empty a china-bowl at one draught, containing two bottles of claret, which I had given her by way of experiment, till she could no more stand.

I should not forget to mention that theGangonegroes are supposed to beanthropophagior cannibals, like the Caribbee Indians, instigated by habitual and implacable revenge. Amongst the rebels of this tribe, after the taking of Boucou, some pots were found on the fire with human flesh; which one of the officers had the curiosity to taste, and declared it was not inferior to some kinds of beef or pork.

I have been since assured by a Mr.Vangills, an American, that having travelled for a great number of miles inland in Africa, he at length came to a place where human legs, arms, and thighs hung upon wooden shambles,[268]and were exposed to sale, like butchers meat in Leadenhall market. And CaptainJohn Keene, formerly of theDolphincutter, but late of theNaimbanaschooner, in the Sierra Leona company’s service, positively assured me, that when he, a few years since, was on the coast of Africa, in the brigFame, from Bristol, Mr. Samuel Biggs owner, trading for wood, iron, and gold-dust, a CaptainDunnigen, with his whole crew, belonging to theNassauschooner, which was her tender, were cut in pieces, salted, andeatenby the negroes ofGreat Drewin, about thirty miles North of the RiverSt. Andrew’s; who having torn the copper off her bottom, burned the vessel.

But from these deformities of character I will now relieve the attention of the reader, and proceed in justice to dispel the gloomy cloud, by introducing the sun-shine of their virtues.

Their genius has been already treated of, so has their gratitude; which last they carry to such a length, that they will even die for those who have shewn them any particular favour. Nothing can exceed the fidelity and attachment they have for those matters who use them well, which proves that their affection is as strong as their hatred. Negroes are generally good-natured, particularly theCoromantyn, and those ofNago. They are also susceptible of the tender passion, and jealousy in their breasts has produced the most dreadful effects. The delicacy of these people deserves likewise to be noticed: I do not remember, amongst the many thousands I have[269]seen during several years residence among them, ever to have observed even an offer to kiss a woman in public. Maternal tenderness for their children is also natural to the females, for in general, during the two years which they usually suckle them, they never cohabit with their husbands; this they consider as unnatural, and prejudicial to the infants: and the case of Lesperanza (who bore so many children in a short time) is no exception, as her children died almost as soon as they came into the world. The cleanliness of the negro nation is peculiarly remarkable, as they bathe above three times a day. TheCongotribe in particular are so fond of the water, that they may, not improperly, be called amphibious animals.

The negroes are likewise spirited and brave, patient in adversity, meeting death and torture with the most undaunted fortitude. Their conduct, in the most trying situations, approaching even to heroism; no negro sighs, groans, or complains, though expiring in the midst of surrounding flames. Nor do I remember, upon any occasion whatever, to have seen an African shed a tear, though they beg for mercy with the greatest earnestness when ordered to be flogged for offences which they are conscious deserve to be punished; but if they think their punishment unmerited, immediate suicide is too often the fatal consequence, especially amongst theCoromantynnegroes, who frequently, during the act of flagellation, throw back their heads in the neck, and[270]swallow their tongue, which choaks them upon the spot, when they drop dead in the presence of their masters. But when negroes are sensible of having deserved correction, no people can be more humble, or bear their unhappy fate with greater resignation. The swallowing of the tongue, which they only practise during the moments of severe discipline, has of late been prevented in Surinam by thehumanemethod of holding a fire-brand to the victim’s mouth, which answers the double purpose of burning his face, and diverting his attention from the execution of his fatal determination. Some have a practice of eating commonearth, by which the stomach is prevented from performing its ordinary functions, and thus dispatch themselves without any immediate pain, but linger perhaps for a twelvemonth in the most debilitated and shocking condition. Against these ground-eaters the severest punishments are decreed by the laws, but without much effect, as they are seldom detected in this act of desperation.

After these general remarks upon the mental and bodily faculties of the African negroes, we shall next proceed to view them in a state of bondage, under all the oppression they are exposed to from the rod of barbarous tyranny; then, rescuing them from this horrid scene, we will next consider them as protected by impartial justice, and fostered by the mild hand of tenderness and humanity.

The reader may remember that I have already introduced[271]the slaves as landing from on board the Guinea ships, and generally shocking instances of debility and misery:—

“Their visage is blacker than a coal, they are not known in the streets, their skin cleaveth to their bones, it is withered, it is become like a stick.”

“Their visage is blacker than a coal, they are not known in the streets, their skin cleaveth to their bones, it is withered, it is become like a stick.”

I have also observed, that under the care of some old negroes, appointed for that purpose, they soon become fat and sleek, and learn the language of the colony: they then are sent to work in the fields, to which they chearfully submit; though I have seen some instances of newly-imported negroes refusing to work, nor could promises, threats, rewards, nor even blows prevail; but these had beenprincesor people of the first rank in their native country, who by the casualties of war had the misfortune to become slaves, and whose heroic sentiments still preferred instant death to the baseness and miseries of servitude. Upon these occasions I have seen the other slaves fall upon their knees, and intreat the master to permit them to do the work required, in addition to their own tasks; which being sometimes granted, they continued to shew the same respect for the captive prince that he had been accustomed to receive in his own country. I remember once to have had a remarkable good-looking new negro to attend me, whose ancles and wrists being much galled by chains, I enquired the cause. “My father,” said he, “was a king, and treacherously murdered[272]by the sons of a neighbouring prince. To revenge his death, I daily went a hunting with some men, in hopes of retaliating upon his assassins; but I had the misfortune to be surprized, taken, and bound; hence these ignoble scars. I was afterwards sold to your European countrymen on the coast of Guiana—a punishment which was deemed greater than instant death.”

The history of Quaco, my black boy, was still more extraordinary:—“My parents,” said he, “lived by hunting and fishing: I was stolen from them very young, whilst playing on the sands with two little brothers; I was put into a sack, and carried for several miles. I afterwards became the slave of a king on the coast of Guinea, with several hundreds more. When our master died, the principal part of his slaves were beheaded and buried along with him; I, with some other children of my age, were bestowed as presents to the different captains of his army; and the master of a Dutch ship afterwards had me, in exchange for a musket and some gun-powder.”—Each loves his country best, if mild its laws, or rigid:

“Thenaked negro, panting at the line,Boasts of his golden sands and palmy wine;Basks in the glare, or stems the tepid wave,And thanks his gods for all the good they gave:—Such is the patriot’s boast, where’er he roam,His first best country ever is at home.”

“Thenaked negro, panting at the line,

Boasts of his golden sands and palmy wine;

Basks in the glare, or stems the tepid wave,

And thanks his gods for all the good they gave:—

Such is the patriot’s boast, where’er he roam,

His first best country ever is at home.”

[273]

No sooner do these wretched strangers begin to flag at their labour, than whips, cow-skins, bamboos, ropes, fetters, and chains are introduced, until they are ready to sink under accumulated oppression. With some masters their tasks can never be performed, as they must toil on, day and night, even Sundays not excepted. I recollect a strong young negro, calledMarquis, who had a wife he loved, with two fine children; he laboured hard, and generally finished his task of digging a trench of five hundred feet by four o’clock in the afternoon, that he might have some time to cultivate his little garden, and go to fish or fowl to support his beloved family: hard did Marquis strive to earn this additional pittance, when hishumanemaster, apprized of his industry, for his encouragement informed him, that if he could delve five hundred feet by four o’clock, he could certainly finish six hundred before sun-set; and this task the unfortunate young man was condemned from that day ever since to perform.

In Surinam the slaves are kept nearly naked, and their daily food consists of little more than a few yams and plantains; perhaps twice a year they may receive a scanty allowance of salt-fish, with a few leaves of tobacco, which they callsweety-muffo, and this is all: but what is peculiarly provoking to them is, that if a negro and his wife have ever so great an attachment for each other, the woman, if handsome, must yield to the loathsome embrace of an adulterous and licentious manager, or see her husband cut to pieces for endeavouring to prevent it.[274]This, in frequent instances, has driven them to distraction, and been the cause of many murders.

It is in consequence of these complicated evils, that so many also destroy themselves by suicide, run away to the woods to join their countrymen in rebellion, or if they stay, grow sad and spiritless, and languish under diseases, the effects of bad usage; such as thelota, which is a white scorbutic spot that externally covers the body. Thecrassy-crassy, or itch, which with us comes from poorness of diet, is of course very common with them. Theyaws, a most disagreeable disorder, by many compared to the venereal disease, which renders the patient a shocking spectacle, all covered over with yellow ulcers. To this last-mentioned loathsome malady most negroes are subject, yet but only once in their lives, in which, and being very infectious, it resembles the small-pox: indeed if a fly which has been feeding upon the diseased (and they are generally covered with them) lights upon the slightest scratch on a healthy person, it communicates this dreadful disorder, which always confines him for several months. The most general cure for the yaws in Surinam, is salivation and spare diet, with continual exercise to promote perspiration; and, during this process, the poor wretches absolutely look like decayed carcases.

Still more dreadful is theboassy, orleprosy, which is deemed incurable: the face and limbs in this complaint swell, and the whole body is covered with scales and ulcers; the breath stinks, the hair falls off, the fingers and[275]toes become putrid, and drop away joint after joint. The worst of which is, that though the disease is hopeless, the unhappy sufferer may linger sometimes for many years. The lepers are naturally lascivious, and the disease being infectious, they are of necessity separated from all society, and condemned to a perpetual exile in some remote corner of the plantations.

Theclabba-yaws, ortubboes, is also a very troublesome and tedious disorder; it occasions painful sores about the feet, mostly in the soles, between the skin and the flesh. The usual remedy in this case is, to burn out the morbid part with a red-hot iron, or cut it out with a lancet; and then the warm juice of roasted limes is introduced into the wound, though with great pain yet with great success.

The African negroes are also subject to many species ofworms, both extraneous and internal, owing to the wading much in stagnated waters, and to the crudity of their diet. Of the former species is theGuineaortape-worm, which breeds between the skin and the flesh, and is sometimes two yards in length, of a shining silvery colour, and not thicker than the second string of a bass-viol. It occasions dangerous and painful swellings where-ever it inserts itself, which is mostly about the legs. The method of cure, is to seize the head of the worm when it appears above the skin, and extract it by winding it gently round a stick or card; this operation cannot be performed with too much caution, for if it breaks, the[276]loss of the limb, or even of life itself, is frequently the fatal consequence. Some are infested with seven or eight of these worms at a time.

Besides these dreadful calamities, peculiar to themselves, the negroes are subject to every complaint common to the Europeans; who, in their turn, are not exempt in Guiana from the afflicting and dangerous distempers I have just described.

It is therefore not to be wondered at if many of the plantations are crouded with miserable objects, left under the care of thedressy negroor black surgeon only, whose whole skill consists in administering a dose of salts, or spreading a plaister. As to the numbers who are excoriated from their neck to their heel, by constant whipping, they may cure themselves, or do their work without a skin, if they think proper.

Thus from accumulated miseries, some naturally succeeding from the climate and their poor diet, but more from the inordinate cruelty ofmanagers, it must follow that numerous slaves become unfit for work, many from weakness and depression of spirits, and others from extreme labour becoming old before their time. But for all these evils, this plantation despot finds an infallible remedy, which is no other than to put them to death at once: the loss does not affect him but his master, and he is proud of shewing only such negroes as are able to do their task, assuring the owner that they mostly died by[277]the venereal disease; and the word of the human carcase-butcher is quite sufficient, as no negro is allowed to give evidence in any case whatever.

“Dictio testimonii non est servo homini.”

“Dictio testimonii non est servo homini.”

Yet should some fair European by accident prove the murder, the delinquent escapes, as I have observed, by paying a fine of £. 50 and the value of the slave, if the owner requires it; and for this price of blood he may slaughter the poor wretches whenever a temporary passion or a habit of cruelty, which is too commonly generated in this situation, prompts his rage.

They have moreover many stratagems to evade the penalty, should even the magistrates be present. I have known it happen when one of these scourges of the human race became tired of a negro, that he has taken him out with him a shooting; and ordering him to discover the game, the first bird that started he has shot the poor man dead upon the spot. This was called an accident, and no farther enquiry was made concerning it. Others have been dispatched by the following method:—A stake being fastened in the middle of an open plain, the slave is chained to it, and exposed to the burning sun, where one jill of water and a single plantain is brought him daily, until he pines to death. But this is not called starving, as his master declares that he neither wanted victuals nor drink until he expired—thus he ishonourablyacquitted.[278]

Another plan of murdering with impunity has often been put in practice. The slave is fastened naked to a tree in the forest, with his arms and legs extended, under pretence of stretching his limbs; but here he is left, and regularly fed, until he is actually stung to death by the musquitoes and other insects—a most infernal punishment, and such as may be with truth ascribed to the instigation of the devil! Drowning them, by kicking them overboard with a weight chained to their legs, is called accidental death. It has been known that by the orders of awoman, negro slaves have been privately burnt to death, miserably chained in a surrounding pile of flaming faggots. As to the breaking out of their teeth, merely for tasting the sugar-cane cultivated by themselves, slitting up their noses, and cutting off their ears, from private pique, these are accounted mere sport, and not worthy to be mentioned.

By such inhuman usage this unhappy race of men are sometimes driven to such a height of desperation, that to finish their days, and be relieved from worse than Egyptian bondage, some even have leaped into the caldrons of boiling sugar, thus at once depriving the tyrant of his crop and of his servant.

From these sketches can it be a matter of surprize, that armies of rebels are assembled in the forest, and at every opportunity thirsting for revenge?

I shall now conclude this dreadful scene by one general[279]remark, shewing how far population is affected by this most infamous treatment.

In Surinam there are, upon an average, about 75,000 negro slaves, as I have stated; from which if we subtract children, and superannuated men and women, there will not be found above 50,000 really fit for labour. There are from six to twelve Guinea ships, that import from 250 to 300 slaves each from Africa annually: we may therefore compute the yearly importation at an average of 2,500, necessary to supply and keep complete the above 50,000; so that the annual deaths exceed the births by the number of 2,500, though each man negro has a wife or two if he chuses, which is, upon the mass, just 5per cent.and consequently proves that the whole race of healthy slaves, consisting of 50,000, are totally extinct once every twenty years.

Truth and justice however oblige me to declare, that the inhuman barbarities I have been just describing are not universal. Compassionate Heaven has ordained some exceptions, as I shall impartially shew, by reversing the picture: not, like some writers who have treated this subject, and carefully concealed the most pleasing touches of goodness and humanity, whilst only the darkest shades have been exposed to the public eye, but by candidly exhibiting both sides with equal justice and precision; and it is indeed with pleasure I can affirm, that the negro slaves onsomeestates are treated, in my opinion, asmen[280]ought to be treated; and this mode of conduct might still be more general, by amending the laws, which ought not corruptly to invest human nature with what it is certain to abuse—an authority completely despotic. No master surely ought to be entrusted with the dangerous power of taking away the life of his slaves with impunity; and it ought to be considered an equal crime in the eye of the law to kill a negro or a white man, as it is equally murder in the sight of God.

Family of Negro Slaves from Loango.Blake Sculpt.Family of Negro Slaves from Loango.London, Published Decr. 1st, 1792, by J. Johnson, St. Paul’s Church Yard.

Blake Sculpt.

Family of Negro Slaves from Loango.

London, Published Decr. 1st, 1792, by J. Johnson, St. Paul’s Church Yard.

I shall now introduce to the reader’s acquaintance a negro family in that state of tranquil happiness, which they always enjoy under a humane and indulgent master. The figures in the plate are supposed to be of theLoango nation, by the marks on the man’s body, while on his breast may be seenJ. G. S.in a cypher, by which his owner may ascertain his property. He carries a basket with small fish, and a net upon his head, with a large fish in his hand, caught by himself in the river. His wife, who is pregnant, is employed in carrying different kinds of fruit, spinning a thread of cotton upon her distaff, and comfortably smoking her pipe of tobacco. Besides all this, she has a boy upon her back, and another playing by her side. Thus, under a mild master and an honest overseer, a negro’s labour is no more than a healthy exercise, which ends at the setting-sun, and the remaining time is his own, which he employs in hunting, fishing, cultivating his garden, or making baskets[281]and fish-nets for sale; with this money he buys a hog or two, sometimes fowls or ducks, all which he fattens upon the spontaneous growth of the soil, without expence, and very little trouble, and, in the end, they afford him considerable profit. Thus pleasantly situated, he is exempt from every anxiety, and pays no taxes, but looks up to his master as the only protector of him and his family. He adores him, not from fear, but from a conviction that he is indebted to his goodness for all the comforts he enjoys. He breathes in a luxurious warm climate, like his own, which renders clothes unnecessary, and he finds himself more healthy, as well as more at his ease, by going naked. His house he may build after his own fancy. The forest affords him every necessary material for the cutting. His bed is a hammock, or a mat calledpapaya. His pots he manufactures himself, and his dishes are gourds, which grow in his garden. He never lives with a wife he does not love, exchanging for another the moment either he or she becomes tired, though this separation happens less frequently here than divorces do in Europe. Besides the regular allowance given him by his master weekly, his female friend has the art of making many savoury dishes; such asbraf, or a hodge-podge of plantains and yams boiled with salt meat, barbacued fish, and Cayenne pepper.Tom-tomis a very good pudding, composed of the flour of Indian corn, boiled with flesh,[282]fowl, fish, Cayenne pepper, and the young pods of theocraor althea plant.Pepper-potis a dish of boiled fish and capsicum, eaten with roasted plantains.Gangotayis made of dried, andasosooof green plantains.Acansaanddoquenooare composed of the flour of maize, and the latter is eaten with molasses. His common drink is the limpid stream, sometimes corrected by a little rum. If he is accidentally wounded or indisposed, he is cured for nothing; but it is very seldom he troubles the faculty, being tolerably skilled in herbs and simples, besides scarifying and puckering the skin, which serves instead of bleeding. The inconvenience of vermin he remedies without a comb, by plaistering up his hair with clay, which being dried on the head, and then washed with soap and water, makes him clean beyond conception; his teeth are constantly kept as white as ivory; for this purpose he uses nothing but a sprig of orange-tree, bitten at one end, until the fibres resemble a small brush; and no negro, male or female, is to be seen without this little instrument, which has besides the virtue of sweetening the breath.

So much for his body; and with regard to hissoul, it is seldom troubled with any qualms of conscience, or fear of death, as I have stated, being firm and unshaken in what he was taught to believe, which is indeed little, but plain; and when he is no more, his companions or relations carry him to some grove of orange-trees, where he[283]is not interred without expence, being generally put in a coffin of the very best wood and workmanship, while the cries and lamentations of his surviving friends, who sing a dirge, pierce the sky. The grave being filled up, and a green turf neatly spread over it, a couple of large gourds are put by the side, the one with water, the other with boiled fowls, pork, cassava, &c. as a libation, not from a superstitious notion, as some believe, that he will eat or drink it, but as a testimony of that regard which they have for his memory and ashes; while some even add the little furniture that he left behind, breaking it in pieces over the grave. This done, every one takes his last farewell, speaking to him as if alive, and testifying their sorrow at his departure; adding, that they hope to see him, not inGuinea, as some have written, but in that better place, where he now enjoys the pleasant company of his parents, friends, and ancestors; when another dismal yell ends the ceremony, and all return home. Next a fat hog being killed, with fowls, ducks, &c. a general feast is given by his friends to all the other negroes, which concludes not till the following day. The nearest connections and relations of the deceased, both male and female, now cut their hair7and shave their heads, round which having tied a dark blue handkerchief, they wear this mourning for a whole year; after which, once more visiting the grave, they offer a last libation, and taking their final farewell, another hog and fowls being killed,[284]the funeral rites are quite ended by a second feast, which finishes with a joyful dance, and songs in memory and praise of their dear departed friend or relation.

No people can more esteem or have a greater friendship for one another than the negro slaves; they appear to have unbounded enjoyment in each other’s company, and are not destitute of social amusements, such as thesoesa, which consists in footing opposite to each other, and clapping with their hands upon their sides to keep in time. So very eager are they at this animating play, in which sometimes six or eight couple are engaged at once, that the violent exercise having been known to kill some of the negroes, it is forbidden by the magistrates at Paramaribo.Awareeis an innocent amusement, consisting in pitching with a large kind of marbles, in defect of which they use the awaree nuts or large pebbles.

The men also cudgel and wrestle; yet at this I think them inferior to either those of Cornwall or Devon. Most negroes are strong and active8. But swimming is their favourite diversion, which they practise every day at least twice or thrice, promiscuously, in groupes of boys and girls, like the Indians, when both sexes exhibit astonishing feats of courage, strength, and activity. I have not only seen a negro girl beat a hardy youth in swimming across the River Comewina (while I was one of the party) but on landing challenge him to run a two mile[285]race, and beat him again, naked as they were; while all ideas of shame on the one side, and of insult on the other, are totally unknown.—I shall now say something of their instrumental music and dancing. I have already mentioned the singing and the dancing of theLoangotribe in particular; and will now describe that practised by the other negro nations in general.

Their instruments of music, which are not a little ingenious, are all made by themselves, and consist of those represented in the annexed plate; where

No1, which is calledqua-qua, is a hard sounding-board, elevated on one side like a boot-jack, on which they beat time as on a drum, with two pieces of iron, or two bones.

No2, is thekiemba-toetoe, or hollow reed, which is blown through the nostrils, like the nasal flute of Otaheite: it has but two holes, one at each end, the one serving to sound it, the other to be touched by the finger.

No3, is theAnsokko-baina, which is a hard board, supported on both sides like a low seat, on which are placed small blocks of different sizes, which being struck with two small sticks like a dulcimer, give different sounds, that are not at all disagreeable.

No4, is thegreat Creole drum, being a hollow tree, open at one end, and covered at the other with a sheep-skin, on which they sit astride, and so beat time with the palms of their hands; answering the effect of a bass-viol to thequa-quaboard.[286]

No5, is thegreat Loango drum, being covered at both ends, and serves the same purpose as a bass drum.

No6, is thePapa drum, beaten as the others.

No7, is thesmall Loango drum, beaten together with the great one.

No8, thesmall Creole drum, for the same use.

No9, is calledcoeroema; this is a wooden cup, ingeniously made, covered also with a sheep-skin, and beaten with two small rods or drum-sticks, after the manner of thequa-quaboard.

No10, is theLoango-bania. This I thought exceedingly curious, being a dry board, on which are laced, and kept down by a transverse bar, different sized elastic splinters of the palm-tree, like pieces of whalebone, in such a manner that both ends are elevated by two other bars that are fixed under them; and the above apparatus being placed on

No11, which is a large emptycallebashto promote the sound; the extremities of the splinters are snapt by the fingers, something in the manner of a piano-forte, when the music has a soft and very pleasing effect.

No12, is called by the negroessaka-saka, being a hollow gourd, with a stick and handle fixed through it, and filled with small pebbles and pease, not unlike the magic shell of the Indians. This they hold above their heads, and while they dance rattle it to measure.

Musical Instruments of the African Negroes.Musical Instruments of the African Negroes.London, Published Decr. 1st, 1791, by J. Johnson, St. Paul’s Church Yard.

Musical Instruments of the African Negroes.

London, Published Decr. 1st, 1791, by J. Johnson, St. Paul’s Church Yard.

No13, is aconch, or sea-shell, which by blowing they[287]sound, for pleasure, or to cause an alarm, &c. but is not used as an accompaniment to dancing.

No14, is calledbenta, being a branch bent like a bow by means of a slip of dry reed or warimbo; which cord, when held to the teeth, is beaten with a short stick, and by being shifted backwards and forwards sounds not unlike a jew’s-harp.

No15, is theCreole-bania, this is like a mandoline or guitar, being made of a half gourd covered with a sheep-skin, to which is fixed a very long neck or handle. This instrument has but four strings, three long and one short, which is thick, and serves for a bass; it is played by the fingers, and has a very agreeable sound, but more so when accompanied by a song.

No16, is thetrumpet of war, to command advancing, retreating, &c. and is called by the negroes thetoo-too.

No17, is ahornused to supply the place of the other, or on the plantations to call the slaves to work.

No18, is theLoango too-tooor flute, which they blow as the Europeans do, after the common way. It has but four holes for the fingers, and yet they make it produce a variety of sounds.—Such are the musical instruments of our African brethren, to which they dance with more spirit than we do to the best band in Europe.

To what I have stated, I will only add, that they always use full or half measure, but never triple time, in their dancing music, which is not unlike that of a baker’s[288]bunt, when he separates the flour from the bran, soundingtuckety-tuckandtuckety-tuckad perpetuum. To this noise they dance with uncommon pleasure, and most times foot it away with great art and dexterity.

“Saltantes satiros imitabitur Alphisibœus.”

“Saltantes satiros imitabitur Alphisibœus.”

Every Saturday evening, the slaves who are well treated close the week with an entertainment of this kind, and generally once a quarter are indulged with a grand ball, to which the neighbouring slaves are invited; the master often contributing to their happiness by his presence, or at least by sending them a present of a few jugs of new rum.

At these grand balls the slaves are remarkably neat, the women appearing in their best chintz petticoats, and many of the men in fine Holland trowsers. So indefatigable are they at this diversion, that I have known the drums continue beating without intermission from six o’clock on Saturday night till the sun made its appearance on the Monday morning; thus had passed six-and-thirty hours in dancing, cheering, hallooing, and clapping of hands. The negroes dance always in couples, the men figuring and footing, while the women turn round like a top, their petticoats expanding like an umbrella; and this they callwaey-cotto. During this, the by-standing youths fill about the liquor, while the girls encourage the performance, and wipe the sweat from the brows and sides of the unwearied musicians.[289]

It is indeed upon the whole astonishing to see with what good-nature and even good-manners these dancing societies are kept up, of which I repeat it they are so fond, that I have known a newly-imported negro, for want of a partner, figure and foot it for nearly the space of two hours, to his shadow against the wall.

If to what I have stated relative to negro slaves, when under a candid and humane master, we further add, their never being separated from each other; parents seeing their children around them, sometimes till the third and fourth generation, besides the confidence that they are all provided for to the end of their lives;—then if we draw the comparison between this class of people, and the numberless wretched objects that disgrace the streets ofEurope, we can assuredly not call those Africans who fall under the above description—unhappy.

And now, to sum up all I have to say on the subject of slaves in the fewest words, for the sake of the reader, and also for my own, lest I should seem to contradict myself, by having so frequently animadverted on the shocking cruelties of some masters, and occasionally done justice to the humane and liberal dispositions of others, I beg leave to say one word more on the projectedabolition.—Could we persuade all our commercial neighbours to join inthatmeasure, the case would be different: but since I have seen cruelties exercised so commonly in Surinam, which I never heard of in the British islands, and from my certain observation have declared the soil[290]of that country to be so much more rich and productive than our West Indies, shall we not drive our planters from their worn-out lands, to settle on the more fertile spot, under a government which will allow a free importation of negroes, while our object (if we knew how to compass it) is to reduce an unlimited infliction of punishment, which indeed our planters have by their own laws most humanely restrained9?

Such is indeed the love and confidence of some planters for their slaves, that they often entrust their infants to a negro wet-nurse, in preference to an European, where both may be had; and such the attachment of some slaves to their masters, that I have known many refuse to accept of their emancipation, and even some, who had their liberty, voluntarily return to dependence. No one isperfectlyfree in this world, all mankind is depending upon one another—while I will beg leave to conclude this laborious chapter, by this general remark, that all sublunary happiness exists only in imagination, and may ever be obtained, where health of body and peace of mind are not crushed bydespoticoppression.[291]

1This is well known to be the case with many other animals, as rabbits, mice, &c. that are perfectly white, to have their eyesblood-coloured.↑2This tree grows to a considerable height and thickness, very straight, and covered with a strong grey prickly bark. The boughs spread very much, with small digitated leaves. The cotton, which it produces triennally, is neither white nor plentiful, which, makes it little sought after. It bears some resemblance to the British oak, the largest of which it surpasses both in elegance and magnitude.↑3This creature is from three to five feet long, and perfectly harmless; it has not the least apprehension of being hurtevenby man; while the unparalleled brilliancy of its colours may be another inducement for the adoration of the negroes.↑4See the 58th Psalm, ver. 4, and 5: “They are like the deaf adder, that stoppeth her ear; which will not hearken to the voice of charmers, charming never so wisely.”—Jerem. chap. viii. ver. 17,—and the Book of Ecclesiastes, chap. x. ver. 11, &c.↑5It is a well-known fact, that a negro, having been ill-treated by the family in which he lived as a servant, one day took the following desperate revenge:—The master and mistress being from home, he, having locked all the doors, at their return presented himself with their three fine children on the platform on the top of the house. When asked why he did not give admittance, he only answered by throwing an infant baby to the ground: they threatened—he tossed down the brother: they intreated, but to no purpose, the third sharing the same fate, who all lay dead at their parents’ feet—then calling out to them that he was now fully revenged, leaped down himself, and dashed out his own brains amongst the amazed spectators.——Another stabbed the inoffensive husband to be revenged on the guilty wife; declaring, that to kill herself was only temporary, but to lose all that was dear to her must be eternal bitterness, while to himself it was the sweetest satisfaction.↑6After the most scrupulous enquiry, and even ocular demonstration, I can assert the above as literally true.↑7We are told Job did the same.↑8WitnessJasJackson, the equestrian rider, London, &c.↑9By a law passed in the council of Jamaica, the punishment of a negro is usually limited to twelve lashes, but never exceeding thirty-nine. In Surinam I have known two hundred inflicted on a female; and was once the unfortunate occasion of seeing it immediately repeated. (See Plate XXXV. Vol. I.)↑

1This is well known to be the case with many other animals, as rabbits, mice, &c. that are perfectly white, to have their eyesblood-coloured.↑2This tree grows to a considerable height and thickness, very straight, and covered with a strong grey prickly bark. The boughs spread very much, with small digitated leaves. The cotton, which it produces triennally, is neither white nor plentiful, which, makes it little sought after. It bears some resemblance to the British oak, the largest of which it surpasses both in elegance and magnitude.↑3This creature is from three to five feet long, and perfectly harmless; it has not the least apprehension of being hurtevenby man; while the unparalleled brilliancy of its colours may be another inducement for the adoration of the negroes.↑4See the 58th Psalm, ver. 4, and 5: “They are like the deaf adder, that stoppeth her ear; which will not hearken to the voice of charmers, charming never so wisely.”—Jerem. chap. viii. ver. 17,—and the Book of Ecclesiastes, chap. x. ver. 11, &c.↑5It is a well-known fact, that a negro, having been ill-treated by the family in which he lived as a servant, one day took the following desperate revenge:—The master and mistress being from home, he, having locked all the doors, at their return presented himself with their three fine children on the platform on the top of the house. When asked why he did not give admittance, he only answered by throwing an infant baby to the ground: they threatened—he tossed down the brother: they intreated, but to no purpose, the third sharing the same fate, who all lay dead at their parents’ feet—then calling out to them that he was now fully revenged, leaped down himself, and dashed out his own brains amongst the amazed spectators.——Another stabbed the inoffensive husband to be revenged on the guilty wife; declaring, that to kill herself was only temporary, but to lose all that was dear to her must be eternal bitterness, while to himself it was the sweetest satisfaction.↑6After the most scrupulous enquiry, and even ocular demonstration, I can assert the above as literally true.↑7We are told Job did the same.↑8WitnessJasJackson, the equestrian rider, London, &c.↑9By a law passed in the council of Jamaica, the punishment of a negro is usually limited to twelve lashes, but never exceeding thirty-nine. In Surinam I have known two hundred inflicted on a female; and was once the unfortunate occasion of seeing it immediately repeated. (See Plate XXXV. Vol. I.)↑

1This is well known to be the case with many other animals, as rabbits, mice, &c. that are perfectly white, to have their eyesblood-coloured.↑

1This is well known to be the case with many other animals, as rabbits, mice, &c. that are perfectly white, to have their eyesblood-coloured.↑

2This tree grows to a considerable height and thickness, very straight, and covered with a strong grey prickly bark. The boughs spread very much, with small digitated leaves. The cotton, which it produces triennally, is neither white nor plentiful, which, makes it little sought after. It bears some resemblance to the British oak, the largest of which it surpasses both in elegance and magnitude.↑

2This tree grows to a considerable height and thickness, very straight, and covered with a strong grey prickly bark. The boughs spread very much, with small digitated leaves. The cotton, which it produces triennally, is neither white nor plentiful, which, makes it little sought after. It bears some resemblance to the British oak, the largest of which it surpasses both in elegance and magnitude.↑

3This creature is from three to five feet long, and perfectly harmless; it has not the least apprehension of being hurtevenby man; while the unparalleled brilliancy of its colours may be another inducement for the adoration of the negroes.↑

3This creature is from three to five feet long, and perfectly harmless; it has not the least apprehension of being hurtevenby man; while the unparalleled brilliancy of its colours may be another inducement for the adoration of the negroes.↑

4See the 58th Psalm, ver. 4, and 5: “They are like the deaf adder, that stoppeth her ear; which will not hearken to the voice of charmers, charming never so wisely.”—Jerem. chap. viii. ver. 17,—and the Book of Ecclesiastes, chap. x. ver. 11, &c.↑

4See the 58th Psalm, ver. 4, and 5: “They are like the deaf adder, that stoppeth her ear; which will not hearken to the voice of charmers, charming never so wisely.”—Jerem. chap. viii. ver. 17,—and the Book of Ecclesiastes, chap. x. ver. 11, &c.↑

5It is a well-known fact, that a negro, having been ill-treated by the family in which he lived as a servant, one day took the following desperate revenge:—The master and mistress being from home, he, having locked all the doors, at their return presented himself with their three fine children on the platform on the top of the house. When asked why he did not give admittance, he only answered by throwing an infant baby to the ground: they threatened—he tossed down the brother: they intreated, but to no purpose, the third sharing the same fate, who all lay dead at their parents’ feet—then calling out to them that he was now fully revenged, leaped down himself, and dashed out his own brains amongst the amazed spectators.——Another stabbed the inoffensive husband to be revenged on the guilty wife; declaring, that to kill herself was only temporary, but to lose all that was dear to her must be eternal bitterness, while to himself it was the sweetest satisfaction.↑

5It is a well-known fact, that a negro, having been ill-treated by the family in which he lived as a servant, one day took the following desperate revenge:—The master and mistress being from home, he, having locked all the doors, at their return presented himself with their three fine children on the platform on the top of the house. When asked why he did not give admittance, he only answered by throwing an infant baby to the ground: they threatened—he tossed down the brother: they intreated, but to no purpose, the third sharing the same fate, who all lay dead at their parents’ feet—then calling out to them that he was now fully revenged, leaped down himself, and dashed out his own brains amongst the amazed spectators.——Another stabbed the inoffensive husband to be revenged on the guilty wife; declaring, that to kill herself was only temporary, but to lose all that was dear to her must be eternal bitterness, while to himself it was the sweetest satisfaction.↑

6After the most scrupulous enquiry, and even ocular demonstration, I can assert the above as literally true.↑

6After the most scrupulous enquiry, and even ocular demonstration, I can assert the above as literally true.↑

7We are told Job did the same.↑

7We are told Job did the same.↑

8WitnessJasJackson, the equestrian rider, London, &c.↑

8WitnessJasJackson, the equestrian rider, London, &c.↑

9By a law passed in the council of Jamaica, the punishment of a negro is usually limited to twelve lashes, but never exceeding thirty-nine. In Surinam I have known two hundred inflicted on a female; and was once the unfortunate occasion of seeing it immediately repeated. (See Plate XXXV. Vol. I.)↑

9By a law passed in the council of Jamaica, the punishment of a negro is usually limited to twelve lashes, but never exceeding thirty-nine. In Surinam I have known two hundred inflicted on a female; and was once the unfortunate occasion of seeing it immediately repeated. (See Plate XXXV. Vol. I.)↑

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