EXPLANATORY NOTES.
(A) Michilimackinac is the seat of justice for Mackinac county, Michigan Territory, is 300 miles NW. of Detroit, has a U. S. circuit court, a population of 1053, by the census of 1830, has a military post, an Indian agency, a collector’s office, a flourishing missionary school, &c.
(B) This river enters the head of Muddy Lake, and is partly the boundary between Michilimackinac and Chippewa counties.
(C) This is a tributary of the south branch of the St. Mary’s, and is much resorted to by the Indians in their periodical fishing and hunting excursions.
(D) Indian gardens at this place, two miles below St. Mary’s.
(E) This place is the site of Fort Brady, is ten miles below the foot of Lake Superior, and ninety by water NW. of Mackinac. The Indian Agency of Vincennes, Indiana, was removed to this place, in 1822, and consolidated with the agency of Mackinac, in 1832. It is the seat of justice for Chippewa county, M. T. and has a population, by the census of 1830, of 918.
(F) The trading post, at this place, is occupied as a fishing station, during the autumn, by persons who proceed with boats and nets, from St. Mary’s. Bonds are taken by the Indian Office, and licences granted in the usual manner, as a precaution against the introduction of ardent spirits.
(G) It is thirty leagues from Keweena Post to Ontonagon, by the most direct water route, but seventy-five leagues around the peninsula.
(H) The population enumerated at this post, includes the villages of Ocogib, Lake Vieux Desert, Iron River and Petite Peche Bay.
(I) The Chippewas of La Point have their gardens on this river, and reside here periodically. This is a good fishing station. A mission family has recently been located here.
(K) This is the most western bay of Lake Superior.
(L) Replaces the post of the Isle des Corbeau, which is abolished.
(M) The route of Rainy Lake, begins at the post on this lake, which is an expansion of the channel of the Mississippi, about ten miles across. Clear water and yields fish.
(N) This lake has been so named in honor of the present Secretary of War, who terminated his exploratory journey there, in 1820.
(O) Itasca Lake is the actual source of the Mississippi, as determined by myself, in the expedition, which furnishes occasion for this report.
(P) This is a very large expanse of water, clear and pure in its character, and yields fine white fish. It was deemed the head of the Mississippi by Pike, who visited it in the winter of 1806, but it is not evenoneof the sources, as it has several large tributaries.
(Q) Named Rum River by Carver, but calledspiritriver by the Indians, not using this word in a physical sense.
(R) This route from Old Grand Portage to the Lake of the Woods, is chiefly used by the British traders, and the gentlemen connected with the Hudson’s Bay government; but has fallen into comparative disuse, as a grand channel of traders since the introduction of goods direct from England into the Hudson Bay.
(S) The estimate of population at Pembina, includes all who are believed to be south of latitude 49 deg. and therefore within the limits of the United States.
(T) Embraces all the population of the Fork of St. Croix, connected by a portage with the Brulé River of Lake Superior.
(U) The Indians on these streams, rely much on wild rice. Their encampments are temporary. They come into contact with the Winnebagoes and Monomonees, who are their neighbors on the south.
(V) The Indian population of the peninsula of Michigan, consists of Ottawas, Chippewas and Pottawattomies, who are not widely separated by language and habits. The Ottawas are however the most agricultural. No Pottawattomies are included in the estimate, and only that portion of Ottawas and Chippewas living north of Grand River, and northwest of Sagana, as the limits of the Mackinac and St. Mary’s joint agency, do not extend south of these places.
☞Thedata respecting the fur trade, in the schedules, excludes the business transacted on the Island of Michilimackinac, and the village Sault Ste. Marie, these places being on lands ceded to the United States, and over which the laws of the Territory of Michigan, operate. They also exclude any amount of trade that may have been carried on, by the white inhabitants of Red River settlement, who may be located south of the national boundary on the north, as this place is too remote to have been heretofore brought under the cognizance of our Intercourse laws.
Office of Indian Agency, Sault Ste. Marie,November 21, 1832.
HENRY R. SCHOOLCRAFT, Indian Agent.
VI.
Office Indian Agency,Sault Ste. Marie, December3, 1832.}Elbert Herring, Esq.,Office of Indian Affairs, Washington.Sir:The condition of the Indians, situated in the area of country traversed by the St. Croix and Chippewa Rivers, has not essentially varied since the date of the report, which I had the honor to address to the Department, on the 22nd of September, 1831.[28]I beg leave now to solicit your attention to the observations made during my recent visit to the bands living northwest of that point in our geography.From a very early period, war has existed between the Chippewas and Sioux, and although the condition of independent bands, separated by local position and local interests, has produced internal discord among themselves, they have united as nations, in defending their respective frontiers, and have not hesitated to make inroads, into the hunting grounds of each other, whenever circumstances have favored them.The Chippewas assert, that their warfare has been one of self defence, and that their inroads have been the inevitable consequence of the determination to maintain their territorial rights. The Sioux complain that their hunting grounds have been intruded on, and that they cannot restrain their warriors. Each party lays claim to forbearance and generosity. Neither appears to omit any opportunity of inflicting injury on the other. Every blow is a fresh invitation to aggression. A state of perpetual insecurity and alarm is the consequence. Time has exasperated their feelings. And much of the severity of their present condition, is directly owing to the pertinacity with which the contest has been kept up.In this state, the Chippewas, who are particularly the object of this report, were found by our government in 1806, who had, the year before, directed the late General Pike, to visit the Upper Mississippi. Owing to their remote position, little attention was, however, bestowed upon them till the summer of 1820, when the present Secretary of War, who then administered the government of Michigan, conducted an expedition through the country. By his recommendation a military post and agency were established on the avenue of their trade, at thefoot of Lake Superior, and the usual means adopted to regulate the trade and intercourse of our citizens with them. They were counselled to remain at peace, to intermit their visits to the Canadian posts, and to pursue their usual occupations on their own lands. It was immediately found, however, that the force of their hostilities fell upon their western frontiers, where they border on the Sioux, and where the dispute respecting territorial boundaries gave scope to continual and afflicting aggressions.In 1825 the Chippewas were invited to meet the other tribes in a general council at Prairie du Chien, which, after a full discussion, resulted in a treaty of territorial limits. This treaty was fully assented to, by the northern Chippewas convened at the treaty of Fond du Lac in 1826. The following year, deputations of this nation attended, and became one of the parties at the treaty of Bude des Morts. At this treaty the subject of boundaries was finally carried and adjusted between themselves and the Monomonees and the Winnebagoes. With the latter tribes there has been no subsequent controversy respecting limits. But the delineation on paper of the extensive line between them and the Sioux, without an actual survey and marking of it, gave rise to further difficulties. What could not be plainly seen, might be easily disputed, and the pretext was thus given for renewed aggressions. Several instances of this have constituted the subject of specific reports to the Department. The hardships of a people destitute of resources, were not only thus increased, but those of our citizens who had been licensed to trade among them complained of losses and want of protection. Many of the Indians, and several of the traders fell, either in actual conflict, or the consequences deducible from them.During the summer of 1830, I was directed by the Department personally to visit the Indians, to endeavour to restore peace. The instructions were not, however, received until late in the year, and it was not practicable to carry them into effect until the following year. It was employed in visiting the bands situated intermediate between Lake Superior and the Mississippi, being south of St. Anthony falls. It was found impracticable to visit the more northern bands. Instructions were however received for this purpose in the spring of 1832. I immediately organized anexpedition, and employed the summer season in visiting the remotest bands on the Upper Mississippi, and I will now proceed to detail such of its results, not heretofore communicated, as pertain to the present condition of the Indians.It will be recollected that during the previous visit, general councils were held with the Chippewas at Chegoimegon on Lake Superior, and at Yellow River, Lac Courtorielle, and Rice Lake, in the region of St. Croix and Chippewa Rivers: that the subject of the treaty of peace and limits of 1825 was distinctly brought home to the chiefs, and their promise obtained to use their influence in keeping their warriors at peace: that messages were despatched by them to the principal Sioux chiefs, expressive of these sentiments, accompanied by messages from myself: that a Chippewa war party was encountered, and its object frustrated: and the subject of limits on the Red Cedar fork presenting itself as an obstacle to a firm peace on this border, was amicably referred by them to the President, with a request, by them, that he would use his influence to keep the Sioux at peace. From which auspicious results were anticipated.I had the satisfaction to find, in the progress of this year’s visits, that these measures had been productive of good effects; that the fall and winter of 1831 had passed, without any war party’s going out of the region of the Chippewa and St. Croix, and that a peace-council had been held by the Chippewas of the Folle Avoine, and the Sioux of the Petite Corbeau’s band, which was also attended by the Upper Snake River Indians, and by deputations of the Mille Lac and Fond du Lac Chippewas, and that my counsels and admonitions had been extensively spread.Other facts disclosed on my passing through Lake Superior may be adverted to. On casually meeting a party of Indians and traders at the Portail (June 11th), I heard of the existence of a feud at Lac Courtorielle, which had, during the previous winter, resulted in the murder of a Canadian named Brunet at Long Lake, and the murder of an Indian boy by the son of Mozojeed, the chief of the band. That the murderer had been apprehended by the Chippewas and traders, and brought out as far as the carrying-place on the head of the Mauvais River, where he had escaped.On reaching the trading post at Kewena Bay (14th), I met Pezhicki, the chief of La Pointe, with several men going out to visit me at the sault. There was also, at this place, the speaker Mizi, being on his way, with a considerable retinue, to Penetanguishine, the British post on Lake Huron. I here learned the death of Mozobodo, the chief of Lac du Flambeau, and that his brother the White Crow, a man of inferior merit, had succeeded to the chieftainship, and was forming a war-party to descend the Chippewa River against the Sioux.I reached the Ontonegon on the 19th, and found at this place Mushcoswun, or the Moose’s Tail, an elder brother of the White Crow of Lac du Flambeau, and Mozojeed, the chief of Lac Courtorielle, encamped with their followers, being all on their way to visit me at the sault. No further information was obtained of the state of affairs at Lac du Flambeau, except that a trader had clandestinely visited that post from the Mississippi with whiskey. Being nearest the theatre of the Sauc disturbances, I felt much anxiety to be particularly informed of the state of feeling in this numerous, warlike, and hitherto disaffected band. This I was, however, left to infer from the studied silence, or affected ignorance of Mushcoswun.Mozojeed gave me reason to be satisfied that the Chippewas of his quarter were quite friendly, and that no disposition was felt to sanction, far less to aid, the confederated Saucs and Foxes in their schemes. He regretted, he said, the murders which had taken place in his vicinity, during the winter, which, he affirmed, arose wholly from private jealousies and bickerings. He said, he lamented the folly of the young men of his village who had committed the murders. He could not prevent it. He could not see through the distant forests, alluding to the difficulty of foreseeing and governing the acts of people at a distance. He could not absolutely govern those in his own village; but these murders were committed at Long Lake, and not at Ottowa Lake, where he lived.He said that the murderer of Brunet had been apprehended, by the joint advice of himself and those who had grown old in wearing medals (meaning the elder chiefs). But he had escaped on the Mauvais portage. From that point the chief called MiscoMonedo, or the Red Devil, and his people had returned, saying that they would punish the fugitive.With respect to the murder committed by his son, he said that he had come out to give himself up for it, to be dealt with as might be dictated. He stood ready to answer for it. And he awaited my decision respecting it, as well as the other murder. He concluded his address by presenting a pipe.Soon after passing Presque Isle river (20th), we met Mr. Warren, a trader, and his brigade of boats, on his annual return from his wintering ground. He confirmed the reports heard from the Indians, and added, that a trader from the Mississippi had entered the St. Croix River, and introduced ardent spirits among the Chippewas of Snake River. Mushcoswun followed me, with others, to Chagoimegon, or Lapointe, became a sharer in the presents distributed there, and expressed himself during the council in a speech of decidedly friendly terms.At the mouth of the River Broule I encountered Ozawondib, or the Yellow Head, and Mainotagooz, or the Handsome Enunciator, two Chippewas from the Cassinian source of the Mississippi, being on their way to visit me at the seat of the agency. They reported that the Indians of Leech Lake had raised a war-party, and gone out against the Sioux of the Plains. Both these Indians returned with me to Cass Lake. The former afterward guided me from that remote point to the source of this river.On reaching Fond du Lac (23d), I found the Indians of that post assembled, preparatory to the departure of the traders of the Fond du Lac department. Mr. Aitkin represented that the Hudson’s Bay clerks had been well supplied with high-wines, during the season of trade, which were freely used to induce our Indians to cross the boundary in quest of it, and that if the American government did not permit a limited quantity of this article to be taken by their traders, that part of their hunts would be carried to their opponents. His clerks from Rainy Lake presented me a pipe and ornamented stem, accompanying a speech of general friendship from Aissibun, or the Racoon, and another, with similar testimonials, from the son of the late chief Ainakumigishkung, both of the Rainy Lake band.Mongazid, or the Loon’s Foot, the second chief and speaker ofthe Fond du Lac band, confirmed what I had previously heard, of a peace council having been held on the St. Croix, with the Petite Corbeau’s band of Sioux. He said that Kabamappa was at the head of the Chippewa party, and had been the prime mover in this pacific attempt. That he had himself been present, with a deputation of eleven men of the Fond du Lac band, including the elder chief Chingoop.Dr. Borup, a clerk in the A. F. Company’s service, added, in relation to affairs on the Rainy Lake border, that five chiefs have been invested with medals and flags, by theBritish tradersof Rainy Lake. That eighty kegs of high-wines were exhibited to the Indians at that post during the last season—that it was freely sent over the American lines, even withina few hours’ marchof Leech Lake—having been sentwestof the portage into Turtle Lake.We had now reached the head of Lake Superior. Our route thence to the Mississippi was up the river St. Louis, and across the Savanne portage. We reached the trading-house at the junction of Sandy Lake River with the Mississippi during the afternoon of the 3d of July, and remained at that place until 6 o’clock in the evening of the 4th. The Indians have confirmed the reports of a war-party’s having gone out from Leech Lake. All accounts from that quarter indicated a state of extreme restlessness on the part of that band, and also among the Yanktons and Sessitons. Inineewi, or the Manly Man, acted as the speaker at the council which I held on the west banks of the river. He mingled, as is common, his private affairs with his public business. He said that he was not possessed of the authority of chieftainship, but that his father Kabigwakoosidjiga, had been a chief under the English government; that Chingoop, the chief of Fond du Lac, was his uncle, and Chamees, our guide, his nephew. He said that the Grosse Guelle, and most of the chiefs and hunters of the place, had dispersed from their encampment, and were now passing the summer months in the country near the mouth of L’aile de Corbeau, or Crow-wing River. That he would forthwith convey my message to them, &c.; confirming his words with the present of a pipe.Having determined to ascend the Mississippi from this point,and being satisfied from my Indian maps that I could make a portage from Cass Lake into Leech Lake, and from the latter into the source of the Crow-wing river, so as to descend the latter to its junction with the Mississippi, I transmitted a message to the Grosse Guelle to meet me, with the Sandy Lake Indians, at Isle de Corbeau, in twenty days, counting from the 4th. I then deposited the provisions and goods intended for distribution at the council at Isle de Corbeau, with the person in charge of Mr. Aitkin’s house, making arrangements to have the articles sent down the Mississippi, in exact season to meet me there.Relieved of this portion of the burden of transportation, we proceeded with more alacrity. We passed the falls of Pukaiguma on the 7th, and encamped at the trading-post at Lake Winnipec, above the savannas, on the 9th, having pursued the side route through Bogotowa Lake. While encamped at Point aux Chenes, in the savannas, a Frenchman arrived from Leech Lake, on his way to the post at Sandy Lake. He reported that the war-party had returned to Leech Lake, bringing three Sessiton scalps, having, in their engagement, lost one man, a brother-in-law of the Guelle Plat’s. That the Guelle Plat had led the party, and encountered the Sioux coming out against them. He also reported, that the Sioux had scalped a Chippewa girl near Pembina. That they were immediately pursued by a party of Chippewas, overtaken in the act of constructing a raft to cross a stream, and four of the number killed and scalped.[29]Finding the waters favourable for ascending, and that our progress had been much accelerated thereby, I sent a verbal message by this man, to have the canoes with supplies destined for Isle de Corbeau set forward two days earlier than the time originally fixed.The clerk in charge of the trading-post of Lake Winnipec, communicated a number of facts respecting the location and number of the Indians living in the middle grounds between that post and Rainy Lake. I proposed to him the following questions, to which I have annexed his answers.1. Do the Hudson’s Bay clerks cross the American lines from the post of Rainy Lake, for the purposes of trade?Ans.No.They furnish goods to Indians who go trading into the American territory.2. Do the partners or clerks of the H. B. Co. present flags and medals to Indians?Ans.Yes.3. Do they give such flags and medals to Indians living within the American lines?Ans.No. I have heard that they took away an American flag given to an Indian on the U. S. borders of Rainy Lake, tore it, and burnt it, and gave him a British flag instead.4. Was the H. B. Co.’s post on Rainy Lake supplied with ardent spirits last season?Ans.It was. They had about 60 kegs of high-wines, which were shown to some of our Indians, who went there, and Mr. Cameron, who was in charge of the post, said to them, that, although their streams were high from the melting of the snow, they should, swim as high with liquor, if the Indians required it.5. What is the strength of the high-wines?Ans.One keg is reduced to four.6. Have the Indians sent out onderwinby the H. B. Co. approached near to your post?Ans.They have come very near, having been on the Turtle portage with goods.7. Did they bring liquor thus far?Ans.No. The liquor is kept at Rainy Lake, to induce the Indians to visit that place with their furs.8. Did the disposition made of the liquor, which the Secretary of War permitted the principal factor of the Fond du Lac department, to take in last year, embrace the post of Winnipec?Ans.It did not. It was kept chiefly at Rainy Lake, and on the lines, to be used in the opposition trade.On reaching Cass Lake, orLac Cedar Rouge(July 10th), I found a band of Chippewas resident on its principal island. They confirmed the reports of the murder and subsequent affray at Pembina, and of the return of the war-party which went out from Leech Lake. Some of the warriors engaged in the latter were from the island in Cass Lake, including the person killed. His widow and her children attended the council, and shared in the distribution of presents which I made there. While encamped on this island, two of the Sioux scalps, which had been brought inas trophies on the late excursion, were danced with the ceremonies peculiar to the occasion, on an eminence adjacent to, and within sight of, my encampment. This painful exhibition of barbaric triumph was enacted without consulting me.Finding it practicable, in the existing state of the waters, to visit the principal and most remote source of the Mississippi, above this lake, I determined to encamp my men, and leave my heavy baggage and supplies on the island, and to accomplish the visit in small canoes, with the aid of Indian guides. As the details of this expedition afford no political information of a character required by my instructions, beyond the observation of some evidences of a Sioux inroad in former years, and the statistical facts heretofore given, they are omitted. It will be sufficient to remark that the object was successfully accomplished, under the guidance of Oza Windib. I planted the American flag on an island in the lake, which is the true source of the Mississippi, 149 years after the discovery of the mouth of this stream by La Salle. I was accompanied on this expedition by Mr. Johnston of the Department; Dr. D. Houghton; Lieut. Allen, U. S. A.; and the Rev. W. T. Boutwell.On returning to my encampment on the island in Cass Lake, I explained to the Indians, in a formal council, the object of my instructions from the Department, so far as these relate to their hostilities with the Sioux. I invested Oza Windib with a flag and medal, finding him to be looked up to as the principal man in the band, and there being, at present, no one who claimed, or appeared to be as well entitled, to the authority of chieftainship. Neezh Opinais, or the Twin Birds, who received a medal from Gov. Cass, through the intervention of his principal guide, in 1820, was formerly resident at this lake, but is now incorporated with the band at Red Lake. I sent him a flag, accompanied with a formal message, by his son, and acknowledged the receipt of a peace pipe and stem, from Waiwain Jigun of Red Lake, sent out by him through another hand. These attentions to the ceremonial messages of the Indians are of more importance, so far as respects their feelings and friendship, than might be inferred.Cass Lake is about 15 miles long, in the direction that the Mississippi passes through it, and may be estimated to be twelvemiles wide, exclusive of a spacious prolongation or bay, in the direction to Leech Lake. It is the second large lake below the primary forks of the Mississippi, and is decidedly the largest expanse assuming the character ofa lake, in its entire length, covering a greater square superficies than Lake Pepin.The Mississippi is but little used by traders going North West, and not at all beyond Lac Traverse. It is found to take its rise south of west from Cass Lake. In consequence, its source has seldom been visited, even by the traders, whose highest point of temporary location is Pamitchi Gumaug, or Lac Traverse, estimated to be forty miles W.N.W. of Cass Lake. And this point has been found to be the extreme N.W. point attained by its waters.Representations having been made to the Department, on the subject of foreign interference in the trade on this frontier, I have addressed a number of queries on the subject to a clerk[30]engaged in the American trade, who has been many years a resident of Red Lake, and is well acquainted with the geography and resources of the adjacent country. I inquired of him, whether the American traders on that border were strenuously opposed in their trade by the inhabitants of the Red River colony, or by the partners and clerks of the Hudson’s Bay Company. He replied, that the inhabitants of Pembina made temporary voyages of trade to Voleuse, or Thief River, south of the parallel of 49°, but that they had not built, or made a permanent stand there. He said, that the open nature of the country about the Red River settlements gave great facilities for making short excursions into the Indian country, on horseback and in carts. But he did not know any place where permanent outfits had been sent, except to Rivière Souris, or Mouse River, west of Red River. He believes that this traffic was carried on exclusively by the inhabitants of the colony, and not by the Hudson’s Bay Company,I asked him, whether the Indians of the Lake of the Woods visited the post of Red Lake, and whether our traders were annoyed in their trade from that quarter, by the servants of the H. B. Company. He replied, that the Lac du Bois Indians cameacross to Red Lake ordinarily; that it is a three days’ journey, but that no annoyance is experienced in the trade of that post from the H. B. Co. factors. He is of opinion, that they do not send outfits into any part of the territory south of the national boundary, beginning at Rat Portage, on the Lake of the Woods.Assurances being given by the Indians that the portages of the overland route from Cass Lake to Leech Lake were not only practicable for my canoes and baggage, but that by adopting it a considerable saving would be made both in time and distance, I determined on returning by it. The first portage was found to be 950 yards. It lies over a dry sand plain. A small lake, without outlet, is then crossed; and a second portage of 4100 yards terminates at the banks of another small lake, which has a navigable outlet (for canoes) into an arm of Leech Lake. We accomplished the entire route, from the island in Cass Lake to the Guelle Plat’s village in Leech Lake, between ten o’clock A. M. and ten P. M. of the 16th July. Although the night was dark, and the Indians had retired to their lodges, a salute was fired by them, and an eligible spot for encampment pointed out. It was so dark as to require torches to find it. The next morning, I found myself in front of a village, numbering, when all present, upwards of 700 souls. They renewed their salute. The chief, Guelle Plat, sent to invite me to breakfast. During the repast, the room became filled with Indians, who seated themselves orderly around the room. When we arose, the chief assumed the oratorical attitude, and addressed himself to me.He expressed his regret that I had not been able to visit them the year before, when I was expected. He hoped I had now come, as I had come by surprise, to remain some days with them. He said they lived remote, and were involved in wars with their neighbours, and wished my advice. They were not insensible to advice, nor incapable of following it. They were anxious for counsel, and desirous of living at peace, and of keeping the advice which had heretofore been given to them. They had been told to sit still on their lands. But their enemies would not permit them to sit still. They were compelled to get up and fight in defence. The Sioux continued to kill their hunters. They had killed his son during the last visit he had made tomy office. They had never ceased to make inroads. And he believed there were white men among the Sioux who stirred them up to go to war against the Chippewas. He named one person particularly.It was necessary, he continued, to take some decisive steps to put a stop to their inroads. This was the reason why he had led out the war-party which had recently returned. This was the reason why I saw the stains of blood before me.He alluded, in this expression, to the flags, war-clubs, &c. which decorated one end of the room, all of which had vermilion smeared on them, to represent blood. I replied succinctly, stating the reasons which would prevent my making a long visit, and notified him, that in consequence of the length of my route yet to perform, I would assemble them to a general council at my camp as soon as I could be prepared, that notice would be given them by the firing of the military, and that I should then lay before them the advice I came to deliver from their great father the President, and offer them at the same time my own counsel on the subjects he had spoken of.During the day, constant accessions were made to the number of Indians from neighbouring places. Among them were a party of nine Rainy Lake Indians, under the leadership of a man named Wai-Wizh-Zhe-Geezhig, or the Hole-in-the-Sky. He represented himself and party as resident at Springing-bowstring Lake; said that he had heard of my passing Lake Winnipec, with an intention to return by Leech Lake, and came to express his good will, in the hope that he would not be overlooked, &c. I presented him publicly with a flag, and clothing and tobacco for himself and party, committing to him a short address to be delivered to the Rainy Lake Indians.The Muk Kund Wai, or Pillagers, being present, with their chiefs and warriors, women and children, I displayed the presents intended for this band, on blankets spread out on the grass in front of my tent. I called their attention to the subjects named in my instructions, to the desire of the government for the restoration of peace to the frontiers, and its paternal character, &c.; reminded them of their solemn treaty of peace and limits with the Sioux, signed at Prairie du Chien in 1825; enforced theadvantages of it in relation to their hunting, their trades, &c. &c. I presented the presents, in bulk, to the chiefs, who immediately directed their distribution.Aish Kee Buggi Kozh, or the Guelle Plat, was their speaker in reply. He called the attention of the warriors to his words. He thanked me for the presents, which reminded him, in amount, of the times when the British held possession in that quarter. He pointed across an arm of the lake in front to the position occupied by the North-West Company’s fort. He said many winters had now passed since the Americans first sent a chief to that post to visit them—alluding to Lieutenant Pike’s visit in the winter of 1805-6. He remembered that visit. I had come to remind them that the American flag was flying in the land, and to offer them counsels of peace, for which they were thankful. They had hoped I was to spend more time with them, to enter more fully into their feelings, but as they must speak on the instant, they would not lose the opportunity of declaring their sentiments.He thought that the advice of the Americans resembled a rushing wind. It was strong and went soon. It did not abide long enough to choke up the road. He said, that at the treaty of Tipisagi, it had been promised that the aggressor should be punished. But that they had even that very year, and almost yearly since, been attacked by the Sioux, and some of their nation killed. He said that they had even been fired on under the walls of the fort at Ishki Buggi Seepi,[31]and four of their party killed. He had himself been present. He handed to me a small bundle of sticks, which, he said, exhibited the number of Leech Lake Chippewas who had been killed by the Sioux since they had touched the quill[32]at Tipisagi. The number was forty-three.He lifted up four American medals, attached by a string of wampum, and smeared with vermilion. He said they were bloody. He wished me to wipe off the blood. He said he was himself unable to do it. He found himself irretrievably involved in a war with the Sioux. He said he believed that it had been intended by the Creator that they should be at war with thispeople. He was not satisfied with the result of the late war-party. His warriors were not satisfied. He complimented their bravery. He disclaimed any merit himself. He said that they had looked for help where they did not find it. They were determined to revenge themselves. If the United States did not aid them, he had it in mind to apply elsewhere for aid. He clearly referred to, but did not name, the English government in Canada. His warriors were in a restless state. He had sent out his pipe and invitations to the neighbouring bands to continue the war. Circumstances controlled him. He could not avoid it. His own feelings were enlisted deeply in the contest. When the enemy killed his son, he had resolved never to lay down the war-club. He had sought for death in battle, but had not met it. All he now could say was, that perhaps he should not lead the next war-party. He thought some other person would.He accused persons on the waters of the Upper Mississippi, of giving advice to the Sioux to go to war against the Chippewas. He said it was the interest of persons in the trade to induce the Sioux to extend the territorial boundary. He evinced a familiarity with persons and places. He did not exempt some persons officially connected with the general government in that quarter, from participating in the course of mal-counsel.He complained of the traders. He criticised their conduct with severity. He thought their prices exorbitant, and said that they were so intent on getting furs, that they did not deem it necessary to use much formality in their dealings with the Indians. He complained of the exclusion of ardent spirits, but at the same time admitted, that formerly it was brought in to buy up their wild rice—a practice that left them, at the beginning of cold weather, in a destitute situation.Much of the sentiment of this address appeared to be uttered for popular effect on the young warriors, who stood an eager, gazing group around, and made loud responses of approbation at every pause. Such parts of it as were not given as a reply to my remarks, or contained allusions entitled to notice, I replied to, aiming to keep their attention fixed on the leading principles of the pacific policy which dictated my public instructions; and not meaning that they should forget them, nor mistake them, inany bursts of feeling, or appeals to the passions or prejudices of the young men, who only looked to the war-path as the avenue of personal distinction. I brought these principles back to their minds, and enforced them by obvious appeals to facts. I told the chief that his political sentiments should be faithfully reported to the government, whose object it was, in the employment of subordinate officers, to accumulate facts, which might form the basis of future action.So far as related to the traders withdrawing the article of whiskey from the trade, I felt it due to say that no hard feelings should be entertained towards them. That it was excluded by the office. That the Indians should, in justice blame me, or blame the government, and not the traders. I was satisfied that the use of whiskey was very hurtful to them in every situation, and felt determined to employ every means which the control of the Agency of the North-West gave to me, to exclude the article wholly and rigidly from the Chippewas, and to set the mark of disapprobation upon every trader who should make the attempt to introduce it.Having an engagement to meet the Sandy Lake Indians on the 22d (after a lapse of five days), and an unknown route to explore, I terminated the council by the distribution of provisions to the Rainy Lake Indians, guides, and chiefs, requested fresh guides for the route into the Ka Ga Gee, or De Corbeau River, and immediately embarked. We encamped on the southern shore of Leech Lake. During the following day (18th), we accomplished the whole route from this lake to the head waters of the De Corbeau. It consists of five portages of various length, separated by ten small lakes and ponds. The last of the portages terminates on the handsomely elevated banks of a lake called Kagi Nogum Aug. This lake is the source of this fork of the Mississippi. The Guelle Plat, with the secondary chief of his band, overtook me at the commencement of the fourth portage, and accompanied me to my encampment. He said he had many things which he still wished to consult me on, and spent the evening, until twelve o’clock, in conversation. I found him to possess a reflective intelligent mind. He stated to me his opinions on the Sioux war, the boundary line, the trade, location of trading-posts. &c. He evinced the gratified feelings created by the circumstances of my visit to his people, and said he should visit me at the agency, next year, if his life and health were spared.We commenced the descent of the De Corbeau on the 19th. The channel is at first small and winding. It expands successively into eleven lakes, of various dimensions, and acquires considerable breadth and velocity before it forms its upper forks, by the junction with Shell River. We encountered in this distance no Indians, but observed, as we had the previous day, traces of the recent war-party. In passing out of the tenth of the series of lakes, the men observed a camp-fire on shore, but no person appeared. It was conjectured to indicate the presence of Sioux, who, perceiving the character of the party, had fled and concealed themselves.The next day afforded no certain evidences of a fixed population. We observed continued traces of the recent war-party, and other signs of temporary occupancy, in the standing camp-poles and meat racks which frequently met the eye in our descent. We passed the entrance of Leaf River, a large tributary from the right, having its source near the banks of Otter Tail Lake; and the next day, had our attention directed to the entrance of Prauie River, on the same shore. The latter is also a tributary of the first class. It is the war-road, so to say, between the Chippewas and Sioux, having its source in a lake, which is designated in the treaty of Prairie du Chien as one of the points in the boundary line between these two nations.The day following (21st), the monotony of vegetable solitude was broken by meeting a Chippewa and his family in a canoe. He informed me that we were within a few hours’ journey of the mouth of the river—that the Sandy Lake and Mille Lac Indians were assembled there, awaiting my arrival, and that they expected me this day. I found this information to be correct. We entered the Mississippi about noon, and saw the opposite shore lined with lodges, with the American flag conspicuously displayed. The long-continued firing and shouts of the Indians left me no reason to doubt that my arrival was both anticipated and desired. I was gratified on being told, within three hours of my arrival, that thecanoe, with the goods and supplies from Sandy Lake, was in sight. And in a few moments found the event verified, in the safe arrival of the men, and the landing of the packages.I determined to lose no time in assembling the Indians in council, addressed them on the objects of the expedition, and caused the presents to be prepared and distributed. I was addressed, in reply, by the elder chief, Gross Guelle, and also by the brother of the Strong Ground, by Waub Ojeeg, and by a young man called Nitum E’gabo Wai. Peculiarities in the address of each only require to be adverted to.The Gross Guelle deemed it important that the line between them and the Sioux should be surveyed and marked. He said that much of it was a land line, and it could not be told by either party where it ran. This was true of it, in the section of country immediately west of them. The Sioux were in the habit of trespassing on it; and when their own hunters went out in the pursuit of game, they did not like to stop short of the game, and they saw no marked line to stop them. He said that it had been promised at the treaty that the line should be run, and he wished me to refer the subject to the President. He was in favour of peace now, as he had been at Tipisagi, and at Fond du Lac.Soangikumig, or the Strong Ground, expressed his sentiments through the medium of his brother, who was the more ready speaker. He said he had taken a part in defending the lines, and he hoped that they might be made plain, so that each party could see them. As it is, a perpetual pretence is given for crossing the lines. It must be expected that peace would often be broken when it could be so easily done.Waub Ojeeg, or the White Fisher, said that he had given his influence to peace counsels. He had been present at the treaty of Fond du Lac. But the Sandy Lake Indians had been lately reproached, as it were, for their pacific character, by hearing of the Leech Lake war-party’s passing so near to them. He hoped that the same advice that was given to them would be given to the Sioux. If the Sioux would notcomeover the lines, the Chippewas would promise not togoover them. He thought the lines might have been differently run, but as they had been agreed to by their old chiefs, who were now gone, it would be best to let themas they do. Their hunters, however, always came out of the mouth of Sauc River, which had been given up to the Sioux.The young man said that he was the son of Pugu Sain Jigun, who had died recently at Sandy Lake. He said that the medal which he wore had been given to his father by me, at the treaty of Prairie du Chien in 1825, in exchange for a British medal, surrendered by him. He did not profess to have any experience in political affairs. He had inherited his medal, and hoped to be considered by me worthy of it. He expected the respect due to it. He expressed his friendship, and confirmed his speech with a pipe.Ascertaining the trading-house to be near my encampment, after closing the council, I descended the Mississippi about eighteen miles, and encamped at Prairie Piercée.The distance from the mouth of the De Corbeau to St. Anthony’s Falls, may be computed to exceed 200 miles. The line between the Chippewas and Sioux crossed from the east to the west of the Mississippi, so as to strike and follow up the Wadub, or Little Soc River, which is the first river on the west banks of the Mississippi, above the mouth of Soc River. We passed several Chippewa hunters, with their families, along this part of the Mississippi, but encountered no Sioux, even on that portion of it lying south of their line. I was informed that they had in a measure abandoned this part of the country, and I observed no standing Sioux camp-poles, which are, with the people, a conspicuous sign of occupancy, and which were, in 1820, noticed to extend as high up the river as Little Rock. (Les Petite Roches).I passed the portage of the Falls of St. Anthony, and reached Fort Snelling on the 24th July. There being no agent, nor sub-agent present, Captain Jouett, the commanding officer, on whom the charge of the agency had temporarily devolved, afforded me every facility for communicating to the Sioux the object of my visit to the Chippewas, and requesting their concurrence in its accomplishment. For this purpose the Wahpeton Sioux were called together, at the agency-house, on the 25th. I stated to them the object of the visit, and the means which had been usedto persuade the Chippewas to give up war, and to confine themselves within their lines. I reminded them of the anxiety of their great father the President, to bring about a firm peace between them and the Chippewas, and of the numerous proofs he had given them of this anxiety, by calling them together at several councils, which had this object particularly in view. They had men of wisdom among them, and they would quickly see how utterly useless it would, however, be for the Chippewas to remain quiet, during any single season, if the Sioux did not also, at the same time, sit still. I appealed to them to resolve on peace; to take the resolution now; to take it sincerely, and to adhere to it firmly and for ever.I stated to them the request made by Grosse Guelle, and other Chippewa chiefs, respecting the marking out of the lines, and invited them to express their opinion on this subject.I announced to them the exclusion of whiskey.The aged chief Petite Corbeau uttered their reply. I recognised in this chief one of the signers of the grant of land made at this place 26 years ago, when the site of the fort was first visited and selected by the late General Pike. He adverted to the agency, which he had exercised for many years, in managing the affairs of his people. They lived upon the river. They were constantly in sight. They were in the habit of being consulted. His ears had always been open to the Americans. He had listened to their counsels. He would still listen to them, although they were, at present, in a depressed situation. He adverted particularly to the existing war with the Saucs, and the accusations which had been thrown out against the Sioux party, who had gone down to join the American standard, but had returned. He denied that they felt any friendship for the Saucs and Foxes. He said they were willing to go against them again, if requested by the commanding officer.He spoke on the subject of the Chippewa wars at some length, adverting to a time when this people did not approach so near to the river—when they dared not to approach so near to it. He thought the lines were drawn too close upon them, on the St. Croix—that the young men could not go out hunting, but quicklythey found themselves beyond their lines. He thought they might even now be driven back, were it undertaken in earnest.He said the chief of Leech Lake was wrong to appeal to me to wipe the blood off his medal. He ought to be able to wipe it off himself. It was pitiful to make this appeal, for men who were able to do a thing themselves. He referred to the late Chippewa war-party, and said that a relative of his had been killed. Blood would call for blood. He did not rule the Lessitons. He thought they would repay the blow.His own advice had been pacific. He had received my wampum last year, and smoked the pipe with the St. Croix Chippewas. They were their neighbours. They were now at peace. They wished to remain so. They would act by my advice. He thanked me for the advice.He warmly approbated the proposition to run out the lines. He said it had been mentioned at the treaty. And although the lines were not adjusted to the full satisfaction of all, perhaps they could never be settled better. He therefore united in requesting that the President might be asked to direct white men to establish them. It would be necessary, however, to have both parties by.He again adverted to the difficulties between them and the Chippewas. He thought that these difficulties were kept alive by the visits of the Chippewas to their post. He said it put bad feelings into the hearts of the Sioux, to see the Chippewas share the bounties of government, which the Sioux believed the government intended exclusively for them. Besides, it was difficult to restrain their feelings of hostility when they came together. Both parties were mistrustful. It was only necessary to look back a few years, to perceive what the consequences had been. He believes that these tribes ought to be kept apart. And one of the best means of keeping them apart was to draw their lines plain, and to order presents to be given out on their own lands, and not on each other’s lands.He spoke against the location of any trading-post on the St. Croix, which should be fixed so near to the lines as to bring the Sioux and Chippewas into contact. He also stated reasons why a post at the mouth of the St. Croix, which is exclusively in theSioux country, was not necessary.[33]He wished to keep his band together, and not to give them excuses for going hither and yon. He requested me to stop at his village, and to use my influence in persuading his people to live in one village, and not to continue, as they now were, in two distinct villages, which were not, in consequence, so fully under his control.[34]Wamidetunkar, or the Black Dog, followed him in a speech containing sentiments not at variance with those expressed by the Little Crow. Its distinguishing feature was, however, a reference to the indulgences formerly granted to the Sioux at this post. He thought it hard that these indulgences should be withdrawn, or curtailed. And he could not comprehend how such a course could be consistent with professions of friendship on the part of officers of the U. States. He referred, particularly, to indiscriminate visiting at the fort, and the purchase of ardent spirits from the settlers.Cohmokar said that he had been present with the Petite Corbeau at the signing of the treaty of cession at St. Peters, and it was owing to this act that the American flag was now displayed there. He had sustained this chief in his public acts, and he concurred with him in what he had uttered about the Chippewa war, and also the existing troubles with the Black Hawk. He repelled the idea that the Sioux were friendly to the Saucs and Foxes in the present controversy. They were a people who were never at ease. They had often struck the Sioux. The Sioux war-club had also been often lifted against them, and it was ready to be lifted again. They were ready to hear the commanding officer, who was sitting present, say strike.The details of my route through the St. Croix and Burntwood Rivers, do not essentially vary the aspect of North Western Indian affairs given above. Facts communicated expressive of the then existing state of feeling respecting the said disturbances, were promptly reported to his excellency George B. Porter, governorof Michigan, in a letter, of which I have the honour herewith to furnish a copy. The proposition of running out and marking their territorial lines, as a means of preserving peace, was approved; the recent meetings on the St. Croix, for the purpose of renewing pledges of peace, declared to be sincere on the part of the Chippewas; and sentiments of friendship to the government, and welcome to myself, expressed at each of the councils which I held with them.In submitting to the Department this summary of facts, resulting from my visit to the source of the Mississippi, I take the occasion to remark, that whatever may be the present state of feeling of the tribes on that stream, above Prairie du Chien, respecting the government of the United States, causes are in silent, but active operation, which will hereafter bring them into contact with our frontier settlements, and renew, at two or three separate periods in their history, the necessity of resorting to arms to quell or pacify them. The grounds of this opinion I need not now specify, further than to indicate that they exist in the condition and character of opposite lines of an extensive frontier population, which will inevitably impel the one to press, and the other to recede or resist. This process of repulsion and resistance will continue, if I have not much mistaken the character of that stream, until the frontier shall have become stationary about five hundred miles above the point I have indicated. I advert to this topic, not in the spirit of exciting immediate alarm, for there are no reasons for it, but for the purpose of calling the attention of the Secretary of War, through you, sir, to the importance of keeping up, and not withdrawing or reducing, the north western posts and agencies. And to express the opinion, that the advice and influence of the government upon these tribes would fall nearly powerless, without ready and visible means upon the frontiers of causing its counsels to be respected. Christianity, schools, and agriculture will do much to meliorate their condition and subdue their animosities, but it is a species of influence which has not yet been felt in any general effects in this quarter. Among the means of securing their friendship, and preserving peace, I have the honour to suggest, that beneficial effects would result from following out the system of exploratory visits, by extendingit to the region of Lac des Flambeau, and to that portion of the peninsula of Michigan lying north of Grand River. A deputation of the Chippewas from the sources of the Mississippi and Lake Superior to the seat of government, would also be advantageous.So far as respects the state of hostilities among the Sioux and Chippewas, it must be expected that continued efforts will be necessary effectually to check it. Nothing could, perhaps, now be done, which would tend so directly to promote this end, as the surveying of the lines agreed on between themselves at the treaty of Prairie du Chien of 1825.I am, sir, very respectfully,Your obedient servant,Henry R. Schoolcraft.
Office Indian Agency,Sault Ste. Marie, December3, 1832.
Elbert Herring, Esq.,Office of Indian Affairs, Washington.
Sir:
The condition of the Indians, situated in the area of country traversed by the St. Croix and Chippewa Rivers, has not essentially varied since the date of the report, which I had the honor to address to the Department, on the 22nd of September, 1831.[28]I beg leave now to solicit your attention to the observations made during my recent visit to the bands living northwest of that point in our geography.
From a very early period, war has existed between the Chippewas and Sioux, and although the condition of independent bands, separated by local position and local interests, has produced internal discord among themselves, they have united as nations, in defending their respective frontiers, and have not hesitated to make inroads, into the hunting grounds of each other, whenever circumstances have favored them.
The Chippewas assert, that their warfare has been one of self defence, and that their inroads have been the inevitable consequence of the determination to maintain their territorial rights. The Sioux complain that their hunting grounds have been intruded on, and that they cannot restrain their warriors. Each party lays claim to forbearance and generosity. Neither appears to omit any opportunity of inflicting injury on the other. Every blow is a fresh invitation to aggression. A state of perpetual insecurity and alarm is the consequence. Time has exasperated their feelings. And much of the severity of their present condition, is directly owing to the pertinacity with which the contest has been kept up.
In this state, the Chippewas, who are particularly the object of this report, were found by our government in 1806, who had, the year before, directed the late General Pike, to visit the Upper Mississippi. Owing to their remote position, little attention was, however, bestowed upon them till the summer of 1820, when the present Secretary of War, who then administered the government of Michigan, conducted an expedition through the country. By his recommendation a military post and agency were established on the avenue of their trade, at thefoot of Lake Superior, and the usual means adopted to regulate the trade and intercourse of our citizens with them. They were counselled to remain at peace, to intermit their visits to the Canadian posts, and to pursue their usual occupations on their own lands. It was immediately found, however, that the force of their hostilities fell upon their western frontiers, where they border on the Sioux, and where the dispute respecting territorial boundaries gave scope to continual and afflicting aggressions.
In 1825 the Chippewas were invited to meet the other tribes in a general council at Prairie du Chien, which, after a full discussion, resulted in a treaty of territorial limits. This treaty was fully assented to, by the northern Chippewas convened at the treaty of Fond du Lac in 1826. The following year, deputations of this nation attended, and became one of the parties at the treaty of Bude des Morts. At this treaty the subject of boundaries was finally carried and adjusted between themselves and the Monomonees and the Winnebagoes. With the latter tribes there has been no subsequent controversy respecting limits. But the delineation on paper of the extensive line between them and the Sioux, without an actual survey and marking of it, gave rise to further difficulties. What could not be plainly seen, might be easily disputed, and the pretext was thus given for renewed aggressions. Several instances of this have constituted the subject of specific reports to the Department. The hardships of a people destitute of resources, were not only thus increased, but those of our citizens who had been licensed to trade among them complained of losses and want of protection. Many of the Indians, and several of the traders fell, either in actual conflict, or the consequences deducible from them.
During the summer of 1830, I was directed by the Department personally to visit the Indians, to endeavour to restore peace. The instructions were not, however, received until late in the year, and it was not practicable to carry them into effect until the following year. It was employed in visiting the bands situated intermediate between Lake Superior and the Mississippi, being south of St. Anthony falls. It was found impracticable to visit the more northern bands. Instructions were however received for this purpose in the spring of 1832. I immediately organized anexpedition, and employed the summer season in visiting the remotest bands on the Upper Mississippi, and I will now proceed to detail such of its results, not heretofore communicated, as pertain to the present condition of the Indians.
It will be recollected that during the previous visit, general councils were held with the Chippewas at Chegoimegon on Lake Superior, and at Yellow River, Lac Courtorielle, and Rice Lake, in the region of St. Croix and Chippewa Rivers: that the subject of the treaty of peace and limits of 1825 was distinctly brought home to the chiefs, and their promise obtained to use their influence in keeping their warriors at peace: that messages were despatched by them to the principal Sioux chiefs, expressive of these sentiments, accompanied by messages from myself: that a Chippewa war party was encountered, and its object frustrated: and the subject of limits on the Red Cedar fork presenting itself as an obstacle to a firm peace on this border, was amicably referred by them to the President, with a request, by them, that he would use his influence to keep the Sioux at peace. From which auspicious results were anticipated.
I had the satisfaction to find, in the progress of this year’s visits, that these measures had been productive of good effects; that the fall and winter of 1831 had passed, without any war party’s going out of the region of the Chippewa and St. Croix, and that a peace-council had been held by the Chippewas of the Folle Avoine, and the Sioux of the Petite Corbeau’s band, which was also attended by the Upper Snake River Indians, and by deputations of the Mille Lac and Fond du Lac Chippewas, and that my counsels and admonitions had been extensively spread.
Other facts disclosed on my passing through Lake Superior may be adverted to. On casually meeting a party of Indians and traders at the Portail (June 11th), I heard of the existence of a feud at Lac Courtorielle, which had, during the previous winter, resulted in the murder of a Canadian named Brunet at Long Lake, and the murder of an Indian boy by the son of Mozojeed, the chief of the band. That the murderer had been apprehended by the Chippewas and traders, and brought out as far as the carrying-place on the head of the Mauvais River, where he had escaped.
On reaching the trading post at Kewena Bay (14th), I met Pezhicki, the chief of La Pointe, with several men going out to visit me at the sault. There was also, at this place, the speaker Mizi, being on his way, with a considerable retinue, to Penetanguishine, the British post on Lake Huron. I here learned the death of Mozobodo, the chief of Lac du Flambeau, and that his brother the White Crow, a man of inferior merit, had succeeded to the chieftainship, and was forming a war-party to descend the Chippewa River against the Sioux.
I reached the Ontonegon on the 19th, and found at this place Mushcoswun, or the Moose’s Tail, an elder brother of the White Crow of Lac du Flambeau, and Mozojeed, the chief of Lac Courtorielle, encamped with their followers, being all on their way to visit me at the sault. No further information was obtained of the state of affairs at Lac du Flambeau, except that a trader had clandestinely visited that post from the Mississippi with whiskey. Being nearest the theatre of the Sauc disturbances, I felt much anxiety to be particularly informed of the state of feeling in this numerous, warlike, and hitherto disaffected band. This I was, however, left to infer from the studied silence, or affected ignorance of Mushcoswun.
Mozojeed gave me reason to be satisfied that the Chippewas of his quarter were quite friendly, and that no disposition was felt to sanction, far less to aid, the confederated Saucs and Foxes in their schemes. He regretted, he said, the murders which had taken place in his vicinity, during the winter, which, he affirmed, arose wholly from private jealousies and bickerings. He said, he lamented the folly of the young men of his village who had committed the murders. He could not prevent it. He could not see through the distant forests, alluding to the difficulty of foreseeing and governing the acts of people at a distance. He could not absolutely govern those in his own village; but these murders were committed at Long Lake, and not at Ottowa Lake, where he lived.
He said that the murderer of Brunet had been apprehended, by the joint advice of himself and those who had grown old in wearing medals (meaning the elder chiefs). But he had escaped on the Mauvais portage. From that point the chief called MiscoMonedo, or the Red Devil, and his people had returned, saying that they would punish the fugitive.
With respect to the murder committed by his son, he said that he had come out to give himself up for it, to be dealt with as might be dictated. He stood ready to answer for it. And he awaited my decision respecting it, as well as the other murder. He concluded his address by presenting a pipe.
Soon after passing Presque Isle river (20th), we met Mr. Warren, a trader, and his brigade of boats, on his annual return from his wintering ground. He confirmed the reports heard from the Indians, and added, that a trader from the Mississippi had entered the St. Croix River, and introduced ardent spirits among the Chippewas of Snake River. Mushcoswun followed me, with others, to Chagoimegon, or Lapointe, became a sharer in the presents distributed there, and expressed himself during the council in a speech of decidedly friendly terms.
At the mouth of the River Broule I encountered Ozawondib, or the Yellow Head, and Mainotagooz, or the Handsome Enunciator, two Chippewas from the Cassinian source of the Mississippi, being on their way to visit me at the seat of the agency. They reported that the Indians of Leech Lake had raised a war-party, and gone out against the Sioux of the Plains. Both these Indians returned with me to Cass Lake. The former afterward guided me from that remote point to the source of this river.
On reaching Fond du Lac (23d), I found the Indians of that post assembled, preparatory to the departure of the traders of the Fond du Lac department. Mr. Aitkin represented that the Hudson’s Bay clerks had been well supplied with high-wines, during the season of trade, which were freely used to induce our Indians to cross the boundary in quest of it, and that if the American government did not permit a limited quantity of this article to be taken by their traders, that part of their hunts would be carried to their opponents. His clerks from Rainy Lake presented me a pipe and ornamented stem, accompanying a speech of general friendship from Aissibun, or the Racoon, and another, with similar testimonials, from the son of the late chief Ainakumigishkung, both of the Rainy Lake band.
Mongazid, or the Loon’s Foot, the second chief and speaker ofthe Fond du Lac band, confirmed what I had previously heard, of a peace council having been held on the St. Croix, with the Petite Corbeau’s band of Sioux. He said that Kabamappa was at the head of the Chippewa party, and had been the prime mover in this pacific attempt. That he had himself been present, with a deputation of eleven men of the Fond du Lac band, including the elder chief Chingoop.
Dr. Borup, a clerk in the A. F. Company’s service, added, in relation to affairs on the Rainy Lake border, that five chiefs have been invested with medals and flags, by theBritish tradersof Rainy Lake. That eighty kegs of high-wines were exhibited to the Indians at that post during the last season—that it was freely sent over the American lines, even withina few hours’ marchof Leech Lake—having been sentwestof the portage into Turtle Lake.
We had now reached the head of Lake Superior. Our route thence to the Mississippi was up the river St. Louis, and across the Savanne portage. We reached the trading-house at the junction of Sandy Lake River with the Mississippi during the afternoon of the 3d of July, and remained at that place until 6 o’clock in the evening of the 4th. The Indians have confirmed the reports of a war-party’s having gone out from Leech Lake. All accounts from that quarter indicated a state of extreme restlessness on the part of that band, and also among the Yanktons and Sessitons. Inineewi, or the Manly Man, acted as the speaker at the council which I held on the west banks of the river. He mingled, as is common, his private affairs with his public business. He said that he was not possessed of the authority of chieftainship, but that his father Kabigwakoosidjiga, had been a chief under the English government; that Chingoop, the chief of Fond du Lac, was his uncle, and Chamees, our guide, his nephew. He said that the Grosse Guelle, and most of the chiefs and hunters of the place, had dispersed from their encampment, and were now passing the summer months in the country near the mouth of L’aile de Corbeau, or Crow-wing River. That he would forthwith convey my message to them, &c.; confirming his words with the present of a pipe.
Having determined to ascend the Mississippi from this point,and being satisfied from my Indian maps that I could make a portage from Cass Lake into Leech Lake, and from the latter into the source of the Crow-wing river, so as to descend the latter to its junction with the Mississippi, I transmitted a message to the Grosse Guelle to meet me, with the Sandy Lake Indians, at Isle de Corbeau, in twenty days, counting from the 4th. I then deposited the provisions and goods intended for distribution at the council at Isle de Corbeau, with the person in charge of Mr. Aitkin’s house, making arrangements to have the articles sent down the Mississippi, in exact season to meet me there.
Relieved of this portion of the burden of transportation, we proceeded with more alacrity. We passed the falls of Pukaiguma on the 7th, and encamped at the trading-post at Lake Winnipec, above the savannas, on the 9th, having pursued the side route through Bogotowa Lake. While encamped at Point aux Chenes, in the savannas, a Frenchman arrived from Leech Lake, on his way to the post at Sandy Lake. He reported that the war-party had returned to Leech Lake, bringing three Sessiton scalps, having, in their engagement, lost one man, a brother-in-law of the Guelle Plat’s. That the Guelle Plat had led the party, and encountered the Sioux coming out against them. He also reported, that the Sioux had scalped a Chippewa girl near Pembina. That they were immediately pursued by a party of Chippewas, overtaken in the act of constructing a raft to cross a stream, and four of the number killed and scalped.[29]
Finding the waters favourable for ascending, and that our progress had been much accelerated thereby, I sent a verbal message by this man, to have the canoes with supplies destined for Isle de Corbeau set forward two days earlier than the time originally fixed.
The clerk in charge of the trading-post of Lake Winnipec, communicated a number of facts respecting the location and number of the Indians living in the middle grounds between that post and Rainy Lake. I proposed to him the following questions, to which I have annexed his answers.
1. Do the Hudson’s Bay clerks cross the American lines from the post of Rainy Lake, for the purposes of trade?Ans.No.They furnish goods to Indians who go trading into the American territory.
2. Do the partners or clerks of the H. B. Co. present flags and medals to Indians?Ans.Yes.
3. Do they give such flags and medals to Indians living within the American lines?Ans.No. I have heard that they took away an American flag given to an Indian on the U. S. borders of Rainy Lake, tore it, and burnt it, and gave him a British flag instead.
4. Was the H. B. Co.’s post on Rainy Lake supplied with ardent spirits last season?Ans.It was. They had about 60 kegs of high-wines, which were shown to some of our Indians, who went there, and Mr. Cameron, who was in charge of the post, said to them, that, although their streams were high from the melting of the snow, they should, swim as high with liquor, if the Indians required it.
5. What is the strength of the high-wines?Ans.One keg is reduced to four.
6. Have the Indians sent out onderwinby the H. B. Co. approached near to your post?Ans.They have come very near, having been on the Turtle portage with goods.
7. Did they bring liquor thus far?Ans.No. The liquor is kept at Rainy Lake, to induce the Indians to visit that place with their furs.
8. Did the disposition made of the liquor, which the Secretary of War permitted the principal factor of the Fond du Lac department, to take in last year, embrace the post of Winnipec?Ans.It did not. It was kept chiefly at Rainy Lake, and on the lines, to be used in the opposition trade.
On reaching Cass Lake, orLac Cedar Rouge(July 10th), I found a band of Chippewas resident on its principal island. They confirmed the reports of the murder and subsequent affray at Pembina, and of the return of the war-party which went out from Leech Lake. Some of the warriors engaged in the latter were from the island in Cass Lake, including the person killed. His widow and her children attended the council, and shared in the distribution of presents which I made there. While encamped on this island, two of the Sioux scalps, which had been brought inas trophies on the late excursion, were danced with the ceremonies peculiar to the occasion, on an eminence adjacent to, and within sight of, my encampment. This painful exhibition of barbaric triumph was enacted without consulting me.
Finding it practicable, in the existing state of the waters, to visit the principal and most remote source of the Mississippi, above this lake, I determined to encamp my men, and leave my heavy baggage and supplies on the island, and to accomplish the visit in small canoes, with the aid of Indian guides. As the details of this expedition afford no political information of a character required by my instructions, beyond the observation of some evidences of a Sioux inroad in former years, and the statistical facts heretofore given, they are omitted. It will be sufficient to remark that the object was successfully accomplished, under the guidance of Oza Windib. I planted the American flag on an island in the lake, which is the true source of the Mississippi, 149 years after the discovery of the mouth of this stream by La Salle. I was accompanied on this expedition by Mr. Johnston of the Department; Dr. D. Houghton; Lieut. Allen, U. S. A.; and the Rev. W. T. Boutwell.
On returning to my encampment on the island in Cass Lake, I explained to the Indians, in a formal council, the object of my instructions from the Department, so far as these relate to their hostilities with the Sioux. I invested Oza Windib with a flag and medal, finding him to be looked up to as the principal man in the band, and there being, at present, no one who claimed, or appeared to be as well entitled, to the authority of chieftainship. Neezh Opinais, or the Twin Birds, who received a medal from Gov. Cass, through the intervention of his principal guide, in 1820, was formerly resident at this lake, but is now incorporated with the band at Red Lake. I sent him a flag, accompanied with a formal message, by his son, and acknowledged the receipt of a peace pipe and stem, from Waiwain Jigun of Red Lake, sent out by him through another hand. These attentions to the ceremonial messages of the Indians are of more importance, so far as respects their feelings and friendship, than might be inferred.
Cass Lake is about 15 miles long, in the direction that the Mississippi passes through it, and may be estimated to be twelvemiles wide, exclusive of a spacious prolongation or bay, in the direction to Leech Lake. It is the second large lake below the primary forks of the Mississippi, and is decidedly the largest expanse assuming the character ofa lake, in its entire length, covering a greater square superficies than Lake Pepin.
The Mississippi is but little used by traders going North West, and not at all beyond Lac Traverse. It is found to take its rise south of west from Cass Lake. In consequence, its source has seldom been visited, even by the traders, whose highest point of temporary location is Pamitchi Gumaug, or Lac Traverse, estimated to be forty miles W.N.W. of Cass Lake. And this point has been found to be the extreme N.W. point attained by its waters.
Representations having been made to the Department, on the subject of foreign interference in the trade on this frontier, I have addressed a number of queries on the subject to a clerk[30]engaged in the American trade, who has been many years a resident of Red Lake, and is well acquainted with the geography and resources of the adjacent country. I inquired of him, whether the American traders on that border were strenuously opposed in their trade by the inhabitants of the Red River colony, or by the partners and clerks of the Hudson’s Bay Company. He replied, that the inhabitants of Pembina made temporary voyages of trade to Voleuse, or Thief River, south of the parallel of 49°, but that they had not built, or made a permanent stand there. He said, that the open nature of the country about the Red River settlements gave great facilities for making short excursions into the Indian country, on horseback and in carts. But he did not know any place where permanent outfits had been sent, except to Rivière Souris, or Mouse River, west of Red River. He believes that this traffic was carried on exclusively by the inhabitants of the colony, and not by the Hudson’s Bay Company,
I asked him, whether the Indians of the Lake of the Woods visited the post of Red Lake, and whether our traders were annoyed in their trade from that quarter, by the servants of the H. B. Company. He replied, that the Lac du Bois Indians cameacross to Red Lake ordinarily; that it is a three days’ journey, but that no annoyance is experienced in the trade of that post from the H. B. Co. factors. He is of opinion, that they do not send outfits into any part of the territory south of the national boundary, beginning at Rat Portage, on the Lake of the Woods.
Assurances being given by the Indians that the portages of the overland route from Cass Lake to Leech Lake were not only practicable for my canoes and baggage, but that by adopting it a considerable saving would be made both in time and distance, I determined on returning by it. The first portage was found to be 950 yards. It lies over a dry sand plain. A small lake, without outlet, is then crossed; and a second portage of 4100 yards terminates at the banks of another small lake, which has a navigable outlet (for canoes) into an arm of Leech Lake. We accomplished the entire route, from the island in Cass Lake to the Guelle Plat’s village in Leech Lake, between ten o’clock A. M. and ten P. M. of the 16th July. Although the night was dark, and the Indians had retired to their lodges, a salute was fired by them, and an eligible spot for encampment pointed out. It was so dark as to require torches to find it. The next morning, I found myself in front of a village, numbering, when all present, upwards of 700 souls. They renewed their salute. The chief, Guelle Plat, sent to invite me to breakfast. During the repast, the room became filled with Indians, who seated themselves orderly around the room. When we arose, the chief assumed the oratorical attitude, and addressed himself to me.
He expressed his regret that I had not been able to visit them the year before, when I was expected. He hoped I had now come, as I had come by surprise, to remain some days with them. He said they lived remote, and were involved in wars with their neighbours, and wished my advice. They were not insensible to advice, nor incapable of following it. They were anxious for counsel, and desirous of living at peace, and of keeping the advice which had heretofore been given to them. They had been told to sit still on their lands. But their enemies would not permit them to sit still. They were compelled to get up and fight in defence. The Sioux continued to kill their hunters. They had killed his son during the last visit he had made tomy office. They had never ceased to make inroads. And he believed there were white men among the Sioux who stirred them up to go to war against the Chippewas. He named one person particularly.
It was necessary, he continued, to take some decisive steps to put a stop to their inroads. This was the reason why he had led out the war-party which had recently returned. This was the reason why I saw the stains of blood before me.
He alluded, in this expression, to the flags, war-clubs, &c. which decorated one end of the room, all of which had vermilion smeared on them, to represent blood. I replied succinctly, stating the reasons which would prevent my making a long visit, and notified him, that in consequence of the length of my route yet to perform, I would assemble them to a general council at my camp as soon as I could be prepared, that notice would be given them by the firing of the military, and that I should then lay before them the advice I came to deliver from their great father the President, and offer them at the same time my own counsel on the subjects he had spoken of.
During the day, constant accessions were made to the number of Indians from neighbouring places. Among them were a party of nine Rainy Lake Indians, under the leadership of a man named Wai-Wizh-Zhe-Geezhig, or the Hole-in-the-Sky. He represented himself and party as resident at Springing-bowstring Lake; said that he had heard of my passing Lake Winnipec, with an intention to return by Leech Lake, and came to express his good will, in the hope that he would not be overlooked, &c. I presented him publicly with a flag, and clothing and tobacco for himself and party, committing to him a short address to be delivered to the Rainy Lake Indians.
The Muk Kund Wai, or Pillagers, being present, with their chiefs and warriors, women and children, I displayed the presents intended for this band, on blankets spread out on the grass in front of my tent. I called their attention to the subjects named in my instructions, to the desire of the government for the restoration of peace to the frontiers, and its paternal character, &c.; reminded them of their solemn treaty of peace and limits with the Sioux, signed at Prairie du Chien in 1825; enforced theadvantages of it in relation to their hunting, their trades, &c. &c. I presented the presents, in bulk, to the chiefs, who immediately directed their distribution.
Aish Kee Buggi Kozh, or the Guelle Plat, was their speaker in reply. He called the attention of the warriors to his words. He thanked me for the presents, which reminded him, in amount, of the times when the British held possession in that quarter. He pointed across an arm of the lake in front to the position occupied by the North-West Company’s fort. He said many winters had now passed since the Americans first sent a chief to that post to visit them—alluding to Lieutenant Pike’s visit in the winter of 1805-6. He remembered that visit. I had come to remind them that the American flag was flying in the land, and to offer them counsels of peace, for which they were thankful. They had hoped I was to spend more time with them, to enter more fully into their feelings, but as they must speak on the instant, they would not lose the opportunity of declaring their sentiments.
He thought that the advice of the Americans resembled a rushing wind. It was strong and went soon. It did not abide long enough to choke up the road. He said, that at the treaty of Tipisagi, it had been promised that the aggressor should be punished. But that they had even that very year, and almost yearly since, been attacked by the Sioux, and some of their nation killed. He said that they had even been fired on under the walls of the fort at Ishki Buggi Seepi,[31]and four of their party killed. He had himself been present. He handed to me a small bundle of sticks, which, he said, exhibited the number of Leech Lake Chippewas who had been killed by the Sioux since they had touched the quill[32]at Tipisagi. The number was forty-three.
He lifted up four American medals, attached by a string of wampum, and smeared with vermilion. He said they were bloody. He wished me to wipe off the blood. He said he was himself unable to do it. He found himself irretrievably involved in a war with the Sioux. He said he believed that it had been intended by the Creator that they should be at war with thispeople. He was not satisfied with the result of the late war-party. His warriors were not satisfied. He complimented their bravery. He disclaimed any merit himself. He said that they had looked for help where they did not find it. They were determined to revenge themselves. If the United States did not aid them, he had it in mind to apply elsewhere for aid. He clearly referred to, but did not name, the English government in Canada. His warriors were in a restless state. He had sent out his pipe and invitations to the neighbouring bands to continue the war. Circumstances controlled him. He could not avoid it. His own feelings were enlisted deeply in the contest. When the enemy killed his son, he had resolved never to lay down the war-club. He had sought for death in battle, but had not met it. All he now could say was, that perhaps he should not lead the next war-party. He thought some other person would.
He accused persons on the waters of the Upper Mississippi, of giving advice to the Sioux to go to war against the Chippewas. He said it was the interest of persons in the trade to induce the Sioux to extend the territorial boundary. He evinced a familiarity with persons and places. He did not exempt some persons officially connected with the general government in that quarter, from participating in the course of mal-counsel.
He complained of the traders. He criticised their conduct with severity. He thought their prices exorbitant, and said that they were so intent on getting furs, that they did not deem it necessary to use much formality in their dealings with the Indians. He complained of the exclusion of ardent spirits, but at the same time admitted, that formerly it was brought in to buy up their wild rice—a practice that left them, at the beginning of cold weather, in a destitute situation.
Much of the sentiment of this address appeared to be uttered for popular effect on the young warriors, who stood an eager, gazing group around, and made loud responses of approbation at every pause. Such parts of it as were not given as a reply to my remarks, or contained allusions entitled to notice, I replied to, aiming to keep their attention fixed on the leading principles of the pacific policy which dictated my public instructions; and not meaning that they should forget them, nor mistake them, inany bursts of feeling, or appeals to the passions or prejudices of the young men, who only looked to the war-path as the avenue of personal distinction. I brought these principles back to their minds, and enforced them by obvious appeals to facts. I told the chief that his political sentiments should be faithfully reported to the government, whose object it was, in the employment of subordinate officers, to accumulate facts, which might form the basis of future action.
So far as related to the traders withdrawing the article of whiskey from the trade, I felt it due to say that no hard feelings should be entertained towards them. That it was excluded by the office. That the Indians should, in justice blame me, or blame the government, and not the traders. I was satisfied that the use of whiskey was very hurtful to them in every situation, and felt determined to employ every means which the control of the Agency of the North-West gave to me, to exclude the article wholly and rigidly from the Chippewas, and to set the mark of disapprobation upon every trader who should make the attempt to introduce it.
Having an engagement to meet the Sandy Lake Indians on the 22d (after a lapse of five days), and an unknown route to explore, I terminated the council by the distribution of provisions to the Rainy Lake Indians, guides, and chiefs, requested fresh guides for the route into the Ka Ga Gee, or De Corbeau River, and immediately embarked. We encamped on the southern shore of Leech Lake. During the following day (18th), we accomplished the whole route from this lake to the head waters of the De Corbeau. It consists of five portages of various length, separated by ten small lakes and ponds. The last of the portages terminates on the handsomely elevated banks of a lake called Kagi Nogum Aug. This lake is the source of this fork of the Mississippi. The Guelle Plat, with the secondary chief of his band, overtook me at the commencement of the fourth portage, and accompanied me to my encampment. He said he had many things which he still wished to consult me on, and spent the evening, until twelve o’clock, in conversation. I found him to possess a reflective intelligent mind. He stated to me his opinions on the Sioux war, the boundary line, the trade, location of trading-posts. &c. He evinced the gratified feelings created by the circumstances of my visit to his people, and said he should visit me at the agency, next year, if his life and health were spared.
We commenced the descent of the De Corbeau on the 19th. The channel is at first small and winding. It expands successively into eleven lakes, of various dimensions, and acquires considerable breadth and velocity before it forms its upper forks, by the junction with Shell River. We encountered in this distance no Indians, but observed, as we had the previous day, traces of the recent war-party. In passing out of the tenth of the series of lakes, the men observed a camp-fire on shore, but no person appeared. It was conjectured to indicate the presence of Sioux, who, perceiving the character of the party, had fled and concealed themselves.
The next day afforded no certain evidences of a fixed population. We observed continued traces of the recent war-party, and other signs of temporary occupancy, in the standing camp-poles and meat racks which frequently met the eye in our descent. We passed the entrance of Leaf River, a large tributary from the right, having its source near the banks of Otter Tail Lake; and the next day, had our attention directed to the entrance of Prauie River, on the same shore. The latter is also a tributary of the first class. It is the war-road, so to say, between the Chippewas and Sioux, having its source in a lake, which is designated in the treaty of Prairie du Chien as one of the points in the boundary line between these two nations.
The day following (21st), the monotony of vegetable solitude was broken by meeting a Chippewa and his family in a canoe. He informed me that we were within a few hours’ journey of the mouth of the river—that the Sandy Lake and Mille Lac Indians were assembled there, awaiting my arrival, and that they expected me this day. I found this information to be correct. We entered the Mississippi about noon, and saw the opposite shore lined with lodges, with the American flag conspicuously displayed. The long-continued firing and shouts of the Indians left me no reason to doubt that my arrival was both anticipated and desired. I was gratified on being told, within three hours of my arrival, that thecanoe, with the goods and supplies from Sandy Lake, was in sight. And in a few moments found the event verified, in the safe arrival of the men, and the landing of the packages.
I determined to lose no time in assembling the Indians in council, addressed them on the objects of the expedition, and caused the presents to be prepared and distributed. I was addressed, in reply, by the elder chief, Gross Guelle, and also by the brother of the Strong Ground, by Waub Ojeeg, and by a young man called Nitum E’gabo Wai. Peculiarities in the address of each only require to be adverted to.
The Gross Guelle deemed it important that the line between them and the Sioux should be surveyed and marked. He said that much of it was a land line, and it could not be told by either party where it ran. This was true of it, in the section of country immediately west of them. The Sioux were in the habit of trespassing on it; and when their own hunters went out in the pursuit of game, they did not like to stop short of the game, and they saw no marked line to stop them. He said that it had been promised at the treaty that the line should be run, and he wished me to refer the subject to the President. He was in favour of peace now, as he had been at Tipisagi, and at Fond du Lac.
Soangikumig, or the Strong Ground, expressed his sentiments through the medium of his brother, who was the more ready speaker. He said he had taken a part in defending the lines, and he hoped that they might be made plain, so that each party could see them. As it is, a perpetual pretence is given for crossing the lines. It must be expected that peace would often be broken when it could be so easily done.
Waub Ojeeg, or the White Fisher, said that he had given his influence to peace counsels. He had been present at the treaty of Fond du Lac. But the Sandy Lake Indians had been lately reproached, as it were, for their pacific character, by hearing of the Leech Lake war-party’s passing so near to them. He hoped that the same advice that was given to them would be given to the Sioux. If the Sioux would notcomeover the lines, the Chippewas would promise not togoover them. He thought the lines might have been differently run, but as they had been agreed to by their old chiefs, who were now gone, it would be best to let themas they do. Their hunters, however, always came out of the mouth of Sauc River, which had been given up to the Sioux.
The young man said that he was the son of Pugu Sain Jigun, who had died recently at Sandy Lake. He said that the medal which he wore had been given to his father by me, at the treaty of Prairie du Chien in 1825, in exchange for a British medal, surrendered by him. He did not profess to have any experience in political affairs. He had inherited his medal, and hoped to be considered by me worthy of it. He expected the respect due to it. He expressed his friendship, and confirmed his speech with a pipe.
Ascertaining the trading-house to be near my encampment, after closing the council, I descended the Mississippi about eighteen miles, and encamped at Prairie Piercée.
The distance from the mouth of the De Corbeau to St. Anthony’s Falls, may be computed to exceed 200 miles. The line between the Chippewas and Sioux crossed from the east to the west of the Mississippi, so as to strike and follow up the Wadub, or Little Soc River, which is the first river on the west banks of the Mississippi, above the mouth of Soc River. We passed several Chippewa hunters, with their families, along this part of the Mississippi, but encountered no Sioux, even on that portion of it lying south of their line. I was informed that they had in a measure abandoned this part of the country, and I observed no standing Sioux camp-poles, which are, with the people, a conspicuous sign of occupancy, and which were, in 1820, noticed to extend as high up the river as Little Rock. (Les Petite Roches).
I passed the portage of the Falls of St. Anthony, and reached Fort Snelling on the 24th July. There being no agent, nor sub-agent present, Captain Jouett, the commanding officer, on whom the charge of the agency had temporarily devolved, afforded me every facility for communicating to the Sioux the object of my visit to the Chippewas, and requesting their concurrence in its accomplishment. For this purpose the Wahpeton Sioux were called together, at the agency-house, on the 25th. I stated to them the object of the visit, and the means which had been usedto persuade the Chippewas to give up war, and to confine themselves within their lines. I reminded them of the anxiety of their great father the President, to bring about a firm peace between them and the Chippewas, and of the numerous proofs he had given them of this anxiety, by calling them together at several councils, which had this object particularly in view. They had men of wisdom among them, and they would quickly see how utterly useless it would, however, be for the Chippewas to remain quiet, during any single season, if the Sioux did not also, at the same time, sit still. I appealed to them to resolve on peace; to take the resolution now; to take it sincerely, and to adhere to it firmly and for ever.
I stated to them the request made by Grosse Guelle, and other Chippewa chiefs, respecting the marking out of the lines, and invited them to express their opinion on this subject.
I announced to them the exclusion of whiskey.
The aged chief Petite Corbeau uttered their reply. I recognised in this chief one of the signers of the grant of land made at this place 26 years ago, when the site of the fort was first visited and selected by the late General Pike. He adverted to the agency, which he had exercised for many years, in managing the affairs of his people. They lived upon the river. They were constantly in sight. They were in the habit of being consulted. His ears had always been open to the Americans. He had listened to their counsels. He would still listen to them, although they were, at present, in a depressed situation. He adverted particularly to the existing war with the Saucs, and the accusations which had been thrown out against the Sioux party, who had gone down to join the American standard, but had returned. He denied that they felt any friendship for the Saucs and Foxes. He said they were willing to go against them again, if requested by the commanding officer.
He spoke on the subject of the Chippewa wars at some length, adverting to a time when this people did not approach so near to the river—when they dared not to approach so near to it. He thought the lines were drawn too close upon them, on the St. Croix—that the young men could not go out hunting, but quicklythey found themselves beyond their lines. He thought they might even now be driven back, were it undertaken in earnest.
He said the chief of Leech Lake was wrong to appeal to me to wipe the blood off his medal. He ought to be able to wipe it off himself. It was pitiful to make this appeal, for men who were able to do a thing themselves. He referred to the late Chippewa war-party, and said that a relative of his had been killed. Blood would call for blood. He did not rule the Lessitons. He thought they would repay the blow.
His own advice had been pacific. He had received my wampum last year, and smoked the pipe with the St. Croix Chippewas. They were their neighbours. They were now at peace. They wished to remain so. They would act by my advice. He thanked me for the advice.
He warmly approbated the proposition to run out the lines. He said it had been mentioned at the treaty. And although the lines were not adjusted to the full satisfaction of all, perhaps they could never be settled better. He therefore united in requesting that the President might be asked to direct white men to establish them. It would be necessary, however, to have both parties by.
He again adverted to the difficulties between them and the Chippewas. He thought that these difficulties were kept alive by the visits of the Chippewas to their post. He said it put bad feelings into the hearts of the Sioux, to see the Chippewas share the bounties of government, which the Sioux believed the government intended exclusively for them. Besides, it was difficult to restrain their feelings of hostility when they came together. Both parties were mistrustful. It was only necessary to look back a few years, to perceive what the consequences had been. He believes that these tribes ought to be kept apart. And one of the best means of keeping them apart was to draw their lines plain, and to order presents to be given out on their own lands, and not on each other’s lands.
He spoke against the location of any trading-post on the St. Croix, which should be fixed so near to the lines as to bring the Sioux and Chippewas into contact. He also stated reasons why a post at the mouth of the St. Croix, which is exclusively in theSioux country, was not necessary.[33]He wished to keep his band together, and not to give them excuses for going hither and yon. He requested me to stop at his village, and to use my influence in persuading his people to live in one village, and not to continue, as they now were, in two distinct villages, which were not, in consequence, so fully under his control.[34]
Wamidetunkar, or the Black Dog, followed him in a speech containing sentiments not at variance with those expressed by the Little Crow. Its distinguishing feature was, however, a reference to the indulgences formerly granted to the Sioux at this post. He thought it hard that these indulgences should be withdrawn, or curtailed. And he could not comprehend how such a course could be consistent with professions of friendship on the part of officers of the U. States. He referred, particularly, to indiscriminate visiting at the fort, and the purchase of ardent spirits from the settlers.
Cohmokar said that he had been present with the Petite Corbeau at the signing of the treaty of cession at St. Peters, and it was owing to this act that the American flag was now displayed there. He had sustained this chief in his public acts, and he concurred with him in what he had uttered about the Chippewa war, and also the existing troubles with the Black Hawk. He repelled the idea that the Sioux were friendly to the Saucs and Foxes in the present controversy. They were a people who were never at ease. They had often struck the Sioux. The Sioux war-club had also been often lifted against them, and it was ready to be lifted again. They were ready to hear the commanding officer, who was sitting present, say strike.
The details of my route through the St. Croix and Burntwood Rivers, do not essentially vary the aspect of North Western Indian affairs given above. Facts communicated expressive of the then existing state of feeling respecting the said disturbances, were promptly reported to his excellency George B. Porter, governorof Michigan, in a letter, of which I have the honour herewith to furnish a copy. The proposition of running out and marking their territorial lines, as a means of preserving peace, was approved; the recent meetings on the St. Croix, for the purpose of renewing pledges of peace, declared to be sincere on the part of the Chippewas; and sentiments of friendship to the government, and welcome to myself, expressed at each of the councils which I held with them.
In submitting to the Department this summary of facts, resulting from my visit to the source of the Mississippi, I take the occasion to remark, that whatever may be the present state of feeling of the tribes on that stream, above Prairie du Chien, respecting the government of the United States, causes are in silent, but active operation, which will hereafter bring them into contact with our frontier settlements, and renew, at two or three separate periods in their history, the necessity of resorting to arms to quell or pacify them. The grounds of this opinion I need not now specify, further than to indicate that they exist in the condition and character of opposite lines of an extensive frontier population, which will inevitably impel the one to press, and the other to recede or resist. This process of repulsion and resistance will continue, if I have not much mistaken the character of that stream, until the frontier shall have become stationary about five hundred miles above the point I have indicated. I advert to this topic, not in the spirit of exciting immediate alarm, for there are no reasons for it, but for the purpose of calling the attention of the Secretary of War, through you, sir, to the importance of keeping up, and not withdrawing or reducing, the north western posts and agencies. And to express the opinion, that the advice and influence of the government upon these tribes would fall nearly powerless, without ready and visible means upon the frontiers of causing its counsels to be respected. Christianity, schools, and agriculture will do much to meliorate their condition and subdue their animosities, but it is a species of influence which has not yet been felt in any general effects in this quarter. Among the means of securing their friendship, and preserving peace, I have the honour to suggest, that beneficial effects would result from following out the system of exploratory visits, by extendingit to the region of Lac des Flambeau, and to that portion of the peninsula of Michigan lying north of Grand River. A deputation of the Chippewas from the sources of the Mississippi and Lake Superior to the seat of government, would also be advantageous.
So far as respects the state of hostilities among the Sioux and Chippewas, it must be expected that continued efforts will be necessary effectually to check it. Nothing could, perhaps, now be done, which would tend so directly to promote this end, as the surveying of the lines agreed on between themselves at the treaty of Prairie du Chien of 1825.
I am, sir, very respectfully,Your obedient servant,Henry R. Schoolcraft.
Sault Ste. Marie, Sept. 21, 1832.H. R. Schoolcraft, Esq.,U. S. Indian Agent, Sault Ste. Marie.}Sir:In conformity with your instructions, I take the earliest opportunity to lay before you such facts as I have collected, touching the vaccination of the Chippewa Indians, during the progress of the late expedition into their country; and also “of the prevalence, from time to time, of the small-pox†among them.The accompanying table will serve to illustrate the “ages, sex, tribe, and local situation†of those Indians who have been vaccinated by me. With the view of illustrating more fully their local situation, I have arranged those bands residing upon the shores of Lake Superior; those residing in the Folle Avoine country (or that section of country lying between the highlands south-west from Lake Superior, and the Mississippi River); and those residing near the sources of the Mississippi River, separately.Nearly all the Indians noticed in this table were vaccinated at their respective villages; yet I did not fail to vaccinate those whom we chanced to meet in their hunting or other excursions.I have embraced, with the Indians of the frontier bands, those half-breeds, who, in consequence of having adopted more or less the habits of the Indian, may be identified with him.
Sault Ste. Marie, Sept. 21, 1832.
H. R. Schoolcraft, Esq.,U. S. Indian Agent, Sault Ste. Marie.
Sir:
In conformity with your instructions, I take the earliest opportunity to lay before you such facts as I have collected, touching the vaccination of the Chippewa Indians, during the progress of the late expedition into their country; and also “of the prevalence, from time to time, of the small-pox†among them.
The accompanying table will serve to illustrate the “ages, sex, tribe, and local situation†of those Indians who have been vaccinated by me. With the view of illustrating more fully their local situation, I have arranged those bands residing upon the shores of Lake Superior; those residing in the Folle Avoine country (or that section of country lying between the highlands south-west from Lake Superior, and the Mississippi River); and those residing near the sources of the Mississippi River, separately.
Nearly all the Indians noticed in this table were vaccinated at their respective villages; yet I did not fail to vaccinate those whom we chanced to meet in their hunting or other excursions.
I have embraced, with the Indians of the frontier bands, those half-breeds, who, in consequence of having adopted more or less the habits of the Indian, may be identified with him.
93
22
19
8
2
1
75
28
21
10
3
1
145
138
283
17
9
7
2
12
5
7
35
24
59
23
11
10
6
1
20
12
17
5
2
1
51
57
108
7
8
10
3
13
5
12
6
1
28
37
65
37
32
40
6
2
1
38
25
28
12
2
118
106
224
50
21
45
10
2
41
18
35
13
6
2
128
115
243
6
2
6
1
1
2
3
4
2
2
16
13
29
11
4
8
1
10
7
3
2
24
22
46
11
2
6
1
11
3
6
2
1
20
23
43
4
1
2
1
4
3
2
8
9
17
14
3
7
4
1
1
25
3
12
1
1
30
42
72
75
21
47
10
2
86
19
48
23
6
2
155
184
339
4
4
10
3
1
1
1
2
21
5
26
18
5
11
6
1
18
3
8
5
1
1
41
36
77
76
43
73
16
4
1
96
41
61
25
2
1
213
226
439
227
103
131
35
7
2
199
93
120
46
14
5
505
477
982
46
12
29
8
2
1
52
12
32
9
4
98
109
207
173
73
141
35
6
2
201
64
118
55
9
4
430
451
881
446
188
301
78
15
5
452
169
270
110
27
9
1033
1037
2070
But little difficulty has occurred in convincing the Indians of the efficacy of vaccination; and the universal dread in which they hold the appearance of the small pox among them, rendered it an easy task to overcome their prejudices, whatever they chanced to be. The efficacy of the vaccine disease is well appreciated, even by the most interior of the Chippewa Indians, and so universal is this information, that only one instance occurred where the Indian had never heard of the disease.In nearly every instance the opportunity which was presented for vaccination was embraced with cheerfulness and apparent gratitude; at the same time manifesting great anxiety that, for the safety of the whole, each one of the band should undergo the operation. When objections were made to vaccination, they were not usually made because the Indian doubted the protective power of the disease, but because he supposed (never having seen its progress) that the remedy must nearly equal the disease which it was intended to counteract.Our situation, while travelling, did not allow me sufficient time to test the result of the vaccination in most instances; but an occasional return to bands where the operation had been performed, enabled me, in those bands, either to note the progress of the disease, or to judge from the cicatrices marking the original situation of the pustules, the cases in which the disease had proved successful.About one-fourth of the whole number were vaccinated directly from the pustules of patients labouring under the disease; while the remaining three-fourths were vaccinated from crusts, or from virus which had been several days on hand. I did not pass by a single opportunity for securing the crusts and virus from the arms of healthy patients; and to avoid as far as possible the chance of giving rise to a disease of a spurious kind, I invariably made use of those crusts and that virus, for the purposes of vaccination, which had been most recently obtained. To secure, as far as possible, against the chances of escaping the vaccine disease, I invariably vaccinated in each arm.Of the whole number of Indians vaccinated, I have either watched the progress of the disease, or examined the cicatrices of about seven hundred. An average of one in three of those vaccinated from crusts has failed, while of those vaccinated directly from the arm of a person labouring under the disease, not more than one in twenty has failed to take effect—when the disease did not make its appearance after vaccination, I have invariably, as the cases came under my examination, revaccinated until a favourable result has been obtained.Of the different bands of Indians vaccinated, a large proportion of the following have, as an actual examination has shown, undergone thoroughly the effects of the disease: viz. Sault Ste. Marie, Keweena Bay, La Pointe, and Cass Lake, being seven hundred and fifty-one in number; while of the remaining thirteen hundred and seventy-eight, of other bands, I think it may safely be calculated that more than three-fourths have passed effectually under the influence of the vaccine disease: and as directions to revaccinate all those in whom the disease failed, together with instructions as to time and manner of vaccination, were given to the chiefs of the different bands, it is more than probable that, where the bands remained together a sufficient length of time, the operation of revaccination has been performed by themselves.Upon our return to Lake Superior I had reason to suspect, on examining several cicatrices, that two of the crusts furnished by the surgeon-general in consequence of a partial decomposition, gave rise to a spurious disease, and these suspicions were confirmed when revaccinating with genuine vaccine matter, when the true disease was communicated. Nearly all those Indians vaccinated with those two crusts, have been vaccinated, and passed regularly through the vaccine disease.The answers to my repeated inquiries respecting the introduction, progress, and fatality of the small-pox, would lead me to infer that the disease has made its appearance, at least five times, among the bands of Chippewa Indians noticed in the accompanying table of vaccination.The small-pox appears to have been wholly unknown to the Chippewas of Lake Superior until about 1750; when a war-party, of more than one hundred young men, from the bands resident near the head of the lake, having visited Montreal for the purpose of assisting the French in their then existing troubles with theEnglish, became infected with the disease, and but few of the party survived to reach their homes—It does not appear, although they made a precipitate retreat to their own country, that the disease was at this time communicated to any others of the tribe.About the year 1770, the disease appeared a second time among the Chippewas, but unlike that which preceded it, it was communicated to the more northern bands.The circumstances connected with its introduction are related nearly as follows.Some time in the fall of 1767 or 8, a trader, who had ascended the Mississippi and established himself near Leech Lake, was robbed of his goods by the Indians residing at that lake; and, in consequence of his exertions in defending his property, he died soon after.These facts became known to the directors of the Fur Company, at Mackinac, and each successive year after, requests were sent to the Leech Lake Indians, that they should visit Mackinac, and make reparation for the goods they had taken, by a payment of furs, at the same time threatening punishment in case of a refusal. In the spring of 1770 the Indians saw fit to comply with this request; and a deputation from the band visited Mackinac, with a quantity of furs, which they considered an equivalent for the goods which had been taken. The deputation was received with politeness by the directors of the company, and the difficulties readily adjusted. When this was effected, a cask of liquor and a flag closely rolled were presented to the Indians as a token of friendship. They were at the same time strictly enjoined neither to break the seal of the cask nor to unroll the flag, until they had reached the heart of their own country. This they promised to observe; but while returning, and after having travelled many days, the chief of the deputation made a feast for the Indians of the band at Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, upon which occasion he unsealed the cask and unrolled the flag for the gratification of his guests. The Indians drank of the liquor, and remained in a state of inebriation during several days. The rioting was over, and they were fast recovering from its effects, when several of the party were seized with violent pain. This was attributed to the liquor theyhad drunk; but the pain increasing, they were induced to drink deeper of the poisonous drug, and in this inebriated state several of the party died, before the real cause was suspected. Other like cases occurred; and it was not long before one of the war-party which had visited Montreal in 1750, and who had narrowly escaped with his life, recognised the disease as the same which had attacked their party at that time. It proved to be so; and of those Indians then at Fond du Lac, about three hundred in number, nearly the whole were swept off by it. Nor did it stop here, for numbers of those at Fond du Lac, at the time the disease made its appearance, took refuge among the neighbouring bands, and although it did not extend easterly on Lake Superior, it is believed that not a single band of Chippewas north or west from Fond du Lac escaped its ravages. Of a large band then resident at Cass Lake, near the source of the Mississippi River, only one person, a child, escaped. The others having been attacked by the disease, died before any opportunity for dispersing was offered. The Indians at this day are firmly of the opinion that the small-pox was, at this time, communicated through the articles presented to their brethren, by the agent of the Fur Company at Mackinac; and that it was done for the purpose of punishing them more severely for their offences.The most western bands of Chippewas relate a singular allegory of the introduction of the small-pox into their country by a war-party, returning from the plains of the Missouri, as nearly as information will enable me to judge, in the year 1784. It does not appear that, at this time, the disease extended to the bands east of Fond du Lac; but it is represented to have been extremely fatal to those bands north and west from there.In 1802 or 3, the small-pox made its appearance among the Indians residing at the Sault Ste. Marie, but did not extend to the bands west from that place. The disease was introduced by a voyager, in the employ of the North West Fur Company, who had just returned from Montreal; and although all communication with him was prohibited, an Indian imprudently having made him a visit, was infected with and transmitted the disease to others of the band. When once communicated, it raged with great violence, and of a large band scarcely one of those then at the village survived, and the unburied bones still remain marking the situation they occupied. From this band the infection was communicated to a band residing upon St. Joseph’s Island, and many died of it; but the surgeon of the military post then there succeeded, by judicious and early measures, in checking it, before the infection became general.In 1824 the small-pox again made its appearance among the Indians at the Sault Ste. Marie. It was communicated by a voyager to Indians upon Drummond’s Island, Lake Huron; and through them several families at Sault Ste. Marie became infected. Of those belonging to the latter place, more than twenty in number, only two escaped. The disease is represented to have been extremely fatal to the Indians at Drummond’s Island.Since 1824, the small-pox is not known to have appeared among the Indians at the Sault Ste. Marie, nor among the Chippewas north or west from that place. But the Indians of these bands still tremble at the bare name of a disease which (next to the compounds of alcohol) has been one of the greatest scourges that has ever overtaken them since their first communication with the whites. The disease, when once communicated to a band of Indians, rages with a violence wholly unknown to the civilized man. The Indian, guided by present feeling, adopts a course of treatment (if indeed it deserves that appellation), which not unfrequently arms the disease with new power. An attack is but a warning to the poor and helpless patient to prepare for death, which will almost assuredly soon follow. His situation under these circumstances is truly deplorable; for while in a state that even, with proper advice, he would of himself recover, he adds fresh fuel to the flame which is already consuming him, under the delusive hope of gaining relief. The intoxicating draught (when it is within his reach) is not among the last remedies to which he resorts, to produce a lethargy from which he is never to recover. Were the friends of the sick man, even under these circumstances, enabled to attend him, his sufferings might be, at least, somewhat mitigated; but they too are, perhaps, in a similar situation, and themselves without even a single person to minister to their wants. Death comes to the poor invalid, and perhaps even as a welcome guest, to rid him of his suffering.By a comparison of the number of Indians vaccinated upon the borders of Lake Superior, with the actual population, it will be seen that the proportion who have passed through the vaccine disease is so great as to secure them against any general prevalence of the small-pox; and perhaps it is sufficient to prevent the introduction of the disease to the bands beyond, through this channel. But in the Folle Avoine country it is not so. Of the large bands of Indians residing in that section of country, only a small fraction have been vaccinated; while of other bands not a single person has passed through the disease.Their local situation undoubtedly renders it of the first importance that the benefits of vaccination should be extended to them. Their situation may be said to render them a connecting link between the southern and north-western bands of Chippewas; and while on the south they are liable to receive the virus of the small-pox from the whites and Indians, the passage of the disease through them to their more northern brethren would only be prevented by their remaining, at that time, completely separated. Every motive of humanity towards the suffering Indian, would lead to extend to him this protection against a disease he holds in constant dread, and of which he knows, by sad experience, the fatal effects. The protection he will prize highly, and will give in return the only boon a destitute man is capable of giving; the deep-felt gratitude of an overflowing heart.I have the honour to be,Very respectfully, sir,Your obedient servant,(Signed,)Douglass Houghton.
But little difficulty has occurred in convincing the Indians of the efficacy of vaccination; and the universal dread in which they hold the appearance of the small pox among them, rendered it an easy task to overcome their prejudices, whatever they chanced to be. The efficacy of the vaccine disease is well appreciated, even by the most interior of the Chippewa Indians, and so universal is this information, that only one instance occurred where the Indian had never heard of the disease.
In nearly every instance the opportunity which was presented for vaccination was embraced with cheerfulness and apparent gratitude; at the same time manifesting great anxiety that, for the safety of the whole, each one of the band should undergo the operation. When objections were made to vaccination, they were not usually made because the Indian doubted the protective power of the disease, but because he supposed (never having seen its progress) that the remedy must nearly equal the disease which it was intended to counteract.
Our situation, while travelling, did not allow me sufficient time to test the result of the vaccination in most instances; but an occasional return to bands where the operation had been performed, enabled me, in those bands, either to note the progress of the disease, or to judge from the cicatrices marking the original situation of the pustules, the cases in which the disease had proved successful.
About one-fourth of the whole number were vaccinated directly from the pustules of patients labouring under the disease; while the remaining three-fourths were vaccinated from crusts, or from virus which had been several days on hand. I did not pass by a single opportunity for securing the crusts and virus from the arms of healthy patients; and to avoid as far as possible the chance of giving rise to a disease of a spurious kind, I invariably made use of those crusts and that virus, for the purposes of vaccination, which had been most recently obtained. To secure, as far as possible, against the chances of escaping the vaccine disease, I invariably vaccinated in each arm.
Of the whole number of Indians vaccinated, I have either watched the progress of the disease, or examined the cicatrices of about seven hundred. An average of one in three of those vaccinated from crusts has failed, while of those vaccinated directly from the arm of a person labouring under the disease, not more than one in twenty has failed to take effect—when the disease did not make its appearance after vaccination, I have invariably, as the cases came under my examination, revaccinated until a favourable result has been obtained.
Of the different bands of Indians vaccinated, a large proportion of the following have, as an actual examination has shown, undergone thoroughly the effects of the disease: viz. Sault Ste. Marie, Keweena Bay, La Pointe, and Cass Lake, being seven hundred and fifty-one in number; while of the remaining thirteen hundred and seventy-eight, of other bands, I think it may safely be calculated that more than three-fourths have passed effectually under the influence of the vaccine disease: and as directions to revaccinate all those in whom the disease failed, together with instructions as to time and manner of vaccination, were given to the chiefs of the different bands, it is more than probable that, where the bands remained together a sufficient length of time, the operation of revaccination has been performed by themselves.
Upon our return to Lake Superior I had reason to suspect, on examining several cicatrices, that two of the crusts furnished by the surgeon-general in consequence of a partial decomposition, gave rise to a spurious disease, and these suspicions were confirmed when revaccinating with genuine vaccine matter, when the true disease was communicated. Nearly all those Indians vaccinated with those two crusts, have been vaccinated, and passed regularly through the vaccine disease.
The answers to my repeated inquiries respecting the introduction, progress, and fatality of the small-pox, would lead me to infer that the disease has made its appearance, at least five times, among the bands of Chippewa Indians noticed in the accompanying table of vaccination.
The small-pox appears to have been wholly unknown to the Chippewas of Lake Superior until about 1750; when a war-party, of more than one hundred young men, from the bands resident near the head of the lake, having visited Montreal for the purpose of assisting the French in their then existing troubles with theEnglish, became infected with the disease, and but few of the party survived to reach their homes—It does not appear, although they made a precipitate retreat to their own country, that the disease was at this time communicated to any others of the tribe.
About the year 1770, the disease appeared a second time among the Chippewas, but unlike that which preceded it, it was communicated to the more northern bands.
The circumstances connected with its introduction are related nearly as follows.
Some time in the fall of 1767 or 8, a trader, who had ascended the Mississippi and established himself near Leech Lake, was robbed of his goods by the Indians residing at that lake; and, in consequence of his exertions in defending his property, he died soon after.
These facts became known to the directors of the Fur Company, at Mackinac, and each successive year after, requests were sent to the Leech Lake Indians, that they should visit Mackinac, and make reparation for the goods they had taken, by a payment of furs, at the same time threatening punishment in case of a refusal. In the spring of 1770 the Indians saw fit to comply with this request; and a deputation from the band visited Mackinac, with a quantity of furs, which they considered an equivalent for the goods which had been taken. The deputation was received with politeness by the directors of the company, and the difficulties readily adjusted. When this was effected, a cask of liquor and a flag closely rolled were presented to the Indians as a token of friendship. They were at the same time strictly enjoined neither to break the seal of the cask nor to unroll the flag, until they had reached the heart of their own country. This they promised to observe; but while returning, and after having travelled many days, the chief of the deputation made a feast for the Indians of the band at Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, upon which occasion he unsealed the cask and unrolled the flag for the gratification of his guests. The Indians drank of the liquor, and remained in a state of inebriation during several days. The rioting was over, and they were fast recovering from its effects, when several of the party were seized with violent pain. This was attributed to the liquor theyhad drunk; but the pain increasing, they were induced to drink deeper of the poisonous drug, and in this inebriated state several of the party died, before the real cause was suspected. Other like cases occurred; and it was not long before one of the war-party which had visited Montreal in 1750, and who had narrowly escaped with his life, recognised the disease as the same which had attacked their party at that time. It proved to be so; and of those Indians then at Fond du Lac, about three hundred in number, nearly the whole were swept off by it. Nor did it stop here, for numbers of those at Fond du Lac, at the time the disease made its appearance, took refuge among the neighbouring bands, and although it did not extend easterly on Lake Superior, it is believed that not a single band of Chippewas north or west from Fond du Lac escaped its ravages. Of a large band then resident at Cass Lake, near the source of the Mississippi River, only one person, a child, escaped. The others having been attacked by the disease, died before any opportunity for dispersing was offered. The Indians at this day are firmly of the opinion that the small-pox was, at this time, communicated through the articles presented to their brethren, by the agent of the Fur Company at Mackinac; and that it was done for the purpose of punishing them more severely for their offences.
The most western bands of Chippewas relate a singular allegory of the introduction of the small-pox into their country by a war-party, returning from the plains of the Missouri, as nearly as information will enable me to judge, in the year 1784. It does not appear that, at this time, the disease extended to the bands east of Fond du Lac; but it is represented to have been extremely fatal to those bands north and west from there.
In 1802 or 3, the small-pox made its appearance among the Indians residing at the Sault Ste. Marie, but did not extend to the bands west from that place. The disease was introduced by a voyager, in the employ of the North West Fur Company, who had just returned from Montreal; and although all communication with him was prohibited, an Indian imprudently having made him a visit, was infected with and transmitted the disease to others of the band. When once communicated, it raged with great violence, and of a large band scarcely one of those then at the village survived, and the unburied bones still remain marking the situation they occupied. From this band the infection was communicated to a band residing upon St. Joseph’s Island, and many died of it; but the surgeon of the military post then there succeeded, by judicious and early measures, in checking it, before the infection became general.
In 1824 the small-pox again made its appearance among the Indians at the Sault Ste. Marie. It was communicated by a voyager to Indians upon Drummond’s Island, Lake Huron; and through them several families at Sault Ste. Marie became infected. Of those belonging to the latter place, more than twenty in number, only two escaped. The disease is represented to have been extremely fatal to the Indians at Drummond’s Island.
Since 1824, the small-pox is not known to have appeared among the Indians at the Sault Ste. Marie, nor among the Chippewas north or west from that place. But the Indians of these bands still tremble at the bare name of a disease which (next to the compounds of alcohol) has been one of the greatest scourges that has ever overtaken them since their first communication with the whites. The disease, when once communicated to a band of Indians, rages with a violence wholly unknown to the civilized man. The Indian, guided by present feeling, adopts a course of treatment (if indeed it deserves that appellation), which not unfrequently arms the disease with new power. An attack is but a warning to the poor and helpless patient to prepare for death, which will almost assuredly soon follow. His situation under these circumstances is truly deplorable; for while in a state that even, with proper advice, he would of himself recover, he adds fresh fuel to the flame which is already consuming him, under the delusive hope of gaining relief. The intoxicating draught (when it is within his reach) is not among the last remedies to which he resorts, to produce a lethargy from which he is never to recover. Were the friends of the sick man, even under these circumstances, enabled to attend him, his sufferings might be, at least, somewhat mitigated; but they too are, perhaps, in a similar situation, and themselves without even a single person to minister to their wants. Death comes to the poor invalid, and perhaps even as a welcome guest, to rid him of his suffering.
By a comparison of the number of Indians vaccinated upon the borders of Lake Superior, with the actual population, it will be seen that the proportion who have passed through the vaccine disease is so great as to secure them against any general prevalence of the small-pox; and perhaps it is sufficient to prevent the introduction of the disease to the bands beyond, through this channel. But in the Folle Avoine country it is not so. Of the large bands of Indians residing in that section of country, only a small fraction have been vaccinated; while of other bands not a single person has passed through the disease.
Their local situation undoubtedly renders it of the first importance that the benefits of vaccination should be extended to them. Their situation may be said to render them a connecting link between the southern and north-western bands of Chippewas; and while on the south they are liable to receive the virus of the small-pox from the whites and Indians, the passage of the disease through them to their more northern brethren would only be prevented by their remaining, at that time, completely separated. Every motive of humanity towards the suffering Indian, would lead to extend to him this protection against a disease he holds in constant dread, and of which he knows, by sad experience, the fatal effects. The protection he will prize highly, and will give in return the only boon a destitute man is capable of giving; the deep-felt gratitude of an overflowing heart.
I have the honour to be,Very respectfully, sir,Your obedient servant,(Signed,)Douglass Houghton.