FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[44]Namely, the Pylades, Algerine, Nemesis, and Louisa cutter.[45]Boats of the Calliope, Herald, Modeste, Pylades, and Algerine.

[44]Namely, the Pylades, Algerine, Nemesis, and Louisa cutter.

[45]Boats of the Calliope, Herald, Modeste, Pylades, and Algerine.

A few remarks upon the city and neighbourhood of Canton, before which our troops are now for the first time about to appear, (the previous operations of the 18th March having been entirely limited to the naval forces,) will contribute to the interest of the subsequent narrative. The city of Canton, or Kwantung, is situated upon the northern bank of the river usually known by the same name, though sometimes called by Europeans the Pearl river, from its Chinese name, Choo-keang. Its distance from the Bogue is about forty miles.

The scenery around the city is extremely diversified. On the northern and north-eastern sides it is commanded by hills, the possession of which by an enemy must, of necessity, place the city at his mercy. In other directions it presents the aspect of a low and abundantly-watered plain, cut up by canals and little rivers, which serve both for irrigation and for communication with the interior. So numerous are they, that in some parts nearly a third part of the whole surface is occupied by water. The appearance of the country is rich, and at most seasons beautifully green, being divided into rice-fields and little gardens, with here and there a clump of trees or a small village, or the country residences of some of the wealthier inhabitants of the city, to diversify the prospect.

About three or four miles to the westward of the city, andcurving round at the foot of the hills which command it, runs the creek or river in which the war-junks and fire-rafts had been destroyed by the Nemesis and boats. The excellent landing-place at Tsingpoo, which had been discovered on that occasion, was very conveniently situated for the debarkation of troops destined to attack the heights above the city, which are in fact the key to its occupation.

The city and its suburbs occupy the whole space between the hills and the river; the suburbs, however, being little less extensive than the city itself. The latter is surrounded by a high wall, which has twelve entrances, and it may be about six or seven miles in circumference. On the south, or river side, a portion of the suburbs extends down to the water-side; and in the western corner of these are situated the foreign factories, and the principal packhouses of the Hong merchants, which are partly built on piles on the river's bank. On the northern side, the wall rests directly upon the brow of the hills; and, indeed, there is a hill of moderate elevation actuallywithin the walls, the possession of which would, in fact, give the command of the entire city, and which could have been held by a small force against any troops the Chinese could bring against it. Another wall divides the city into two unequal parts, running from east to west, and called the Old and the New City, the latter being much more modern than the former, but differing from it very little in appearance. The residences of all the high officers, the Viceroy, Lieutenant-Governor, Tartar General, and others, together with a public arsenal, are situated in the Old City; but the moment we got possession of the two forts, called the Dutch and French Follies, we could command the whole of these places, without in any degree endangering the Factories, which are at a considerable distance to the westward, in the suburbs.

The heights above the city were crowned with four strong forts, built principally of brick at the upper part, but of stone below. They mounted altogether forty-two guns of various calibre, together with a great number of ginjals and wall-pieces. Between them and the city walls, the distance of which varied from one hundred and fifty to two hundred and fifty paces, there was an irregular, and in some parts deep and broken ravine. The hill before described aswithinthe circuit of the walls was also within range of the heights; and so important was this position afterwards considered by Sir Hugh Gough, that he distinctly declared that, with "this in his possession, he would have been responsible that the city should have been spared, and that not a soldier should have entered the town farther than this fortified height."

With these few preliminary observations, we may now returnto the point at which our combined naval and military forces were all concentrated, below Whampoa, on the 22nd and 23rd of March, having sailed from Hong-Kong on the 18th and 19th of that month.

An important general order was now issued by Sir Hugh Gough, preparatory to the advance of our troops upon Canton. It betokened the true feeling which animated the expedition; and, while it goes far to refute the belief that wanton cruelty was inflicted upon the Chinese, it does honour to the expedition, asprimâ facieevidence of the forbearance with which our power was exercised. After first alluding to the novelty of the Chinese system of warfare to the British soldier, as one making up in cunning and artifice what it lacks in discipline, and, after recommending extreme caution against surprise and stratagem, and, above all, the observance of the strictest discipline, Sir Hugh Gough proceeds to remind his soldiers that "Great Britain had gained as much fame by her clemency and forbearance as by the gallantry of her troops. An enemy in arms is always a legitimate foe; but the unarmed, or the supplicant for mercy, of whatever country or whatever colour, a true British soldier will always spare." Such was in reality the feeling which animated the whole expedition, although the desultory attacks of the Chinese, and the refusal of many of them to surrender when all further resistance was useless, sometimes occasioned a loss of life which was to be deplored, but which could not be prevented.

The channel through which our forces were now about to advance upon Canton was one which had been not long before examined for the first time, one may even say discovered, by Mr. Browne, the master of the Calliope; Lieut. Kellett, of the Starling; Mr. Johnson, the master of the Conway, and other officers. It came to be called Browne's Passage, although Mr. Browne himself called it the "main branch of the Canton river." It runs to the southward of French Island, towards the Macao passage, and is a much more important branch of the river than that which runs along the northern side of that island, which was first explored in the Nemesis by Captain Herbert and Captain Elliot, and along which our vessels had proceeded to the attack of the Macao Fort, as before described.[46]

In Captain Herbert's report to Sir Gordon Bremer, in the middle of March, referring to some of these passages, he stated that "boats from the Calliope, Herald, Hyacinth, Sulphur, and Starling, had, on several occasions, explored the channels in the south branch of the river, from Danes' Island upwards, and that they had found a safe and deep passage for vessels drawing sixteen feet water up to the city of Canton, except two bars, which it required high water to pass." Mr. Browne and Lieut. Kellett, with the boats, had proceeded along the channel between Danes' and French Islands, and then entered the passage, which runs along the southern side of the latter.

The Chinese had commenced preparations for the defence of these channels at several points; there was a battery of ten guns, another of fourteen, and one of four guns, in the passage between the two islands, or French River, which was too small for ships to pass through it. Other batteries were also found in the so-called Browne's Passage, one of which was calculated to mount thirty-seven guns. Indeed, in all the branches of the river, batteries were found, some partially, some completely, finished. At one of these, a little above the last mentioned, there were not less than forty guns ready for mounting, newly cast, and with quite new carriages. But the Chinese offered no resistance; and, on one occasion, Lieutenant Kellett invited the mandarin in charge of one of these forts to come and breakfast with him, presuming that he had more appetite for food than for fighting.

Mr. Browne and Mr. Johnson made a good rough survey of the whole of this important channel, in which there was found to be depth of water sufficient for our largest transports, to the distance of about ten miles. Even a line-of-battle ship, the Blenheim, was carried up nearly as far as the transports; and hence the beginning of the passage along the southern bank of Danes' Island obtained the name of the Blenheim Reach. It is here that our largest merchant ships have since usually anchored.

The 23rd of May was occupied in completing the necessary preparations for the conveyance of our troops, marines, small-arm men, and camp-followers, up to the city of Canton; but it was not until noon of the 24th that our forces could commence their advance. In the meantime, Captain Belcher had been directed to collect as many Chinese boats as possible higher up the river, and to send them down with the tide. Gradually they had been dropping down from the direction of the city, until, at length, there were enough collected for the conveyance of two thousand men, besides camp-followers, stores, and matériel of all kinds. At the same time, with a view to embarrass the Chinese as much as possible, orders had been given that all the native trading-boats should be detained, and that all the salt-junks should be stopped. In the course of a few days, no less than one hundred and forty-one trading-junks, of every description, were brought-to, and detained in the neighbourhood of Napier's Fort, and at the Naval Arsenal below the city; they comprised little less than ten thousand tons of shipping, manned by about one thousand one hundred Chinese sailors. The sudden stoppageof this considerable trade could not fail to make a deep impression upon the whole people of Canton. No injury, however, was done to any of the trading-vessels, which were all suffered to depart without further molestation, the moment the authorities of the city had agreed to Captain Elliot's terms.

Before our troops finally advanced upon Canton, Sir Hugh Gough and Sir Le Fleming Senhouse went up in person, to make a careful reconnoissance, and particularly with a view to assure themselves of the practicability of the landing-place at Tsingpoo.

At length, soon after noon on the 24th, every preparation for the advance was completed.

The troops were all embarked in two columns, of which the right was destined to hold the Factories, and was taken up in the Atalanta steamer. It merely consisted of the 26th Cameronians, less than three hundred strong, together with an officer and twenty men of the Madras Artillery, with one six-pounder gun, and one five and a half-inch mortar. Thirty sappers, with an officer of engineers, were also attached to it; it was under the command of Major Pratt, of the 26th regiment. The left column comprised the main body of the force, which was destined to carry the heights above the city, being divided into four brigades. An account of these will be given in its proper place.

To the Nemesis was entrusted the charge and the honour of carrying or towing up the whole of this column, together with the camp-followers and attendants of every description, (in this instance reduced to the smallest possible number,) which always accompany our troops in the East. The enormous flotilla of boats, including, of course, those belonging to the men-of-war, necessarily retarded the progress of the steamer very much, particularly in the more intricate parts of the river. As she advanced, numerous boats from our ships were picked up, until their number could not have been less than from seventy to eighty; hanging on behind each other, and following in the wake of the long, low steamer. It was altogether a very animating scene. The numerous flags, the motley appearance of the boats, the glitter of the arms and accoutrements, and the various uniforms of the men, produced a very exciting spectacle.

On board the Nemesis were the 49th regiment; together with Major-General Sir Hugh Gough and his staff, Sir Le Fleming Senhouse, and Captain Elliot, accompanied by Mr. Morrison. Captain Bourchier, who was to command the naval brigade, and several other officers, were also on board. The decks of the steamer were crowded. Slowly and steadily she advanced, dragging after her the long tail of boats, a more numerous flotilla than any steamer had yet towed.

The Chinese must have been perfectly well informed of the approach of the force; and, had they not been already panic-struck by the lessons they had so recently received, they might have occasioned great annoyance, and perhaps loss, to our troops, exposed as they were in boats, by firing on them from the banks of the river, in places were they would have been themselves under cover. No opposition of any kind, however, was offered.

In the meantime, the Atalanta reached her destination at the factories more expeditiously, and the right column was landed before five o'clock, without opposition; when Major Pratt immediately set about strengthening his post, and making the necessary dispositions, either for defensive or offensive operations, as circumstances might require.

It was now that the unfortunate Americans were discovered, in the wretched plight before described, in the midst of the ruins of the factories, in which they had been turned loose, as it were, like beasts, after the indignities they had suffered.

It was just dusk when the left column, towed by the Nemesis, reached the destined point of debarkation at Tsingpoo, where the Sulphur was already at anchor. By this time it was too late in the day to do more than land the 49th regiment. This was easily effected, as they could walk on shore directly out of the steamer, without the necessity of using boats, or causing any delay whatever. Here, again, as in so many other instances, the advantage of this description of steamer was clearly shewn.

During the rest of the evening of the 24th, and in the night, the guns, ammunition, and stores were also landed, but the remainder of the force did not disembark until the following morning. As soon as the 49th were landed, they took possession of a large temple, or so called joss-house, near the landing-place. The general lost no time in making an extended reconnoissance as soon as he had landed, under an escort of the 49th.

From a rising ground at no great distance, a general view of the enemy's positions could be gained. It was now evident that they had already taken the alarm, and they threw up some of their small harmless rockets by way of signal, to shew that they were on the alert, but made no movement in advance. Sir Hugh Gough was in reality at this time perfectly unacquainted with the nature of the country he would have to pass over on the following day, as well as of the difficulties he might have to encounter; but, with the utmost confidence in the steadiness and perfect discipline of the little force under his command, he felt assured that no difficulties could check them. Neither could the amount of the enemy's force be at all ascertained, respecting which there were various conjectures, probably in most instances exaggerated.

The Chinese system of warfare had not yet been experienced and it was, in fact, the first time that European troops were about to undertake operations in China, beyond the cover of our ships. The Chinese had been known to declare that, if they could get us away from our ships, they had full confidence that they would be able to beat us in fair fight ashore. They were now soon to have an opportunity of putting their prowess to the test. This was the first occasion on which a British general officer had commanded in China; and it was the first opportunity which that general had ever had of witnessing the gallantry of British seamen and marines in service on shore, and of bearing testimony to their steadiness and discipline, and to the value of their co-operation. He afterwards expressed himself in general orders, in reference to the naval brigade under Captain Bourchier, to the effect "that it would always be a matter of proud recollection to him that he had had them under his orders."

While our troops had thus advanced upon Canton on the 24th, Captain Herbert, who was stationed at Whampoa with the Calliope, Conway, Herald, and Alligator, was directed to push up the river with the flood-tide, with such vessels as could proceed, or with the boats of the ships, by the direct, or Whampoa passage, and endeavour to secure the naval arsenal opposite the city. It was left to his own judgment to attack the French fort below the city, or not, according to circumstances.

At the same time, another part of our force, consisting of the Hyacinth, Modeste, Cruiser, and Columbine, had taken up a position near the factories, under Captain Warren, who had been directed to secure the Dutch fort, and to use his own judgment as to an attack upon any other of the defences which were known to have been recently constructed. The possession of the Dutch and French forts would give us complete command of the river front of the city, and of the palaces of the high authorities.

Captain Herbert lost no time in pushing up the river, with the boats and marines of the ships before mentioned; while Captain Warren, having ordered the Nimrod and Pylades to attack the Shameen Fort, (which had been re-armed by the Chinese) proceeded to place the Hyacinth, under his own command, abreast of the factories, in order to cover the landing of the 26th regiment from the Atalanta.

In the meantime, the Modeste, Cruiser, and Columbine, took up a position to attack the Dutch Folly if necessary; but it was found to be unarmed.

As soon as the 26th regiment had landed at the factory, the Atalanta and Algerine (which had now joined the squadron) were ordered to move down the river as far as possible. TheAtalanta unfortunately took the ground, where she remained for several days, and was got off with difficulty. The Algerine, drawing but little water, was able to go over the reef, which is abreast of the Dutch fort, with a strong ebb-tide. She then took up her berth between the Dutch and French Follies, and only one hundred and fifty yards distant from a heavy sand battery, which she engaged single-handed, none of the other vessels being able to come up to her support. The battery mounted eleven very heavy guns, and the Algerine was frequently hit. The pinnaces of the Hyacinth and Modeste were sent to help to shift her berth, but this was impossible, owing to the strength of the tide. Lieutenant Mason, who commanded the brig, with instant determination now pushed off in his gig, and, accompanied by the two pinnaces, dashed ashore and carried the battery with great gallantry, but not without meeting with strong resistance, in which Mr. Fitzgerald, of the Modeste, fell mortally wounded, together with one seaman killed, and fourteen seamen and marines wounded. Some of the Chinese guns were ten and a half inch.

Captain Herbert and Captain Bethune endeavoured to push up from Howqua's Folly at sunset, but were stopped by a shot from the French Folly, which went through Captain Herbert's boat, and the heaviness of the fire compelled the boats to take shelter under a point of land for some hours, so that they were not able to reach the brig until two o'clock,A.M.During the night several fire-rafts were sent adrift, but were towed clear without doing any mischief. Thus ended the 24th of May, and our forces, both naval and military, might already be said to hold Canton at their mercy.

A few words more will suffice to complete the description of all the naval operations before Canton, before we turn to the military part of them.

No time was lost on the following morning in securing the arsenal, in which were found nearly a dozen large war-junks upon the stocks, and a great many row boats. There were also twelve large war-junks just finished, lying at anchor off the arsenal.

Having, made a reconnoissance of the French fort, and the other defences on that side, Captain Herbert resolved to carry it without loss of time. The Modeste was the only vessel except the Algerine which could be got across the bar at the Dutch Folly, and that not without great difficulty, having been warped over the reef at high water. The Atalanta was still aground; and the guns of the Algerine not being sufficiently heavy, Captain Herbert ordered shell-guns to be fitted in three of the captured war-junks, to assist in the attack upon the French Folly.

The gun-junks were placed under the direction of Lieutenants Haskell and Hay, and, together with the Modeste and Algerine, opened upon the French fort and the long line of works connected with it on the morning of the 26th. The Chinese soon began to give way, and Captain Bethune immediately landed with the storming party, and gallantly carried the works. There were altogether sixty-four guns, some of large calibre, four being ten and a half inch. Thus the whole of the river defences of Canton were at length in our possession, at the same time that the heights above the city had been carried by our troops under Sir Hugh Gough, as will be next described.[47]

FOOTNOTES:[46]See the accompanying map of the Canton river.[47]The following concise description is taken from the personal remarks of several who were present, and from public documents.

[46]See the accompanying map of the Canton river.

[47]The following concise description is taken from the personal remarks of several who were present, and from public documents.

It will be remembered that the twenty-sixth regiment, together with a few of the Madras artillery, and sappers and miners were posted at the Factories, and, therefore, took no part in the engagements on the heights on the 25th, although they joined the head-quarters afterwards. The whole force actually engaged on that day, under Sir Hugh Gough, including the marines and the naval brigade, amounted to very nearly two thousand four hundred men. But the actual number of bayonets in the field was only about one thousand five hundred. The artillery comprised a body of four hundred men, with four 12-pounder howitzers, four 9-pounder field-guns, and two 6-pounder guns; also three five and a half inch mortars, and one hundred and fifty-two 32-pounder rockets.

The naval brigade, commanded by Captain Bourchier, comprised four hundred and three small-arm men; so that, when added to the marines, it is evident that full one-third of the force employed on the heights was supplied by the different ships of the squadron—viz., eight hundred and eleven men. In proportion as these were withdrawn from their respective ships, the duty to be performed by those who remained on board became the more severe.

Sir Le Fleming Senhouse entrusted the command of the naval brigade to Captain Bourchier, as it was the express wish of Sir Hugh Gough that the senior naval officer should join his staff, and remain at his side throughout the day, instead of leading the brigade in person. It was divided into two battalions, one led by Captain Maitland of the Wellesley, and the other by Commander Barlow of the Nimrod. The whole force was divided into four brigades, and was directed to move left in front. The details given below will render further comment unnecessary.[48]

At daylight, on the morning of the 25th, the whole of the troops were landed. The Nemesis, Sulphur, and Starling, remained at anchor close to Tsingpoo; and small detachments of the 18th and 49th regiments, and of the 37th M.N.I., amounting altogether to between seventy and eighty men, were left posted at the temple before described, in order to secure the landing, and prevent any attempt at surprise on the part of the Chinese. This precaution afterwards proved to have been very judicious.

From a hill a little above the landing-place, a good view of the enemy's positions could be obtained; and, a little beyond that, a line of hills led directly up towards the rear of the forts above the city, at the distance of between three and four miles. The ground was irregular, and much broken by hollows, partially cultivated and laid out in rice-grounds. The labour of dragging the guns was, therefore, very great; and, indeed, two of the twelve-pounder howitzers, and two of the nine-pounder guns, were not got into position upon the heights until the following day. The other two, however, and also the six-pounders, together with the rocket-battery, were brought up with the troops.

Of the four forts, two were situated not far from each other, near the north-western angle of the city walls, on which side is the hill which is enclosedwithinthe walls, and which, in the event of the capture of the city itself, it was the intention of Sir Hugh Gough to occupy strongly, as being the key to the possession of the whole city. The other two forts, which might be called the eastern forts, were situated upon the heights, at some distance to the eastward of the other forts, nearly facing the centre of the city wall. One of these was some way in advance of the other.

The weather was extremely sultry during the whole of the 25th, which much fatigued the men before the close of the day, and laid the foundation for sickness, to which many afterwards fell victims. The troops were directed to advance along the brow of the hills in echelon of columns; and, as soon as the artillery could be got up, the guns opened upon the two western forts which were nearest, and from which the Chinese had already commenced a spirited fire. They also threatened an attack upon the right, by large columns, which appeared to debouch from the western suburbs.

Our attack upon the two western forts was entrusted entirely to the naval brigade, under cover of the guns and rockets; and, at the same time, the left brigade, under Lieutenant-Colonel Morris, was to advance and carry the nearest of the two eastern forts (which was also the rearmost in relation to the town); while the first brigade, under Major-General Burrell, having carried a hill in their front, upon which a body of Chinese were posted, and which flanked the advance of the left brigade, was to push on and carry the principal eastern fort, cutting off the communication between the two, at the same moment when the 49th made their attack upon the nearest fort.

As the two brigades advanced together, there was some little rivalry (the strictest discipline being preserved) betweenthe 49th and 18th regiments, as to which should have the honour of commencing the attack upon the two forts. The 49th, having the advantage of a shorter and perhaps rather better road, got the lead, which they maintained, so that the left brigade carried BOTH the eastern forts before the 18th came up, and with little loss.

The two western forts were at the same time gallantly carried by the brigade of seamen, who were exposed to a heavy fire of ginjals, wall-pieces, and matchlocks, from the city walls, by which they suffered some loss.

Thus, in the space of little more than half an hour from the time the advance was sounded, the heights which overlooked the city were in our possession, and the British flag waved in triumph upon all the forts which commanded the city. The Chinese seemed little inclined to come to close quarters as our troops advanced, and they were soon driven out of the forts, making the best of their way down the hills in confusion.

While our troops were thus engaged upon the heights, the Chinese threatened an attack upon the landing-place at Tsingpoo. Their object might have been either to endeavour to cut off the retreat of our troops from the heights, or else to get possession of the stores, &c., which had been left behind. A considerable body of the Chinese sallied out of the western gate of the city, from which a narrow, irregular causeway, led down to the landing-place at Tsingpoo.

This movement being immediately observed from the heights, orders were sent down by Sir Le Fleming Senhouse, at the suggestion of Sir Hugh Gough, for some of the officers of the vessels at anchor there to land with their men, and assist in the defence of the place. These orders were delivered to Captain Hall by an officer of the Blenheim, sent on purpose. Preparations had already been made on board with this object, and Captain Hall lost no time in landing with half his crew, the other half remaining at quarters on board, under Lieutenant Pedder. There were twenty-eight men and two officers (besides Captain Hall) from the Nemesis; about fourteen men and two officers from the Sulphur; and eighteen men and two officers from the Blonde; altogether sixty men and seven officers.[49]

Having landed and formed, they immediately joined the small body of troops which had been stationed at the joss-house to protect the guns, stores, &c., which had been left behind. They were commanded by Lieutenant Grant, of the 49th, and consisted of thirty men of that regiment, thirty of the 18th, under Lieutenant Cockburn, and fourteen of the 37th M.N.I., under Ensign Anquitelle. Lieutenant Grant had got his men under arms the moment the alarm was given, and, perceiving a body of about two hundred and fifty Chinese skirmishers advancing in extended order, he moved out to meet them; when within about fifty yards, he poured in a smart fire, by which many of them were killed, and drove them back upon their main body, who were drawn up in close column, about four hundred strong, (regular troops,) behind a bridge some distance off, upon which they had planted three field-pieces. The blue jackets having joined, Captain Hall instantly led the way, at the head of his own men,directly down the causeway, towards the bridge; and, under cover of an excellent fire from the Nemesis and Starling, the whole column attacked the Chinese in front, and were received with an ill-directed fire of grape and curious rocket arrows, by which two men were slightly hit.

The Chinese were driven from their guns, and endeavoured to rally behind some houses in their rear, but they soon made a hasty retreat towards the town, closely pursued, for some distance, by our men. But it was not thought prudent to follow them within range of the ginjals upon the city walls, as no good purpose could be effected by it, and some loss might have been suffered. About thirty of the enemy were supposed to have been killed and wounded. The three field-pieces were spiked: and the houses near the bridge, in which a quantity of military stores were found, were set on fire.

It is worthy of notice that this little spirited affair, although officially reported to Sir Le Fleming Senhouse, was never specially mentioned in any of the public despatches—an omission which at that time created some surprise.

To return to our movements upon the heights. During the greater part of the day, a spirited fire was kept up from the city walls by guns, ginjals, and matchlocks; which made it necessary to keep the men under cover as much as possible.

In the rear, and a little to the eastward of the forts occupied by the 18th and 49th, was a high hill which, in fact, was the key to the whole position, but it was not fortified. There was, however, a large joss-house upon the top of it, which was occupied by a detachment of the 49th regiment. Upon the low ground to the eastward of this hill, and between it and a large entrenched camp, situated upon rising ground close to the suburbs, was a village occupied by Chinese troops. Frequent communications were passing between it and theentrenched camp, in which there appeared to be not less than three or four thousand men. The enemy were soon dislodged from the village by the 49th, and dispositions were made by Sir Hugh Gough to carry the entrenched camp by assault. Several high officers had been observed to pass out of the city on their way to this camp, and it was evident that some fresh attack was projected. The 18th were therefore ordered down from the heights to reinforce the detachment of the 49th, together with a few marines, and Major-General Burrell was directed to carry the encampment, the only approach to which was along a narrow causeway. A heavy fire was opened upon them from guns and ginjals upon the north-eastern face of the city walls, to which the men were unavoidably exposed as they advanced. The Chinese seemed to have got the precise range of the causeway, and some loss was suffered in consequence. But the enemy were soon driven gallantly out of the camp, and fled in disorder across the country. The buildings were then destroyed, together with several magazines, and the force then returned to the heights.

The day was now far advanced, and the men were much fatigued with the oppressive heat. The steep and broken nature of the approach to the heights had made it impossible to get up the heavy guns and ammunition until the following day. The assault of the city was therefore deferred; but Sir Hugh Gough, having made a careful reconnoissance of the walls and gates, determined to carry them on the following day, while the panic of the Chinese was still at its height.

On the morning of the 26th, all was apparently quiet within the city, except that numbers of people were issuing out of the gates, which were removed from the scene of action, hastening to carry away with them all the valuable property which could be easily transported. Our troops were early under arms, but no further operations against the city could be undertaken until the ammunition and the heavy guns could be brought up.

The weather in the morning did not look auspicious, and before the day was half over, rain began to fall in torrents. Few Chinese appeared upon the walls of the city; and at length, soon after ten o'clock, a flag of truce was displayed from the walls. It is remarkable how perfectly well the value of the white flag was remembered (as before noticed by Capt. Elliot) whenever the Chinese wished to negotiate, or to induce us to suspend our operations; although they thought proper to slight it whenever it suited their purpose. Shortly afterwards the general deputed Mr. Thom, who was attached to him as interpreter, to advance and ascertain what theChinese desired. A mandarin, distinguished by a red button, now stated that they wished to propose terms of peace, with a view to spare the city, and that in the meantime there should be a suspension of hostilities. It was replied, that the general could treat with no other officer than the Chinese commander-in-chief, his equal in rank; that the British forces had come before Canton much against the wishes of the English nation, but were compelled to do so owing to the insults offered to the British subjects, and the bad faith of the Chinese high officers; that they might, therefore, address their requests to Capt. Elliot, who was with the advanced squadron in the river before the city; and that two or three hours would be allowed for them to communicate with that officer, and also to arrange an interview between the English and the Tartar general; but that if within that period no satisfactory communication should be received, the white flag would be struck.

These overtures, on the part of the Chinese, led to no immediate result. Sir Hugh Gough waited more than four hours before the white flag was struck, and even then the Chinese did not lower theirs.

During the remainder of the day, and in the course of the night, by the unwearied exertions of the Royal and Madras Artillery, assisted by the Sappers and Miners, all the guns and ammunition were got up, except one 12-pounder howitzer, the carriage of which had been disabled. During the whole of this time, the rain fell heavily, which much increased the necessary labour, and added to the privations of the men, who either bivouacked or were partially sheltered, as best they could.

The truce, if it could be so called, was of some use to us, as it gave time for the completion of all the preparations for the assault, which was to have taken place at eight o'clock on the following morning. Our batteries were to have opened at seven o'clock, and it was expected that the parapet of the walls, which was high, would have been reduced by the concentrated fire of our guns. The walls were not less than twenty-eight to thirty feet high, and were separated from the heights, from which they were in some parts less than two hundred paces distant, by an intervening glen.

The broken nature of the ground was peculiarly favourable for the several attacks which were designed; and as soon as a lodgment had been made upon the walls, the different columns of attack were to unite, and make a rush at the fortified hill, which, as before described, was situated within the walls, and commanded the interior of the city. The attackwas to have been made in four columns, of which the right, consisting of the royal marines, under Capt. Ellis, was to blow open the north gate with powder bags; but if that attempt failed, they were to escalade a circular work thrown up as a defence to that gate. The second column, composed of the blue jackets, under Capt. Bourchier, were to escalade the wall a little beyond the circular work, where its height was not so great, under cover of musketry. At the same time, the 18th Royal Irish, under Lieut.-Colonel Adams, were to escalade the wall close to the seven-storied pagoda, under cover of our batteries on the heights above. The assault was also to be covered by the Bengal volunteers, and part of the Madras 87th N.I. Further to the left, the 49th, under Lieut.-Col. Morris, were directed to carry a sort of bastion in front, and within range of the largest and nearest of the forts upon the heights, of which we had got possession the day before. Sir Hugh Gough's principal object would then have been to occupy the fortified hill within the walls, upon which a heavy fire of shells and rockets was to have been kept up during the assault of the walls.

Every arrangement was thus made which could ensure the certain and speedy capture of the city, with little loss on our side. What then must have been the chagrin and disappointment of the general and all his officers, when, soon after six o'clock, just as the final orders were given, and the batteries were about to open, a letter from Capt. Elliot was put into the general's hands, which announced to him that a truce had been agreed to, and that further operations must therefore be suspended. It barely arrived in time to stop the assault of the city, which was on the point of being commenced. Under these circumstances, as Sir Hugh Gough observed, "whatever might be my sentiments or feelings, it was my duty to acquiesce, and therefore the attack was countermanded, and the feelings of the Chinese were spared." To this he added that he had no means of judging of the policy of the measure.

If any further doubt upon the subject remained, it was finally set at rest by the arrival of Capt. Elliot in person at the camp, about noon. From that moment all idea of further hostile operations against the city was abandoned.

Shortly before Capt. Elliot's arrival, Sir Hugh Gough had held a short conference, accompanied by Sir Le Fleming Senhouse, with the Tartar General in person, outside the walls, in a tent pitched for the purpose. The result was of little importance, as it was already known that terms had been negotiated by Capt. Elliot.

It could not be doubted that both Sir Hugh Gough andSir Le Fleming Senhouse were exceedingly averse to granting any terms to the Chinese until our troops should have got possession of the city, and established themselves upon the fortified hill within the walls, which would have secured our troops against any possible surprise or treachery, and would have exercised a salutary moral effect upon the government, without causing any wanton damage to the town or annoyance to the people. In fact, it could not have failed to humble the pride of the Chinese, when they knew that a large garrison of foreign soldiers had made themselves masters of one of the principal cities in the empire, supposed to contain nearly a million of inhabitants.

Various stories were current concerning the mode in which the ransom of the city was first proposed. One of the most credited accounts was that the Hong merchants were ordered by the authorities to go and make terms for the ransom of the town, in some way or other, under pain of severe displeasure or punishment. It was said that they were authorized to go as far astenmillions of dollars, if a less sum would not suffice; but on no account to return without effecting the object. They must have known that they would themselves have to pay the greater part of the amount, and naturally wished to make the best bargain they could.

It is said that in the first instance they pulled along side one of our men-of-war, and offered three millions for the ransom of the city. As they evidently appeared to be in a hurry to make a bargain of some sort or other, they were told that a much larger sum would be required. Four millions were then proposed, and then five millions; and at length, in great trepidation, and with many protestations of poverty, they raised the offer to six millions. In the first instance they were scarcely thought to be in earnest, but as the thing now really looked serious, they were directed to go and confer with Capt. Elliot. It was not difficult to persuade him to grant a truce until twelve o'clock the following day, the 27th; and, in the intervening time, terms were definitively agreed upon.

The twenty-four hours' truce, in the first instance, was quite unknown to Sir Hugh Gough, to whom an officer of the navy had been sent in the afternoon to convey the information; but having missed his way, and wandered all night, he only reached the head quarters, as before stated, within half an hour of the time the batteries were to open. The fact of the truce having been granted was now sufficient to account for the Chinese having continued to display the white flag fromthe walls the preceding day, after it had been lowered by Sir Hugh Gough upon the heights.

As it had been stipulated that the Tartar troops should leave the city and retire to a distance of sixty miles from it, a conference was held on the 28th between Sir Hugh Gough and the prefect of the city, in order to make arrangements for the evacuation of Canton. It was now ascertained that the force amounted to no less than forty-five thousand men from distant provinces, besides those troops which belonged to the province itself.

The Tartar soldiers were allowed to march out with their arms and baggage, but without displaying their banners, and without music.

So far then the authorities appeared to have perfect control over the people of the city, and over the troops belonging to other provinces which formed the garrison. But beyond the city it was not so easy for them to exercise the same degree of authority, particularly as regarded the armed peasants. For some time the peasantry of the province, particularly in the neighbourhood of the city, had been encouraged to form themselves into societies, or patriotic bands, as they were called, for mutual defence against the foreigners. They constituted a sort of rude military; but having inexperienced leaders and no discipline, they were calculated, if once their passions were roused, to become much more troublesome to the province itself than they were formidable to the enemy. They were imperfectly armed, every man according to his own taste, with spears, swords, a few matchlocks, and shields. With perfect ignorance of military affairs, and without any knowledge of the resources of the enemy they were to encounter, they believed that, by mere force of numbers, and a show of courage at a distance, they could effect that which even their regular Tartars had been totally unable to accomplish. Yet they were held up to the nation at large by the government as models of patriotism and self-devotion; and so impressed were they with the high value of their proffered services, that they really believed the high officers had betrayed their trust in acceding to Captain Elliot's terms for the ransom of the city; and that the anxiety of the inhabitants to save their own property had induced them to make unreasonable concessions, at the very moment whenthey(the patriots) were advancing to exterminate their enemies by falling upon their rear.

It is, therefore, not surprising that, two days after the city had been ransomed—namely, on the 29th, a considerablebody of these men began to collect upon the heights, about three or four miles in the rear of our positions. Their numbers continued to increase throughout the day, and Sir Hugh Gough, being fully prepared to expect some act of treachery or bad faith under cover of a flag of truce, directed Major-General Burrell to take charge of our positions, and to hold every man in readiness to repel any attack from the city, while he himself advanced in person to meet and disperse the enemy, who now shewed themselves.

The 26th regiment, under Major Pratt, which had occupied the factories until the 27th, had been brought up to Tsingpoo by the Nemesis on that day, and had joined Sir Hugh Gough upon the heights. The force which the general now took with him comprised that regiment, the 49th, except one company left at the joss-house on the heights, the 37th, M.N.I., and the company of Bengal Volunteers, supported by the Royal Marines. These two latter were to be held in reserve, so as to be in readiness to return towards the heights, and act upon the flank, should any attack be made from the town during the absence of so large a portion of our force.

The Chinese had descended from the heights in the rear upon which they had first appeared, and had taken up rather a strong position behind an embankment along the bed of a stream; they appeared to number about four thousand men. The 26th regiment, which had not yet been engaged, supported by the 37th M.N.I., were ordered to advance and drive them from this position, which they effected without any loss. Like most irregular troops, the Chinese patriots could not act together in a body, but took to flight, throwing away their spears as soon as a well directed fire was opened upon them. They attempted to rally for a moment at a sort of military post in their rear, but they did not make a stand. The buildings were immediately destroyed, together with a magazine, which was unexpectedly found in the adjoining village. The Chinese retreated to the heights upon which they had first appeared.

Sir Hugh Gough, having then directed the 49th and Bengal Volunteers to fall back upon our original position upon the heights, remained to watch in person the movements of the Chinese, with the 26th and the 37th M.N.I., amounting together to between five hundred and six hundred men.

The heat of the sun this day was excessive; it was so sultry that both officers and men suffered great exhaustion, and Major Beecher, the deputy quartermaster-general, whose exertions had been unremitting throughout the previous days, fell down and almost immediately expired; several otherofficers also fell sick. Within two or three hours after the first repulse of the Chinese, they again collected upon the heights in greater numbers than before, fresh bodies of them having now come up with banners, &c., amounting to from seven thousand to eight thousand men.

Captain Knowles of the artillery, who had been ordered to bring up some rockets, now threw them with great precision among the Chinese, but without being able to disperse them; indeed, they appeared determined to shew a bold front; and the general, therefore, directed Major Pratt, with the 26th, to attack a large body of them who had descended from the heights to some rice-fields on his left. Captain Duff, with the 37th M.N.I., supported by the Bengal Volunteers, was also directed to advance and disperse a large body in his front, who had attempted to reoccupy the military post which had been already burnt; they were then to push forward towards the hills, and clear them of the enemy.

These manœuvres were executed with complete success, the Chinese being dispersed at all points. The 37th M.N.I., however, pushed on rather further than had been intended, and got separated from the Bengal Volunteers. Captain Duff had, however, detached a company to open his communication with the 26th, who were at some distance on his left. But the day was now far advanced, and the thunder-storm, the approach of which had been surely indicated by the extreme sultriness and oppressive heat of the morning, now burst upon them with inconceivable fury. The rain also descended in such torrents that the firelocks got wet and scarcely a single musket would go off. The 26th were, in consequence, frequently compelled to charge with the bayonet, for the Chinese, who hovered about them, seeing that they could not use their firelocks, came boldly up to attack them with their long spears, which are formidable from their length. After several repulses, the Chinese at length withdrew, and our troops were directed to return to their positions.

It was on this occasion, and in the midst of this terrific storm, in the dusk of evening, that the gallant conduct and steadiness of the company of the 37th M.N.I., which, as before stated, had been detached to open a communication with the 26th, on their left, saved them from total destruction, and won for them the praise of all military men. The story has been so often told, and with so little variation in its details, that it is scarcely necessary to repeat it; a few words will do justice to their gallantry. The detached company having missed the road during the storm, did not succeed in joining the 26th, who, in the meantime, had, in fact, retired.Their muskets were found completely useless, owing to the wet, which emboldened the Chinese to attack their rear with their long spears, as they had done the 26th. They were soon surrounded; and one or two of the men were pulled over with a long crooked spear, something in the shape of a small reaping-hook, fixed upon a long pole. The musket of one of the men who had fallen was picked up by the Chinese, the powder being so damp in the pan that it would not go off with the flint and steel. The Chinese soldier, however, deliberately placed the musket to his shoulder, and, taking steady aim at one of the officers, Mr. Berkeley, applied his match to the damp powder, which ignited, and the musket went off, and unfortunately wounded Mr. Berkeley in the arm.

The gallant little company of Sepoys were now moved to some rising ground, where they could better defend themselves. For a moment, the rain ceased; and then with the utmost difficulty they were enabled to get a few muskets off, with unerring effect upon the dense mass of Chinese who surrounded them. But fortune was determined to prolong their trial still. The rain again descended in torrents, just as they had begun their retreat; and the Chinese, taking fresh courage, resumed their attacks. Nothing now remained but to form a square, and stand true to each other, until the morning dawned, and enabled them to fight their way through the enemy.

The absence of this company, when all the rest of the force was concentrated, caused great anxiety concerning their fate. It was rightly attributed to the severity of the storm, but it was feared that they might possibly have been cut off by the Chinese.

Without loss of time, Sir Hugh Gough ordered up two companies of marines, who were comparatively fresh, and armed with percussion muskets, to return with Captain Duff in search of the missing company. As they advanced they fired an occasional shot, as a signal to their comrades of their approach, and to animate their spirits. At length, an occasional shot was heard ahead of them, and they soon afterwards came up with the missing company, drawn up in a square, surrounded by thousands of Chinese. A couple of volleys sent into the midst of the confused crowd, by the unerring percussion-muskets[50]of the marines, accompanied by a loud "hurra," dispersed them with great loss, and they fled in confusion.

The generals own words will best do justice to this little incident:—"The Sepoys," says he, "in this critical situation, nobly upheld the high character of the native army, by unshrinking discipline, and cheerful obedience, and I feel that the expression of my best thanks is due to Lieutenants Hadfield and Devereux, and Ensign Berkeley, who zealously supported them during this trying scene."

They did not, however, escape without some loss, as one private was killed, and one officer and fourteen men were severely wounded.

This open hostility of the Chinese, during the operation of a truce, could not be permitted to continue; and, moreover, it was evident that no good purpose could be attained by merely dispersing these irregular bodies of the Chinese. Accordingly, on the following morning, the 31st, the general sent to inform the Kwang-chow-foo, or prefect, that if these hostile demonstrations were continued, he should be under the necessity of at once hauling down the flag of truce, and of recommencing hostilities against the city. In the course of the day, before any further arrangements had been made with the prefect, who promised to come and meet the general and Captain Elliot under the walls, the Chinese again collected upon the hills, displaying their banners, &c., and firing off their guns. Detached parties were also thrown in advance, as if they had some design of communicating with the Tartar troops, who, to the number of 7000, had already marched out of the city, and were still moving.

In the afternoon, the number of Chinese had still further increased, upon the same hills upon which they had appeared the day before. At length, the prefect arrived, and assured the general that the movements of these peasants were quite without the knowledge or sanction of the authorities, and that he would immediately send off an officer of rank to order them to disperse to their homes. It was agreed that one of our own officers should also accompany him, to endeavour to effect this object by their joint efforts; and Captain Moore, of the 34th Bengal N.I., volunteered to undertake this hazardous and responsible duty. Some treachery might possibly have been intended, although, as there was reason to believe, without the sanction of the prefect, who was personally, at that time, completely in our power. These irregular bodies were at length induced to disperse, and no further collision took place.[51]

During all the operations upon the heights, the greater part of the wounded were brought down and put on board the Nemesis, where they received every attention from the surgeon of the vessel, and particularly from Mr. Peter Young, who was then on board merely as a volunteer. The Nemesis was employed to convey them daily to their respective ships and transports. The total number of casualties amounted to fifteen killed, and one hundred and twelve wounded; among the latter were no less than fifteen officers.[52]The Chinese must have suffered very severely, as almost every shot told upon their heavy masses.

Upon the heights of Canton forty-nine guns were captured, besides a great number of ginjals. But if we reckon all the guns taken and destroyed in the Canton river and its numerous branches, from Chuenpee to Canton, they will be found to amount to not less thantwelve hundred pieces, besides ginjals, &c.

The resources of the Chinese seemed endless, and the rapidity with which they erected batteries and field-works was not a little remarkable. It cannot be said that they yielded without first making the most strenuous efforts to defend all the approaches to Canton; and they were rather wanting in skill, and the knowledge of the best mode of applying their abundant resources, than in courage or determination to resist. The Chinese are capable of becoming a formidable enemy, and we cannot forget that, like the Russians, who were once so easily conquered, they may soon learn the art of war from their conquerors, and become formidable from the experience which their first disasters taught them.

On the 31st of May, nearly 18,000 Tartars had marched out of Canton, according to the terms agreed on. Five million dollars had also been paid, and security given for the other million which was still to be paid. Preparations were therefore made, at the request of Captain Elliot, for the re-embarkation of our forces, and their withdrawal from before Canton. With the assistance of eight hundred Chinese labourers, who were furnished for the purpose by the prefect, the guns, ammunition, and stores were brought down to Tsingpoo on the morning of the 1st of June, under a strong escort; and the British flag having been lowered in the forts upon the heights, the whole of our force was re-embarked in the afternoon, under the superintendence of Captain Bourchier and Captain Maitland.

Sir Hugh Gough particularly noticed the absence of excess of every kind which distinguished the men during the eight days they were on shore. Although placed in situations where temptation was abundant, only two instances of drunkenness occurred during the whole period.

The treaty, or perhaps rather the truce, which had been made, by no means implied the conclusion of peace between the two nations; it had reference solely to the city and river of Canton, the whole of the forts and defences of which were to be restored to the Chinese as soon as the ransom had been paid; it was, however, stipulated that they were not to bere-armed"until affairs between the two countries should be finally settled." Accordingly, as soon as our forces, both military and naval, had been again concentrated at Hong-Kong, preparations were immediately recommenced for the resumption of the projected expedition against Amoy.

Back to Index Next