AIM HIGH.

"Mary, the Mother of Washington."

The extent of woman's moral power can only be limited by the extent of her capacities. In every circle, whether domestic, social, or political, the accomplished woman is a central power—imperium in imperio; and though she may not directly exercise the right of suffrage, yet her influence and her counsels, even an expression of her wish, enable her to control the political, as well as the social, destinies of men and of nations. It is in this way that she may "have her way." It was the accomplished wife of Mr. Monroe who made him President of the United States. She was the first to propose his name as a candidate. Her influence with members of Congress induced them to concur in advocating his election; he was elected. His administration, as we all know, was distinguished as "the era of good feeling."

The prevalent idea that women need less education than men is a gross error, worthy of heathendom perhaps, but entirely unworthy of Christendom. Let women be as generally and as liberally educated as men, and, my word for it, the question of woman's rights would soon settle itself. The right of women to be thus educated cannot be doubted, because it is a divine right, and because God has made woman the maternal teacher of mankind, and the chief corner-stone of the social fabric. Yet she should be educated with reference to her proper sphere as woman,—a sphere which is higher than that of man in the economy of Nature. Her capacities for industrial pursuits, such as areconsistent with her physical abilities, should be developed so that she may be qualified to provide for herself, and to sustain herself in life's battle, if need be, without the aid of a "companion in arms."

Nevertheless, marriage is one of Heaven's irrevocable laws. It is, in fact, the great law of all animal-life, and even of plant-life. Nowhere in Nature is there a single instance in which this law is not obeyed, in due time, except in the case of mankind. Why is this? It certainly would not be so if it were not for some grand defect in our social system,—some false notions acquired by education, which are peculiar to our civilization, and which induce apostasy to truth and natural justice. Man was created to be the protector of woman, and woman to be the helpmeet of man. Each therefore has an appropriate sphere; and the obligations of each are mutual, growing out of their mutual interest and dependence. The sphere of the one is just as important as the sphere of the other. Neither can live, nor ought to live, without the aid, the love, and the sympathy of the other. Whether so disposed or not, neither can commit an infraction of the other's rights, without violating a law of Nature.

Whatever may be the evils of our present social or political system, it is evident that theright of suffrage, if extended to woman, could not afford a remedy, but on the contrary, would tend to weaken, rather than strengthen, mutual interests, by creating unwomanly aspirations and domestic dissensions, thus sundering the ties of love and affection which naturally exist between the sexes. In a word, it would be opening Pandora's box, and letting escape the imps of social and political discord, and finally result in universal misrule, if not in positive anarchy.

Modesty and delicacy are the crowning characteristics of a true woman. She naturally shrinks from the storms of political strife. Give her the right of suffrage,—a boon no sensible woman desires; place her in office, in the halls of legislation, in the Presidential chair; enrobe her with the judicial ermine, or make her the executive officer of a criminal tribunal,—and how could she assume the tender relations of a mother, and at the same time officiate in any of these high places of public trust, in which the sternest and most inflexible duties are often required to be performed?

It is not possible, however, that the erratic comets, whose trailing light occasionally flashes athwart our political sky, will ever acquire sufficient momentum to jostle the "fixed stars" out of place, because there is a fixed law ofNature which preserves them in place. There is also a law of Nature which makes man not only the protector, but the worshipper, of woman,—a worship which is as instinctively paid as reciprocated, and which is by no means inconsistent with the worship of God, but in truth is a part of it. It is this kind of worship—this natural and holy impulse of the heart—which constitutes the basis of man's rights and of woman's rights, and should harmonize all their relations in life.

We see the instinctive exhibition of man's reverence for women almost every day of our lives, and often in a way that proves how ridiculous are modern theories in regard to woman's rights, when brought to the test in practical life. Not long since, in one of our cities where a woman's rights convention was in session, a strong-minded female delegate entered a street railway car, when an old gentleman arose to give her his seat, but at that moment, suspecting her to be a delegate, asked, "Be you one of these women's righters?"—"I am." "You believe a woman should have all the rights of a man?"—"Yes, I do." "Then stand up and enjoy them like a man." And stand up she did,—the old gentleman coolly resuming his seat, to the great amusement of the other passengers.

Whatever maybe the pretensions of agitators, it is certain that no woman of refined culture, or of proper self-respect, will attempt to step outside of her appropriate sphere. This she cannot do if she would, without doing violence to the sensibilities of her nature. When true to herself, woman, like the lily-of-the-valley, prefers the valley, where she can display her native loveliness in comparative retirement, secure from the inclemencies of a frowning sky; while man, born with a more rugged nature, prefers, like the sturdy oak, to climb the hills and the mountains, where he delights to breast the assaults of storm and tempest, and to fling the shadow of his stately form over the valley, as if to protect the ethereal beauty of the lily from the too ardent gaze of the sun. And, though a solitary flower may sometimes be seen climbing the mountain height, it is only the modest lily-of-the-valley—the true woman—whose cheering smile man aspires to share, and whose purity of character calls into exercise his reverent admiration.

"Honored be woman! she beams on the sight,Graceful and fair as an angel of light;Scatters around her, wherever she strays,Hoses of bliss on our thorn-covered ways;Roses of paradise, sent from above,To be gathered and twined in a garland of love!"

"Honored be woman! she beams on the sight,

Graceful and fair as an angel of light;

Scatters around her, wherever she strays,

Hoses of bliss on our thorn-covered ways;

Roses of paradise, sent from above,

To be gathered and twined in a garland of love!"

AIM HIGH.

In addressing you as a graduating class, permit me to suggest for your consideration a few thoughts on the importance of regarding self-culture not only as a duty, but as the only means of elevating and ennobling your aspirations in life.

Though you have completed your academical course with a degree of success which does you credit, you should remember that the great work of education still lies before you, and that the formation of your characters and the shaping of your destinies are committed to your own hands. And here let me assure you that it is little rather than great things which mark the character of a true gentleman. In fact, there is but one way in which a refined education can be acquired, and that is, "little by little."

It is thus from day to day, from year to year, from everybody, and from everything, that you may learn, if you will, something new, something useful; and though you care not to do it, yet you will, in spite of yourselves, learnsomething, good or evil, just as you may choose to apply it.

You certainly have the power to choose between good and evil,—in other words, to achieve the loftiest aims. Yet in directing your aspirations, you must adapt means to ends; collect your materials and refine them, and in refining them give them the brilliancy of costly jewels,—jewels which you can wear with becoming grace and dignity wherever you may go, and at all times and under all circumstances.

The acquisition of a mere book-knowledge, however desirable, will avail you but little, unless you acquire at the same time correct habits and principles, united with refinement of manners. The world will be likely to take your personal appearance, your style of dress and address, as the true index of your character, and whether deceived at first view or not, will finally estimate you at your true value. In perfecting your education, it is not to be expected that you are to master every branch of human learning, but rather that you are to make your life a life of thought, of study, of observation, of strife to excel in all that is good, and in doing good.

In attempting to achieve great things in the world, you must not overlook little things,—little attentions, little civilities due to others withwhom you may come in contact; for your claims to consideration will be estimated by the character of your conduct in social life. There are certain conventionalities recognized in good society which you must respect, and to which you must conform, if you would be well received. Your manners and habits are therefore of vital importance as elements of character.

It has been truly said that man is a "bundle of habits." It may be said with equal truth that our own worst enemies are "bad habits." We all know that bad habits fasten themselves upon us, as it were, by stealth; and though we may not perceive the influence which they exert over us, yet other persons perceive it, remark it, and judge us accordingly. The formation of correct habits in early life is comparatively easy, while the correction of bad habits, when once formed, is always difficult, especially in more advanced years. In a word, if you would become model characters, you must discard all bad habits, all odd habits, all that is ungracious or ungraceful in word, deed, or manner, and make it the leading rule of your life to observe the proprieties of life in all places and under all circumstances. In order to achieve all this, it is indispensable that you should study yourselves, watch yourselves, criticise yourselves, and know yourselves as others know you. Thevalue of self-examination has been forcibly as well as beautifully expressed in a single stanza by Robert Burns,—

"O wad some power the giftie gie usTo see oursel's as ithers see us!It wad frae monie a blunder free us,An' foolish notion:What airs in dress an' gait wad lea'e us,An' ev'n devotion!"

"O wad some power the giftie gie us

To see oursel's as ithers see us!

It wad frae monie a blunder free us,

An' foolish notion:

What airs in dress an' gait wad lea'e us,

An' ev'n devotion!"

It is true that in relation to the laws of etiquette many books have been written, which are in fact more read than observed, and which are more perplexing than practical. No lady or gentleman was ever made truly polite, truly agreeable, truly amiable, by a strict observance of artificial rules. Something more is needed; something must be done. It is in the heart, in the exercise of all the moral and Christian virtues, that true politeness has its foundation. True politeness is never selfish, never ostentatious, but always overflowing with kindness, always angelic in its attributes. In word and deed, it is always considerate, delicate, and graceful; yet in its ministrations it always preserves its own self-respect, while it manifests its sincere respect for all that is good and for all that is meritorious.

Heaven has imposed on us the duty of acquiring all the knowledge we can. In discharge ofthis heaven-born duty, we should begin at once the great work of self-culture,—a work never to be discontinued. He who would build a spacious and a lofty temple, a fit dwelling-place for divinity, must first lay the foundations broad and deep,—not in sand, but on a rock; and then, though storm and tempest beat against it, it cannot fall, because it is founded on a rock.

But in adopting a system of self-culture, too much care cannot be bestowed on the cultivation of your manners, your attitudes, your style of conversation, and your expression of sentiment. In regard to manners, it is impossible to prescribe exact rules. The best models for you to copy are to be found in the manners of the model men and women of our country who give tone to society. At any rate, be governed by good sense and by the dictates of nature, so modified by art as to conceal art. To disguise art is the perfection of art. In this lies the secret power of angelic charms,—the charm of polished womanhood and manhood.

In your social intercourse employ a pure and unambitious style of diction, and be careful to maintain a quiet and unobtrusive deportment; and above all things avoid singularities and eccentricities, nor attempt to attract attention for the sake of gratifying an overweening vanity. And while you manifest a due respect forothers, be careful to maintain your own self-respect. Never indulge in exhibiting violence of temper; but on all occasions control your feelings and expressions, though provocations arise which justly excite your indignation.

If you would attain to the highest possible standard of social refinement and moral virtue, you must rely on yourselves, must look into the mirror of your own hearts and behold your own defects, and then proceed at once to apply the appropriate remedies. To do this effectively may cost you much labor, yet the task will be found comparatively easy when you have resolved to execute it.

It is not only your privilege, but your duty, to acquire knowledge from every source, as the bee gathers honey from every flower. Collect and compare facts; for in every fact, whether great or small, there lies hid a lesson of wisdom,—a logic which is not only irresistible, but divine. Theories are of but little value unless attested by facts. All mere theories are alike worthless, whether they relate to the physical or moral world. "Prove all things, and hold fast that which is good." No better rule than this, for your guidance through life, ever was or ever can be given. Facts, though "stubborn things," are never falsehoods. You may therefore regard facts as truth, as the kind of mental food youshould acquire, digest, and convert into nutriment, and thus grow strong and wise, until you have realized the great fact that "man was created but a little lower than the angels."

For the purpose of self-culture, in its highest sense, an ordinary lifetime seems quite too short, though prolonged to threescore years and ten. The value of time cannot be overestimated. If we would but consider how many precious moments we fritter away and lose in an unprofitable manner, we should see that it is the want of a due regard for the value of time, rather than a want of time, of which we should complain. It is not, therefore, the fault of a Divine Providence that we have not time enough to perfect ourselves in the arts of a refined civilization, and in the realization of the highest enjoyment of which our nature is capable. Whatever else you may lose, never lose a moment of time which can be profitably employed. A moment of time once lost can never be regained. Insignificant as a moment may seem, your destiny may depend on the improvement you may make of it, on the deed or thought it may prompt. Life, though long, is made up of moments, and terminates in a moment; and all true knowledge is founded in truth.

If you would prolong your lives, and enjoyhealth and happiness accompanied with vigor of mind, study the laws of health and obey them. Make yourselves thoroughly acquainted with yourselves, by becoming acquainted with the physiology of the human system, and by living in compliance with the requisitions of its principles. Nature is the best physician you can employ, whatever may be your malady; but in order to be healed by her prescriptions, you must apply to her in time, and adopt the uniform and temperate habits of life which her laws require.

It is said that Nature has her favorites. This may be true. It would seem that some persons are born poets, some philosophers, some fiddlers, some one thing, and some another. It may be said that such persons are specialists, born to accomplish a special purpose. They doubtless subserve the interests of mankind as models, or standards of merit, in their respective specialties; yet to be born a genius is not in itself a matter of merit, but it is the good one does in the world which creates merit and crowns life with honors.

Nearly all of our truly great men are men of self-culture, who have acquired brains by the slow process of a lifelong industry in the pursuit of knowledge. This class of men are not only much more numerous than born geniuses,but much more useful. They have a wider range of intellect and wield a wider influence. They are men who read, think, and digest what they read. In their choice of books they select standard authors. They are not book-worms, devouring everything that is published; nor are they literary dyspeptics, who feed on sentimentalism and French cookery, but hale, hearty men, who prefer common-sense and roast beef,—caring more for the quality of their food than for the quantity.

The world in which we live is a beautiful world. He who made it pronounced it good, and designed it for the residence of the good. It is in itself a paradise for all who choose to make it a paradise. In a physical sense, it is not only a beautiful world, but a great storehouse full of knowledge, full of wisdom, full of facts,—a record of the past and of the future, written by a divine hand. In short, it is the great Book of Life—of Revelation—in every word of which we may find an outspoken thought,—

"Tongues in trees, books in the running brooks,Sermons in stones, and good in everything."

"Tongues in trees, books in the running brooks,

Sermons in stones, and good in everything."

In estimating your life-work, you should feel that yours is a high destiny, and that much is expected of you. If you would succeed in the world, you must have faith in yourselves aswell as in a Divine Providence, and act upon the principle that "God helps those who help themselves." Wherever you go, make yourselves as acceptable and as agreeable to all with whom you come in contact as possible. If you would be preferred, prefer others; and if you would be beloved, scatter flowers by the wayside of life, but never plant thorns, and in all you do and say, unite modesty with simplicity and sincerity.

There can be no true manhood or womanhood that does not rest on character, in the highest sense of the term. In fact, it is the character we bear that defines our social position. The formation of character is a work of our own, and requires the exercise of all the better and higher powers of our nature. On character depends not only our usefulness in life, but our individual happiness. Character is the engraved mark, or sign, by which every individual is known, and indicates the essential traits of his moral composition, the qualities of his head and heart, as displayed in his aspirations and in the work of his life. Character is more enduring than reputation. God respects character; man respects reputation. The one is as lasting as eternity; the other as evanescent as the bubble that glitters in the sunshine for a moment, and then disappears forever.

In forming a true character, such an one as crowns the true man with an imperishable diadem, there are many things to be considered, especially the materials which enter into its moral masonry. Its foundation must be solid and immovable, its superstructure chaste and elegant, and its proportions harmonious and beautiful. Like a temple built for the gods, it should be worthy of the gods. It should be not only beautiful in its exterior, but be in its interior the life-work of a truly heroic soul.

Character represents soul. As character is moulded by human instrumentalities, so is soul. Soul is therefore the essence of a true manhood, a living principle that cannot die. It is an influence in itself, and out of itself, felt everywhere and forever. It is the moral life and the eternal life. Like a pebble cast into the broad ocean, its impulse is sensibly felt by the entire ocean; every particle moves a particle, until the vast deep is moved. Such is individual influence. If character, then, be what it should be, truthful, noble, divine, it will necessarily be godlike, and exert an influence in harmony with the benevolent designs of Heaven.

And yet there are thousands who seem to live without purpose,—live merely to vegetate. Of course such persons do not live in earnest, and hence do nothing in earnest. They havelife, but no lofty aspirations. They may have souls; but if so, they remain undeveloped. In fact, persons of this character have no character, no earnest work, no significance. And for this reason, though living, they are literally dead. If we would make the world what it should be, we must first make ourselves what we should be. The work must begin at home in our own hearts, and with a view to our own moral needs.

In the cultivation of a pure heart-life, we should begin by cultivating "a conscience void of offence." If we would unlock the gate of paradise, we must look for the key where it is to be found. We may rest assured that it cannot be found in an uncultivated field of brambles and briers, nor amid the rubbish of a misspent life; yet to find it, only requires diligent search. Though everything beautiful, everything noble, everything sublime, may lie in the distance, yet it is attainable; it is theultimatumthat we should seek,—something substantial, something eternal. Mere fame is nothing worth. It is a thing of earth, and not of heaven.

There may be an innate feeling or principle that constitutes what is called conscience; yet it must be conceded that conscience is practically but the product or outgrowth of education, andmay therefore be so moulded as to become the just or unjust judge of the moral questions which involve both our present and future welfare. How important, then, that this judge should not only be a righteous, but an educated judge, familiar with the principles of right and wrong, and stern in the application of them! In a word, conscience is the central life of character,—the silent monitor within our own breasts, whose moral influence controls our destiny.

The law of love may be regarded as the great law which underlies all law, because it is divine. In fact, love is the law that pervades the universe, and in itself is sufficiently indicative of our moral obligations. He who is governed by it, cannot err. It is not, however, what we do for ourselves, but rather what we do for others, that can afford the most substantial happiness. If you would receive, you must give, influenced by a kind and generous spirit. "Overcome evil with good." In this way, like a moral Alexander, you may conquer the world.

It is doubtless true that conscience, being essentially the outgrowth of education, is ever in a formative state, and may therefore be strengthened and elevated in its moral perceptions by culture. The more perfect its judgment, the more perfect the man or woman.There can be no religion without conscience; nor can there be conscience without religion. The one is a counterpart of the other; and equally true is it that the character of the one reflects the character of the other.

A true religion does not consist in a mere profession of faith, nor in church membership, but in that which is the leading principle of our lives; in that which binds us to achieve an ultimate aim; in that which calls into exercise all our moral powers, and harmonizes our lives with the requisitions of the divine law. Yet any religion is better than none. Even the pagan is not destitute of a religion of some sort, however debased it may be. It is simply the refinement of a higher civilization which has made the difference between the pagan and the Christian. Nothing can be more important, therefore, than the kind of education which is bestowed on us in childhood, or the kind of self-culture which we choose to bestow on ourselves. And though circumstances may be adverse to our interests, it is our duty to conquer circumstances, and take into our own hands the fabrication of our fortunes. In this life every day brings with it new lessons; and though some of them may be pernicious, all of them have their value. If there were nothing evil, there would be nothing good,—for the reasonthat there would be no contrast, no standard of comparison. And yet between good and evil there is no halfway house, no "happy medium."

In every question of right and wrong there are but two sides. The one or the other we must take, either directly or indirectly. We cannot take a neutral stand if we would; nor can we identify ourselves with both sides. Sincerity and hypocrisy are not born of the same parentage, and cannot therefore walk hand in hand, nor take the same social position. They are marked by a different sign, and by their sign they are readily recognized. Appear where they will, the one will be respected, the other despised.

If you would excel in anything, in any particular pursuit, you must first resolve to excel, and then persevere, cost what it will. If you encounter lions in your path, exterminate them. In ascending mountains, make difficulties your stepping-stones, and never look back until you reach the summit, and can breathe freely in a pure atmosphere. If you would reach the stars, construct your own ladder, and climb until you not only reach them, but are crowned with them. The soul never becomes truly heroic until it becomes truly godlike in its aspirations and purposes.

It is only in the practice of the cardinal virtues—prudence, justice, temperance, fortitude—that we acquire that divine power which alone can make us divine. It is only in the adoption of lofty aims that we can expect to reach a lofty ideal. Everything is possible to him who has resolved to make it possible. In other words, where there is a will there is a way. The will is the motive-power; if this be wanting, then all is wanting that goes to make up the character of an heroic soul. The world needs moral as well as physical heroes,—heroes who know their duty, and dare do it. In the battle of life none but the wise and the valiant can be safely intrusted with the command. The hostile powers of darkness, of ignorance, of superstition, challenge the field, and cannot be overcome without a severe conflict. The crisis has come. Whether armed or unarmed, you must meet the foe; for results you must trust in yourselves. It will never do to trust in shields, in breastplates, in fire-arms, or in faith without works. If you would conquer, you must go into battle inspired with lofty aims, and with a divine enthusiasm; then will victory perch on your standard, and the eagle of freedom, fire-eyed, pierce the sun.

And yet you should remember that in your attempts to achieve success, you must deservesuccess. It is only in severe moral discipline that you can see what you need, and acquire what you need,—eminent virtue, industry, and sagacity. In social life, be social, amiable, and accomplished; in domestic life, be something more,—be kind, considerate, and sympathetic. Whether you have one or more talents, improve them; they will grow brighter by constant use. Whatever may be your capacities, never indulge in vain aspirations. However seductive the temptations which may beset you, never compromise your integrity. However ambitious you may be in your ultimate aims, regard a good moral character as of infinite value. Always true to yourselves, be true to others. Place implicit confidence in no one, but confide in the strength of your own individuality. In adversity be hopeful, and always look on the bright side of things.

In selecting a profession or business for life, be governed by your natural taste or capacity,—your peculiar talent for this or that pursuit. If embarrassed by circumstances, never yield to them, but resolve to excel in whatever you undertake. Perseverance is the secret of success. If born with the gift of genius, make it available; do something new; invent something new; and in this way bequeath something valuable to mankind. In other words, livefor mankind, and if need be, die for mankind. Adopt this as the religious sentiment of your life, and act in accordance with it, and your works will sufficiently attest the purity of your faith.

And yet you are not required to crucify yourselves; but on the contrary, it is your duty, while striving to live for others, to live for yourselves, and thus make yourselves and your homes as happy as possible. It is not in the shade, but in the sunshine, that you should seek to live. It is only thenowof life, the fleeting present, of which you are certain. If, then, you would be prosperous, if you would be happy, if you would look to the future with a pleasing hope, so live as to feel that you are sustained, in all you do, by an approving conscience, and by the divine counsels of Infinite Wisdom. It is only by living thus that you can make life on earth what it should be,—a heaven-life.

He who made all things has made no distinction between heaven and earth. It is man that has made the distinction. The natural atmosphere which surrounds the earth is pure and healthful; it is only the moral atmosphere that has become impure and deleterious. It needs no chemical agencies to purify it; it must be purified, if at all, by moral agencies. In other words, we must recognize ourobligations to our fellow-men, and obey the "Golden Rule," as prescribed by the law of love, if we would succeed in making earth a heaven.

Almost every American of culture has an object in view for which he lives,—some ultimate aim or aspiration which stimulates him to effort. It may be a desire to excel in some one of the learned professions, or to become a millionnaire, a hero in the battle-field, a Solon in the halls of legislation, perhaps President of the United States. In attempting achievements of this character, it should be remembered that knowledge is the basis of success. It is knowledge that gives power, and wisdom that should direct us in wielding it. Yet a man may be learned, and still be a cipher in the world. God gave to man a divine outline, and then left him to perfect himself, at least in a mental sense. This he must do, or remain an animal, and "feed on husks."

Nearly all our great men are self-made men. This is true of Washington, Franklin, Jefferson, and scores of others who, like them, have acquired an enviable renown. Thus, in all ages of the world, have men of noble aspirations reached eminent positions and immortalized their names.

It is somewhat surprising, however, that mostof our American graduates look to the learned professions, rather than to a practical business life, as affording the widest field for the acquisition of wealth and high social position. This, it seems to me, is a great mistake. Not more than one professional man in ten ever rises above mediocrity in his profession, though he may prove to be useful, and succeed in acquiring a comfortable livelihood.

In fact, the learned professions have yet to learn that the supply exceeds the demand. And hence there is but little use in attempting to shine as a "star" in any of the professions, unless you have a sufficient brilliancy to take rank as a "star of the first magnitude."

And yet we cannot have too many men of liberal education; the more the better. They are needed in every pursuit in life, and in every place. It is not the occupation that dignifies a man, but the man that dignifies the occupation. When you have chosen a pursuit, whatever it may be, aim high. Yes,—

"Give me a man with an aim,Whatever that aim may be;Whether it's wealth or whether it's fame,It matters not to me.Let him walk in the path of right,And keep his aim in sight,And work and pray in faith alway,With his eye on the glittering height."Give me a man who says,'I will do something well,And make the fleeting daysA story of labor tell.'Though aim he has be small,It is better than none at all;With something to do the whole year through,He will not stumble or fall."But Satan weaves a snareFor the feet of those who strayWith never a thought or careWhere the path may lead away.The man who has no aimNot only leaves no nameWhen this life is done, but, ten to one,He leaves a record of shame."Give me a man whose heartIs filled with ambition's fire;Who sets his mark in the start,And keeps moving higher and higher.Better to die in the strife,The hands with labor rife,Than to glide with the stream in an idle dream,And lead a purposeless life."Better to strive and climbAnd never reach the goal,Than to drift along with time,An aimless, worthless soul.Ay, better to climb and fall,Or sow, though the yield be small,Than to throw away day after day,And never strive at all."

"Give me a man with an aim,

Whatever that aim may be;

Whether it's wealth or whether it's fame,

It matters not to me.

Let him walk in the path of right,

And keep his aim in sight,

And work and pray in faith alway,

With his eye on the glittering height.

"Give me a man who says,'I will do something well,And make the fleeting daysA story of labor tell.'Though aim he has be small,It is better than none at all;With something to do the whole year through,He will not stumble or fall.

"Give me a man who says,

'I will do something well,

And make the fleeting days

A story of labor tell.'

Though aim he has be small,

It is better than none at all;

With something to do the whole year through,

He will not stumble or fall.

"But Satan weaves a snareFor the feet of those who strayWith never a thought or careWhere the path may lead away.The man who has no aimNot only leaves no nameWhen this life is done, but, ten to one,He leaves a record of shame.

"But Satan weaves a snare

For the feet of those who stray

With never a thought or care

Where the path may lead away.

The man who has no aim

Not only leaves no name

When this life is done, but, ten to one,

He leaves a record of shame.

"Give me a man whose heartIs filled with ambition's fire;Who sets his mark in the start,And keeps moving higher and higher.Better to die in the strife,The hands with labor rife,Than to glide with the stream in an idle dream,And lead a purposeless life.

"Give me a man whose heart

Is filled with ambition's fire;

Who sets his mark in the start,

And keeps moving higher and higher.

Better to die in the strife,

The hands with labor rife,

Than to glide with the stream in an idle dream,

And lead a purposeless life.

"Better to strive and climbAnd never reach the goal,Than to drift along with time,An aimless, worthless soul.Ay, better to climb and fall,Or sow, though the yield be small,Than to throw away day after day,And never strive at all."

"Better to strive and climb

And never reach the goal,

Than to drift along with time,

An aimless, worthless soul.

Ay, better to climb and fall,

Or sow, though the yield be small,

Than to throw away day after day,

And never strive at all."

AMERICA AND HER FUTURE.

There is something in the very name of America, when applied to the United States, which carries with it an inspiring influence,—an ideal of freedom and of true manhood. In referring to the incidents of her origin, in connection with the events of her subsequent career, it would seem that America is none other than a "child of destiny."

She was born amid the storms of a revolution, and commenced at birth to work out the great problems of civil and religious liberty. She has an abiding faith in herself, and believes it to be her mission to originate new views and discover new principles, as well as to try new experiments in the science of popular government. The greatest peculiarity in her character is that her past cannot be safely accepted as an index of her future; in other words, her past is not likely to be repeated. In fact, she does not wish to repeat or perpetuate anything that can be improved. Her political creed is as simple as it is brief,—the "greatest good to the greatest number;" and yet it is the most complexcreed, perhaps, that ever existed, involving questions which have not been, and cannot be, satisfactorily settled.

America knows what she has been, but does not know what she will be. It is doubtful if she knows what she would be. She has several favorite watchwords, such as progress, freedom, and equal rights, and but few, if any, settled opinions. Her present position, unstable as it may be, is her standpoint of judgment. In attempting to achieve what she most desires, she relies on experiment rather than precedent. In her forecast consist her welfare and her political sagacity; yet she can no more predict than control her future. None but a divine intelligence can comprehend the extent or grandeur of her future.

One thing is certain, the rapidity of her career approaches railway speed. What impediments may lie in her track, or what collisions may occur, it is impossible for man to foresee. It would seem, however, that she is an instrumentality in divine hands; a nationality, whose task it is to work out the great problem of a just government,—one in which all political power is vested in the people, and exercised by the people for the common purpose of securing the greatest possible good to the greatest possible number. The right to live under sucha government is a natural right, and should be accorded to every human being, the world over.

In all human governments there are, and probably ever will be, more or less imperfections growing out of mistaken theories, or arising from their practical workings. Though it may not be possible by legislation or otherwise to remedy every imperfection, yet there can be no political inequality which may not be so far modified as to extend to every citizen equal rights and equal justice. There is a natural love of freedom and of justice implanted within the human breast, which lies at the foundation, not only of the political, but of the social, fabric. This love of freedom and of justice is an instinctive feeling, if not an inspired sentiment, which ennobles the patriot, and converts him into a hero. When oppressed, the true hero smites his oppressor. This is a law of his nature—an attempt to redress a wrong—and therefore an element of human government. When a civil government has been instituted, positive law becomes the rule of right. But when nations differ, and diplomacy fails in its mission, there remains no recognized alternative for adjustment but a reference to the arbitrament of the sword. This final method of redressing national wrongs has descended to modern times from the primitive ages of barbarism, and when adopted, as oftenterminates in perpetuating the wrong as in redressing it. It is, to say the least of it, a method which is entirely inconsistent with the refined civilization of the present age.

There seems to be no good reason why an international code of laws might not be adopted by all civilized nations for their common government in redressing their grievances. If such a code could be framed and accepted, it would not only secure the just rights of nations from infraction as against each other, but would unite them in their mutual interests and sympathies by the indissoluble ties of a common fraternity. Then all differences and dissensions could be settled, as they should be, by negotiation or voluntary submission to arbitration; and then wars would cease, and rivers of blood no longer flow.

Nations, in their relations to each other, are but individuals, and should, as such, be subjected to wholesome restraints by some recognized authority. The proper authority would seem to be a representative Congress of Nations. This view of the matter is an American idea, and one which has been suggested by American experience. The assumption that every nation is an independent sovereignty, if not absurd in theory, is by no means true in fact. No civilized nation can live within itself and for itself, but must and will, in order to supply its wants,hold commercial intercourse with other nations. The productions of the earth belong to man, and are essential, whether of this or that clime, to his health and happiness, and will therefore be sought and distributed. Even the social relations of one nation with another are hardly less conducive to the general welfare than their commercial relations, especially since steam-power and the telegraph-wire have comparatively made all men next-door neighbors.

In these modern times no government which is not just in its administration can long survive without provoking a revolution. It is only as a last resort that revolution becomes an elementary right, and then it must succeed in order to be recognized as a right. Nations succeed each other as naturally as individuals, sooner or later. The interest of all, whether national or individual, is the interest of each. Hence mankind the world over should be regarded as a common brotherhood, entitled to the enjoyment of equal rights and equal justice as the legitimate sequence of their fraternal relationship. And yet neither in ancient nor in modern times do we find a perfect government. It is true, however, that we sometimes speak of our own American Republic as a perfect system of popular government; yet it is nothing more, in fact, than an unsatisfactory experiment. It is asystem which grew out of circumstances, and one which changes with circumstances.

It was near the close of the eighteenth century when America began to lose her affectionate regard for her mother England. This change in her affections grew out of the fact that the mother evinced a sincerer love for money than for the welfare of her daughter. Remonstrance, though calmly uttered, proved unavailing. It was then that America for the first time gave indications of possessing a proud puritanic spirit that would not brook oppression. The imposition of the Stamp Act had incurred her displeasure; nor did an invitation to "take tea" restore her to equanimity. Instead of condescending to take so much as a "sip" of that favorite beverage, she had the audacity to commit whole cargoes of it to the voracity of the "ocean wave." This offence provoked England to take an avowed hostile attitude. America, still unawed, proceeded to beat her ploughshares and pruning-hooks into broadswords; war, with all its horrors, ensued. The result was that after a seven-years contest, liberty triumphed, and American independence became an acknowledged fact.

America had statesmen in those days who were men of pluck. When they signed the Declaration of American Independence, andproclaimed it to the civilized world, they took their lives in their hands, and so far as human foresight could determine, were as likely to reach the gallows as to maintain the position they had assumed. But fortune "favored the brave," and instead of ascending the gallows, they ascended the pinnacle of fame, and now take rank among

"The few, the immortal namesThat were not born to die."

"The few, the immortal names

That were not born to die."

It will be recollected that our Pilgrim Fathers, on landing at Plymouth Rock, entered into a written compact which contained the germs of a republic,—principles which were expanded in the subsequent articles of colonial confederation, and finally were so developed and enlarged in their sweep and comprehension as to constitute not only the framework, but the life and spirit, of the federal Constitution, which has been accepted as the written will of a free and magnanimous people. In a republic like ours, the popular will, when clearly expressed, commands respect and must be obeyed. There is no alternative, nor should there be. As Americans, we believe in the Constitution, and in the "stars and stripes," and would die, if need be, in their defence. We also believe in ourselves, and in our capacity to take care ofourselves. This great fact is sufficiently illustrated in our past history as a nation.

When her population was but a small fraction of what it now is, America not only compelled England to acknowledge her independence, but also compelled her, in a subsequent war, to acknowledge the doctrine of "free trade and sailors' rights."

Ever intent on enlarging the "area of freedom," America next sent out her armies and took possession of the ancient palaces of the Montezumas, and finally settled differences by accepting the "golden land" of California, nor thought it at the time much of a bargain. And last, not least, she suppressed within her own borders, despite the adverse influences of England, one of the most formidable rebellions the world ever beheld, and succeeded in restoring fraternal harmony throughout the Union.

In the history of the world there have been many forms of human government, which have arisen at successive periods, and which may be classed as the patriarchal, the monarchical, the aristocratic, and the democratic. The last was originally a direct rule of the people, but from necessity and convenience has now become a representative government, chosen by the people, and controlled by their will and action as expressed through the medium of the ballot-box.The doctrine that "the majority must rule" is evidently based on the scriptural idea that in a "multitude of counsellors there is safety;" and yet this is not always true. Minorities are often right, and majorities wrong. What is right and what is wrong, is a matter of opinion, ever changing with the advance of civilization.

Take any form of government you please, and analyze it, and you will find that its vitality and its ability to preserve itself, are based on physical power,—a power to coerce; and when this power fails, the government fails, and either anarchy or revolution is the inevitable consequence. Yet the moral power of a government, though it may not save it, is not less important than its physical power. When both are exercised with no other view than a sincere desire to promote the public welfare, the government is pretty certain of being sustained, and simply for the reason that it is approved by a generous and healthful public sentiment. But let public sentiment become corrupted by the influences of aspiring demagogues, or by men who avow principles in conflict with the public interests, and no government, however pure and just in its inception, can long command respect, or preserve its authority.

Every nation has its representative men. America has hers. Cotton Mather was aPuritan and a theocrat; Benjamin Franklin, a patriot and a philosopher; George Washington, a great general and a model man; Thomas Jefferson, a true democrat and a wise statesman; Andrew Jackson, a hero at New Orleans, and a Jupiter in the Presidential chair; and Abraham Lincoln, a man of destiny, who crushed rebellion, and proclaimed freedom to four millions of slaves. These were the men of power in the hands of Divine Power; and yet they did not comprehend the sequence of their mission. Their achievements marked the age in which they lived, and will doubtless exercise a living influence, more or less controlling, throughout the coming ages of the civilized world.

Nations, as well as individuals, have their destiny in their own hands. It is the character of the individuals constituting the nation which gives to the nation its true character. America began her career by laying the foundations of her character, not in the sand, but on the rock of free schools, free churches, and a free public press. Without these institutions true freedom can neither be acquired, nor be preserved. They are the only legitimate nurseries of a healthful and vigorous public sentiment. Preserve these institutions, and the nation will continue to be free and prosperous and happy and powerful and glorious. And yet theremay be corrupting influences growing out of the manner in which a popular government is administered, or growing out of the exercise and extent of the right of popular suffrage.

Indeed, it has already become a grave question how far it is safe to extend the right of suffrage. It cannot be denied that our American population is but an intermixture of different nationalities, thrown together by a common desire to become free men in a free land. Yet immigrants continue to come from the Old World, differing as widely in their political and religious education and predilections as in their language, customs, and social habits. It is this foreign element that makes our population what it is,—an assimilating, and yet an unassimilated mass. A five-years residence, under our present naturalization laws, entitles aliens to citizenship and the right of suffrage. When they have acquired citizenship, demagogues assume to be their best friends, only to deceive them and advance their own selfish aspirations. In this way the original peculiarities of the different nationalities are wrought into political subserviency, and employed as an element of power in securing the balance of power. It is in this way that the people are first corrupted, and then the government. It is in this way that we, as a nation, allow demagogues toeducate the masses into a low and degrading estimate of what constitutes a popular government, and of what are its true legitimate objects.

The right of suffrage is clearly a political, not a natural, right. It should be exercised with wisdom, and only with reference to the "greatest good to the greatest number." The ignorant cannot exercise this right with safety, for the reason that they are not sufficiently intelligent. A certain degree of education should therefore be regarded as an indispensable prerequisite. A mere residence of five years in the country, without the ability to read and write the English language, should not be accepted as a presumptive qualification, though strengthened by an oath of allegiance.

There are some statesmen, as well as other persons, both in this country and in Europe, who are earnestly engaged in agitating the question of extending the right of suffrage to women, on the ground that women are citizens, and often own taxable property, and consequently have the same interest as men in securing and maintaining a just and proper administration of the government under which they live. While this is true, it is equally true that men are endowed by nature with more physical, if not more mental, strength than women, and have a higher regard for the divinersex than they have for themselves, and consequently were created to be their protectors and guardians. In fact, the two sexes are but counterparts of each other. In Nature's arithmetic, the two count but one, and should be but one in heart and in life. But somehow or other, many of these counterparts get strangely mismatched, or are never matched at all. This is not a fault of Nature, but a defect in our social system. If it were considered as proper for women as for men to be the first to propose marriage, it would doubtless lead to the happiest results. But taking things as they are, the thought has occurred to me that it would be wise for the State to limit the right of suffrage to married men, for the reason that such men would naturally feel the deepest interest in sustaining a good government. Let the right to vote and to hold office depend on marriage, let the honors of State and of society be conferred on none but those who have honored themselves by assuming the duties and responsibilities of wedded life, and I doubt not that all marriageable bachelors would aspire to the honors of full citizenship, while marriageable women would soon find their proper places in their proper sphere, and the government become what it should be,—pure in its principles and just in its administration. America is in a transition state, and will inall probability continue to trust in the success of untried experiment, rather than rely on her past experience. But still there survives within the American breast a popular sentiment, which, like the magnetic needle, ever points to an unerring polar star. It is only amid clouds and storms that dangers arise, or become alarming. It is therefore important that the ship of State should be intrusted to none but skilful mariners. The pilot should appreciate the dignity of his position, and comprehend the extent of his responsibilities. Whether the "golden age" of America terminated with the outbreak of her great Civil Rebellion, or commenced at the date of its final suppression, remains, perhaps, an undecided question; yet there are thousands who believe that her golden age has passed, never to return. This may or may not be true.

It is hardly to be expected, however, that a happier age will ever arrive than that which existed prior to the Southern Rebellion. The people generally, both North and South, before an appeal to arms occurred, were characterized by a genial sincerity in the expression of their political views and in the recognition of their constitutional obligations, as well as in their ecclesiastical connections and social relations. They, in fact, felt that they were akin to each other, and regarded each other asa common brotherhood, having mutual interests in sustaining a common government,—a government which their fathers had framed, and bequeathed to them and to coming generations. In this genial relation, for nearly a century, the North and the South enjoyed uninterrupted peace and prosperity; and America took her position as one of the great and powerful nations of the earth.

It is to be hoped, however, that the result of the late Civil War will prove a "blessing in disguise," though laden with many unpleasant memories.

If we cannot obliterate the "dark spots" in the sunlight of our past history as a republic, we can at least cultivate friendly relations and a liberal spirit, such as will give to our future history a spotless character.

It now becomes a grave question whether the freedom of the emancipated slaves will prove a boon or a curse to them. As yet they cannot comprehend their relative position; nor can they foresee their ultimate though not distant destiny. As a race, they differ widely in their natural characteristics from the Saxon race among whom they have been diffused. They belong to Africa. The two races, being distinct in the conditions of their origin and physical structure, as well as in their temperament andtastes, can never harmonize as one people, either in their social or political relations, on the basis of a perfect equality. The thing is impossible, simply for the reason that the law of antagonism which exists between the two races is founded in Nature, and is therefore a divine law, which can neither be controlled nor essentially modified by legislation or education. In fact, a "war of races" has already become imminent, and must, when it does come, terminate in the expulsion, if not extinction, of the African race.

In the future of America there are mystic events which time only can disclose. "Onward" is the watchword of the living present. Every American believes there is "a tide in the affairs of men which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune." The "almighty dollar" is his leading star. Hoards of gold and silver glitter in the distance. In acquiring wealth he acquires power. He knows that wealth is power; and hence the acquisition of wealth has become the ruling passion of the age. In other words, money supersedes merit, while moral honesty is held at a discount. Lamentable as the fact may be, it is evident that an unscrupulous desire to obtain wealth and political honors pervades all classes of American society, from the highest to the lowest.

In order to facilitate the accumulation of wealth, and achieve their ambitious aims,individuals consolidate their capital in corporations, and corporations consolidate themselves into overgrown monopolies. In this way almost every leading branch of trade and of manufactures, as well as railroad interests, shipping interests, and telegraph lines, are merged in corporations,—in fact, nearly all that remains of individuality is lost in corporationality. Of course the mere individual, however meritorious, becomes literally powerless unless recognized by a corporation. Though a trite saying, it is nevertheless true that corporations are "soulless," and therefore devoid of human feeling and of human sympathies. Among the most formidable of these monopolies are the railroad corporations, ever busy in weaving their spider-like webs over the entire continent. In discharging their duties to the public they seldom subordinate their own interests.

Almost every man of wealth in America is a stockholder in one or more incorporated companies, and will of course act politically, as well as individually, in accordance with his interests. Both the commercial and financial operations of the country are essentially in the hands of corporations. They in fact monopolize the banking institutions; and if they do not control, they evidently desire to control, the legislation and government of the entire country. Indeed,the time has already come, when in quite too many instances the popular voice yields to the corporative voice, while personal merit and qualification for office become questions of secondary importance. It is easy to be seen that corporative interests have become not only gigantic, but are engaged, with pick and spade, in undermining the very foundations of the Republic. If the people would preserve their equal rights, and enjoy the blessings of a free government, they must not only remember, but act on the principle, that "eternal vigilance is the price of liberty."

It is owing to the tendency of capital to combine its productive energies that working-men, as they are pleased to designate themselves, conceive the idea that capital and labor are antagonistic in their interests. Hence working-men, especially miners and mechanics, combine against capitalists for the purpose of securing higher rates of wages. In doing this, they resort to "strikes," violate their contracts, and dictate their own prices. If their terms are not accepted, they refuse to work, and the great leading industries of the country are crippled, if not suspended. A train of moral and physical evils follows, which are more seriously felt by the "strikers" than by capitalists. If movements of this kind are continued, the obviousresult will be to drive capital out of the country to seek a more reliable investment. It is labor that produces capital, and capital that furnishes labor. The one must depend on the other. Their interests are therefore mutual, and both are entitled to equal protection; their relations to each other must necessarily be regulated by the law of supply and demand. There is no other law or power that can do it. If force be applied, it is certain to react. Yet the field is alike open to all. The laborer often becomes a capitalist, and the capitalist a laborer. What are known as "strikes," therefore, can effect no lasting good to any one. They are but elements of social discord, which demagogues seize and control for their own aggrandizement. In fact, "Trades Unions" are nothing more nor less than organized conspiracies against capitalists and the best interests of the country. If tolerated, the government itself is in danger of being ultimately subverted. It is clear that the tendency of these unions is to produce disunion. They have already become so formidable in numbers and in political influence as to render it doubtful whether any legislation could be obtained, or military power enforced, which would either control or restrain them in their action and ultimate aims. In view of this state of things, it would seem that thetime has come when the American people, as a nation, should pause and "take the sober second thought."

It is often said that the world is governed too much. But so far as this country is concerned, the reverse seems much nearer the truth. Our government is presumed to be the creature of public opinion. In theory it is so; but in practice we generally find that what is called public opinion is manufactured by a few scheming politicians, through the instrumentalities of packed conventions and a subservient public press. And hence candidates for office are selected with a view to their availability rather than for their known capacity and integrity. This failure to select the best men of the country to govern it, and administer its laws, has already resulted in degrading American character by the corrupt practices which it has generated, if not sanctioned, in every department of government, whether federal, State, or municipal.

In fact, dangers lurk on every side. There is no safety, unless it can be found in the virtue and intelligence of the people. If in this respect the people are deficient, it is the fault of their education. The rights of citizenship should depend on education, and the masses, if need be, should be educated bycompulsion. As it now is, the learned professions are regarded as the main pillars that sustain the social fabric. They in fact give tone to public sentiment, and erect the standard of public morals. The masses accept their opinions, and seldom question their accuracy; and yet the masses are often misled. The few corrupt the many. Hence it is that we so often see the lawyer, the doctor, and even the clergyman, swayed in their action by political incentives; and especially is this true of professed politicians and official dignitaries. As a matter of course, public sentiment becomes demoralized, and almost every species of fraud and corruption comes to be regarded as quite respectable. If for this state of things there be a remedy, it is only to be found in our public schools and in the moral teachings of our churches. It is here that the work of reform must begin, the sooner the better. It should begin by re-laying the foundations of the Republic deeper and broader, and with principles as solid and permanent as the masonry of the everlasting hills. When this great radical work has been accomplished, the threatening clouds which now cast their shadows over our national future

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