… I wish all the evidence whh can be procured to substantiate the truth of what I have published. As the documents came through your hands, I have thought it proper to apply to you on the subject, as well as for evidence as for your advice as to the manner of exhibiting it.—I wish only to be assisted in defending myself to the satisfaction of candid & good men.” (Wolcott Papers, vol. viii, 30.)The canniness of Oliver Wolcott’s Federalism is quite as much illuminated by this letter as is Jedediah Morse’s caution and generosity in assuming responsibility for the publication of the documents referred to. That Wolcott had been instrumental in furnishing Morse’s quiver with the arrows which Morse discharged from his bow on the occasion of the 1799 fast, was soon suspected in Democratic circles.Cf.Aurora, Feb. 14, 1800. (In this connection it may be remarked that Wolcott was not the only New England Federalist who came into possession of portions of the correspondence of Wisdom Lodge. ThePickering MSS., vol. xlii, 37, presents a copy of another letter which in this instance was sent by the Portsmouth lodge to the lodge Verity and Union, in Philadelphia. The letter bears date of April 12, 1798. Its value for the purposes of this investigation isnil. How it came to be in Pickering’s possession is not known. The implication is strong that the Federalists were eager to exploit the documents to the utmost.)[793]As far as the records show, no other minister in New England may be said to have spoken emphatically upon the subject on the occasion of the fast. It was Morse alone who galvanized the issue into new life. The general tenor of the utterances of the clergy on the day of the fast may be judged from the following typical examples. At Concord, the Reverend Hezekiah Packard, who made it known that he had read Dr. Morse’s thanksgiving sermon and its appendix, descanted on the dangers to be apprehended from the existence of foreign intrigue among the citizens of this country. His language was general, though certainly expressive of profound concern.Cf.Federal Republicanism, Displayed in Two Discourses, preached on the day of the State Fast at Chelmsford, and on the day of the National Fast at Concord, in April, 1799.By Hezekiah Packard, pastor of the church in Chelmsford. Boston, 1799. At Franklin, Mass., the Reverend Nathaniel Emmons discoursed in similar vein. The French were pointed out as a nation which had corrupted every people whom they had subjugated. Further, Emmons asserted that things were happening in the United States which made it certain “some men [were] behind the curtain … pushing on the populace to open sedition and rebellion.” No direct reference to the Illuminati was made, however.Cf.A Discourse, delivered on the National Fast, April 25, 1799.By Nathaniel Emmons, D. D., pastor of the church in Franklin. Wrentham, Mass., 1799, p. 23. The pastor of the church in Braintree had also been reading Morse’s thanksgiving sermon. However, he had no definite word to speak on the subject of the Illuminati. France, he said, had her secret friends here, and the real truth of her designs were hidden from the American people.Cf.A Discourse, delivered April 25, 1799; being the day of Fasting and Prayer throughout the United States of America.By Ezra Weld, A. M., pastor of the church in Braintree. Boston, 1799. At Newburyport, the Reverend Daniel Dana saw an exceedingly dark and ominous situation confronting him and his hearers. He spoke of a “deep-laid infernal scheme to hunt Christianity from the globe.” It was his firm belief that all the foundations of religion and morality were frightfully imperiled. But he gave no clear intimation that he was thinking of the Illuminati.Two Sermons, delivered April 25, 1799; the day recommended by the President of the United States for National Humiliation, Fasting and Prayer.By Daniel Dana, A. M., pastor of a church in Newburyport. Newburyport, 1799, p. 45. In addition to Morse there was at least one other exception to the general reticence. A congregation at Sullivan, N. H.(?), heard a sermon full of wild and hysterical utterances, containing frequent references to the Illuminati, to Robison and Barruel, with much stress laid upon the lugubrious idea that the church in America was about to drink a cup of persecution exceedingly bitter. This sermon, however, was much too irrational to be of special significance.The Present Times Perilous. A Sermon, preached at Sullivan, on the National Fast, April 25, 1799.By Abraham Cummings, A. M., (n. d.). It would not be altogether incorrect to observe that the New England clergy, on the occasion of the national fast of 1799, took their cue direct from the President’s proclamation rather than from the literature which had previously been published on the subject of Illuminism.[794]This is certainly a reasonable inference from the fact that the interest of the public in Morse’s sermon made necessary four different issues of it during the year in which it appeared. One of these was printed at Charlestown, another at Boston, a third at Hartford, and a fourth at New York.[795]Here it may be noted that when Morse’s sermon appeared in print, it was accompanied by a note setting forth the author’s account of the progress of his thought regarding the Illuminati. In part the note ran as follows: “In my Discourse on the National Fast, May 9th., 1798, after giving some account of Robison’sProofs of a Conspiracy, etc., a work which had just arrived in America, I said, ‘There are too many evidences that this order [the Illuminati] has had its branches established, in some form or other, and its emissaries secretly at work in this country, for several years past.’“Being often publicly called upon for evidence to support this insinuation, I engaged, when my health and leisure would permit, to lay it before the public. This engagement was in part fulfilled, in the Appendix to my ThanksgivingSermonof Nov. 29, 1798, Note (F), p. 73, to which I refer the reader.“Since this I have received a letter from President Dwight, confirming the fact which he had asserted in a note to his Discourse of the 4th of July, 1798, viz, that ‘Illuminatism exists in this country; and the impious mockery of the Sacramental Supper described by Mr. Robison has been enacted here.’ …“But if all this evidence, added to that which arisesprima faciefrom the existing state of things; from the wonderful and alarming change which has been suddenly and imperceptibly produced too generally in the principles and morals of the American people, be insufficient to convince and satisfy candid minds of the actual existence, and secret and extensive operation, of Illuminatism in this country, the following documents which were received through a most respectable channel, and for the authenticity of which I pledge myself, must, I conceive, remove every doubt remaining in the minds of reasonable men. If any branches of this Society are established in this part of the United States, the members no doubt will feel irritated at this disclosure, and will use all their secret arts, and open endeavours, to diminish the importance of these documents and the reputation of him who makes them public.” (Note B, pp. 33et seq.) The note concludes with a solemn statement by its author to the effect that he stands prepared to sacrifice all, even his life if necessary, for the cause of religion and his country. See also the preface of the sermon.[796]Wolcott Papers, vol. viii, 26.[797]Wolcott Papers, vol. viii, 26.[798]On the very day of the national fast the editor of theChroniclebusied himself at his familiar task of rebuking the clergy on account of their practice of indulging in “political preaching”. The latter were again admonished to confine their attention to the divine book of Revelation and to abandon their interest in the reveries of Robison. This, however, was only such a jibe as had intermittently issued from this source.[799]Independent Chronicle, May 9, 1799.[800]Ibid.[801]Independent Chronicle, May 30, 1799.[802]Ibid.[803]Ibid.[804]Ibid., June 10, 1799.[805]Cf.especially theIndependent Chronicleof May 9, 13, 16, 20, 27, 30, and June 3, 6, 10, 13, 1799.[806]Ibid., May 13, 1799.[807]Independent Chronicle, May 20, 1799.[808]Cf. supra,pp. 281et seq.[809]The ship Ocean was a vessel of the United States concerning which, in the spring of 1799, the statement got into circulation that it had been captured by the French and every soul on board foully murdered. No such massacre actually took place. Morse, however, heard the story, believed it, and made reference to it in his fast sermon of April 25, 1799. Later, and not unnaturally, he became disturbed over the part he had played in giving publicity to the story. His integrity, he believed, was involved; likewise the faith of the public in other pronouncements he had made,e. g.with regard to the Illuminati. SeeWolcott Papers, vol. viii, 27. And this was the view of the case that his enemies took.Cf.for instance, theAurora, June 6, 1799.[810]American Mercury, June 6, 1799.[811]Printed at Walpole, N. H.[812]American Mercury, Aug. 29, 1799.Cf.alsoThe Bee(New Haven), Aug. 21, 1799.[813]Cf.issue of May 7, 1799.[814]Cf.issue of May 10, 1799.[815]Connecticut Courant, May 27, 1799.[816]An Oration delivered at Ridgefield on the Fourth of July, 1799, before a large concourse of people, assembled to commemorate their National Independence.By David Edmond. Danbury…MDCCXCIX, p. 10.[817]An Oration, on the Apparent and the Real Political Situation of the United States, pronounced before the Connecticut Society of the Cincinnati, assembled at New-Haven … July 4th, 1799.By Zechariah Lewis, … New-Haven, 1799, p. 16.[818]An Oration spoken at Hartford … on the Anniversary of American Independence, July 4th, A. D., 1799.By William Brown. Hartford … 1799, pp. 6et seqq.[819]An Oration, pronounced July 4th, 1799, at the request of the Inhabitants of the Town of Boston, in Commemoration of the Anniversary of American Independence.By John Lowell, Junior. Boston, 1799, p. 21.[820]An Oration, delivered before the citizens of Portland … on the Fourth of July, 1799… By A. Stoddard. Portland, 1799, pp. 10, 11, 13, 29et seq.[821]An Oration delivered at Byfield, July 4, 1799.By Rev. Elijah Parish, A. M. Newburyport (n. d.).[822]An Oration, delivered at Roxbury, July 4, 1799. In Commemoration of American Independence.By Thomas Beedé. Boston, 1799.[823]TheConnecticut Courantof June 10, 1799, carried to its readers the announcement that “the IIIrd volume of the History of Jacobinism” had just been received by Messrs. Hudson & Goodwin, the editors, and, along with volumes i and ii, was on sale.[824]Jedediah Morse was certainly one of those who hoped for much from the appearance of Barruel’s work in America. On October 3, 1799, he wrote to the American publishers of theMemoirs of Jacobinism, expressing his gratification over the receipt of six copies of volumes i and ii (bound in one) of the same, and arranging to have the remaining volumes forwarded to him at the earliest possible date.Cf.Morse’s letter to Messrs. Hudson & Goodwin, in theFord Collection, New York Public Library. Morse’s urgency in the case is partly explained by the fact that at this time he was being drawn deeply into the Ebeling-Huntington-Babcock-Bentley-Morse controversy, to be noticed below.[825]Wolcott Papers, vol. v, 77.Cf.Salem Gazette, Aug. 13, 1799.[826]Cf.the issues of theCourantfor June 24, July 1, 8, 15, 29, Aug. 5, 12, 19, 26, Sept. 2, 9, 16, 23, 30, Oct. 7, 1799. The partisan object in view in making and publishing this abridgment of Barruel is thinly veiled in the following statement of the editors: “We have not, indeed, much to apprehend from external invasion, but our greatest dangers arise from a disorganizing party among ourselves, who will recognize no government, except in bacchanalian curses, and the sanguinary notions of a blind, seditious, and corrupted crowd—who will be guided by no laws except what are conceived in the womb of crime, the weakness and absurdity of which will be calculated to establish the reign of licentiousness, and consolidate the empire of sedition and conspiracy.” (Connecticut Courant, July 8, 1798.)[827]Cf.the issues of theMercuryfor July 30, Aug. 9, 13, 16, 20, 27, Sept. 3, 6, 17, 24, Oct. 1, 8, 22, 29, 1799. Other papers, theColumbian Centinel, for example, began the publication of the Abridgement, but discontinued the series before the end was reached.[828]The entire indifference to the Abridgement which many New England editors manifested was the occasion of no little disappointment and chagrin on the part of those who had hoped for material assistance and comfort from this source.Cf.Connecticut Courant, July 22, 1799. With regard to the general impression which theMemoirs of Jacobinismmade in this country, the comments of Thomas Jefferson are of interest. Though based upon an imperfect acquaintance with Barruel’s work, considerable sound criticism is expressed. “I have lately by accident got sight of a single volume (the 3d.) of the Abbé Barruel’s ‘Antisocial Conspiracy’, which gives me the first idea I have ever had of what is meant by the Illuminatism against which ‘Illuminate Morse’, as he is now called, and his ecclesiastical and monarchical associates have been making such a hue and cry. Barruel’s own parts of the book are perfectly the ravings of a Bedlamite. But he quotes largely from Wishaupt [sic] whom he considers the founder of what he calls the order … Wishaupt seems to be an enthusiastic philanthropist. He is among those (as you know the excellent Price and Priestley also are) who believe in the infinite perfectibility of man. He thinks he may in time be rendered so perfect that he will be able to govern himself in every circumstance, so as to injure none, to do all the good he can, to leave government no occasion to exercise their powers over him, and, of course, to render political government useless. This, you know, is Godwin’s doctrine, and this is what Robison, Barruel, and Morse have called a conspiracy against all government. … The means he proposes to effect this improvement of human nature are ‘to enlighten men, to correct their morals and inspire them with benevolence’. As Wishaupt lived under the tyranny of a despot and priests, he knew that caution was necessary even in spreading information, and the principles of pure morality. He proposed, therefore, to lead the Free Masons to adopt this object. … This has given an air of mystery to his views, was the foundation of his banishment, the subversion of the Masonic Order, and is the color for the ravings against him of Robison, Barruel, and Morse, whosereal fears are that the craftwould be endangered by the spreading of information, reason, and natural morality among men. … I believe you will think with me that if Wishaupt had written here, where no secrecy is necessary in our endeavours to render men wise and virtuous, he would not have thought of any secret machinery for that purpose … ”. (The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, vol. vii, p. 419: Letter to Bishop James Madison.)[829]Christopher D. Ebeling (1741–1817) was a German geographer and historian who was greatly interested in everything relating to America. In 1794 he was elected a corresponding member of the Massachusetts Historical Society. He was in correspondence with such public characters in America as Morse, Dr. Jeremy Belknap, President Stiles, and Thomas Jefferson. After his death, Ebeling’s large and valuable library became the property of Harvard University.[830]Cf. op. cit.[831]Ibid.[832]American Mercury, Sept. 26, 1799. The entire article was well calculated to nettle the feelings of Morse. He was referred to therein as “a celebrated calumniator of Masonry” and “an eagle-eyed detector of Illuminatism.” The concluding statement was peculiarly humiliating and irritating: “Many people wonder why the Rev. Granny, who has officiated at the birth of so manymice(when Mountains have travailed), had not published the letter he has lately received from Professor Ebeling: many others suppose he will publish it as an Appendix to his next Fast-Day Sermon.” In addition to theAmerican Mercury, theBeeand theAuroraboth published this account of the Ebeling-Morse letter.Cf.the edition of the former for Oct. 9, 1799, and of the latter for Nov. 25, Dec. 6, 9, 1799. Thus wide publicity was given to the matter, on account of which Morse was justly aroused.[833]American Mercury, Nov. 7, 1799Cf.Columbian Centinel, Nov. 23, 1799.[834]Morse’s letter to Babcock, editor of theAmerican Mercury, bore date of October 4, 1799. It drew no further response from Babcock than a private epistle, calling upon Morse to refute the statements which had appeared in the Mercury, and promising that then the editor’s “man” would be produced.Cf.American Mercury, Nov. 7, 1799.[835]American Mercury, Nov. 14, 1799.Cf.Columbian Centinel, Nov. 23, 1799.[836]American Mercury, Nov. 14, 1799. The affidavits of Tappan and Pearson were actually offered in evidence later.Cf.Connecticut Courant, May 19, 1800;Massachusetts Mercury, May 23, 1800.[837]Cf.the issue of this paper for Sept. 30, 1799.[838]Ibid., Nov. 4, 1799.[839]Cf.article by “Candidus” in the issue of this paper for Nov. 23, 1799.[840]Cf.the issue of this paper for Dec. 27, 1799.[841]Cf.Bee, Nov. 20, 1799.[842]Ibid.[843]Ibid., Nov. 20, 27, 1799.[844]Ibid., Nov. 20, 1799.[845]Cf.Aurora, Nov. 16, 25, Dec. 6, 9, 1799.[846]Ibid., Nov. 16, 1799.[847]Ibid.[848]Ibid.[849]This fact was acknowledged by Ebeling.Cf. Ebeling MSS.: Ebeling’s letters to Bentley, July 28, 1800; July 1, 1801.[850]From 1798 on, Bentley’sDiaryis replete with ill-tempered and abusive references to Morse.Cf.for example, vol. ii, pp. 278, 291, 296, 302, 329, 334, 384, 391; vol. iii. pp. 9, 32, 141, 149, 217, 218, 342, 357et seq., 431; vol. iv, pp. 209, 241. Bentley’s enthusiastic devotion to Freemasonry and his rancorous republicanism were largely responsible for his personal feeling towards Morse; but there also appears to have been a disagreeable and petty personal element in the situation. Bentley was peevish and spiteful towards Morse because he believed that the latter had stirred up one of the creditors of the elder Bentley to attempt to collect a debt from the son.Cf.Bentley,Diary, vol. iv, pp. 241et seq.Even before the Illuminati agitation broke out in New England, Bentley found it impossible to repress his low opinion of Morse as a geographer and as a man.Cf. ibid., vol. ii, pp. 64, 70.[851]Cf.Ebeling MSS.: Ebeling’s letter to Bentley, March 13, 1799.[852]Ibid.: Ebeling’s letter to Bentley, March 23, 1799.[853]Ibid.[854]In view of the fact that Ebeling had instructed Bentley that his letter was not to be given to the public, and that if by any chance it should find its way into print, it was to be expurgated and presented to the public only in part, he felt aggrieved at Bentley for paying attention to none of his instructions. Ebeling’s great fear seems to have been that his mention of living personages in European politics would be likely to create serious embarrassments. Nevertheless, he assured Bentley that he was not disposed to be deeply hurt over the appearance of the letter in the American press.Cf. ibid.: Ebeling’s letters to Bentley, July 28, 1800, July 1, 1801.[855]Morse had ample justification for thinking himself thoroughly ill-used in this situation. The embarrassment that he experienced over the appearance of the letter in theAuroraand theBeewas enhanced by the fact that the account of the Ebeling-Morse letter published in theAmerican Mercury, which tallied with theAurora-Beeletter, was due to a confidence that Morse had given to a man whom he supposed to be friendly to his cause. A certain Samuel Huntington had visited him, to whom Morse read the letter he had received from Ebeling. Trusting to his memory, Huntington afterwards sent a communication to theAmerican Mercury, purporting to contain a true account of the epistle that Morse had read to him.Cf.Bentley Correspondence, vol. i, 40: J. Eliot’s letter to Bentley, July 26, 1802.Cf.The Mercury and New-England Palladium[successor to theMassachusetts Mercury], April 28, 1801.[856]The agitation against Morse became highly abusive and threatening. He was made the recipient of scurrilous and intimidating epistles, which did not stop short of promising physical chastisement.Cf.Wolcott Papers, vol. viii, 32, for a specimen of such documents.Cf. ibid., 30: Morse’s letter to Wolcott, Dec. 6, 1799.[857]Wolcott Papers, 31.Cf.National Magazine, or a Political, Historical, Biographical, and Literary Repository, vol. ii, pp. 26et seq.: article byPhilalethes. Parker’s observations are fully corroborated by this pseudonymous writer. That Wisdom Lodge was a regular Masonic lodge, organized under theGrand Orientof France, is further testified to by Mackey,The History of Free Masonry, vol, v, p. 1420. Treudley,The United States and Santa Domingo, 1789–1866, pp. 111–125, adequately presents the essential facts bearing on the presence of the French refugees in the United States.[858]Wolcott Papers, vol. viii, 31.[859]Payson (1753–1820) was a Harvard graduate, who located at Rindge in 1782, and continued in the pastorate at that place until death removed him, forty-eight years later.[860]Proofs of the Real Existence, and Dangerous Tendency, of Illuminism. Containing an abstract of the most interesting parts of what Dr. Robison and the Abbe Barruel have published on this subject; with collateral proofs and general observations.By Seth Payson, A. M., Charlestown, 1802.[861]Ibid., pp. iii, 217et seq., 245et seq.[862]Mackey,Lexicon and History of Freemasonry, pp. 183et seq.One of the most active and influential New England Masons of the period was the Reverend William Bentley. The following references in hisDiarythrow light upon this phase of the situation: vol. ii, pp. 6–8, 11, 12.Cf.also Myer’sHistory of Free Masonry and Its Progress in the United States, p. 15.[863]Cf.for example, a small volume entitled,Eulogium and Vindication of Masonry. Selected (and Improved) from Various Writers, Philadelphia, 1792. The following excerpt is fairly typical: “There are brethren who, careless of their own reputation, disregard the instinctive lessons of our noble science, and by yielding to vice and intemperance, not only disgrace themselves, but reflect dishonor upon Masonry in general. It is this unfortunate circumstance which has given rise to those severe and unjust reflections, which the prejudiced part of mankind have so illiberally bestowed upon us.” (Ibid., p. 11.Cf. ibid., p. 19.) This representation of the case is fully confirmed byThe Freemason’s Monitor; or Illustrations of Masonry: in Two Parts. By a Royal Arch Mason … Albany, 1797, pp. 18et seq.. The following sermon, delivered by a non-Mason, is also suggestive in this connection:A Discourse delivered in the New Presbyterian Church, New York: Before the Grand Lodge of the State of New York … June 24th, 1795. By Samuel Miller, one of the Ministers of the United Presbyterian Churches in the City of New York, 1795. Miller dwelt at length upon the suspicion and prejudice that existed against the Masons, due, as he argued, to (1) the order’s veil of secrecy, (2) the number of men who have been admitted to membership who were known to be the open enemies of religion and morality and a disgrace to human nature itself, and (3) the “scenes of vanity and folly” and “the froth of nonsense” by which too many Masonic gatherings were characterized.Cf. ibid., pp. 25et seq.Despite the fact that the sermon was full of frankest criticism, Miller’s composition was ordered printed by the Grand Lodge, doubtless for the principal reason that he had been at pains to distinguish betweengenuineandspuriousMasons. Thaddeus Harris, a prominent Massachusetts Mason, in a sermon preached at the consecration at a lodge at Groton, Mass., Aug. 9, 1797, took account of the same criticism of the order.Cf.also, Bentley’sDiary, vol. i, p. 379. Reference to such Masonic compilations asThe Vocal Companion and Masonic Register, Boston, 1802, andThe Maryland Ahiman Rezon of Free and Accepted Masons… Baltimore, 1797, will not leave the reader in doubt that a good deal of the poetry and music employed in the lodges was excessively hilarious and coarse.[864]In addition to the sermons of Miller and Harris cited in the foregoing note,cf.A Discourse on the Origin, Progress and Design of Free Masonry. Delivered at the Meeting-House in Charlestown, in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, on the Anniversary of St. John the Baptist, June 24, A. D. 1793.By Josiah Bartlett, M. B., Boston, 1793. p. 17. The Rev. Ashbel Baldwin, chaplain of the grand lodge of Connecticut, in 1797, came to the defence of Masonry against the same charge.Cf.The Records of Free Masonry in the State of Connecticut, etc.By E. G. Storer, Grand Secretary, New Haven, 1859, vol. i, pp. 97et seq.[865]Jedediah Morse’s efforts, in his fast sermon at May 9, 1798, to avoid giving mortal offence to the Masons of New England, have already been noted. Seesupra,pp. 235et seq.As Robison had sought to exculpate the Masons of England, so Morse sought to exculpate the Masons of “the Eastern States.” We shall see plenty of evidence, however, that New England Masons were not deceived. From the first they recognized with more or less clearness thatMasonryitself was involved. The good name and integrity of their entire institution were at stake.[866]General Joseph Warren, the Revolutionary patriot and hero, who fell at Bunker Hill, one of the most honored leaders of American Freemasonry.[867]Cf.Columbian Centinel, June 30, 1798; alsoMassachusetts Mercury, Aug. 21, 1798, for the address of the Grand Lodge in full, together with the President’s cordial response.[868]Harris was Past Grand Chaplain of the Grand Lodge and Chaplain of the Grand Royal Arch Chapter of Massachusetts.[869]A Charge delivered before the Morning Star Lodge, in Worcester, Massachusetts, upon the festival of Saint John the Baptist, June 25, A. L. 5798.By the Rev. Brother William Bentley, of Salem, Massachusetts. Worcester, June, A. L. 5798. (The initials A. L. in the foregoing title stand forAnno Lucis, and represent a common Masonic usage). This charge not only found independent publication, but got into the New England newspapers generally, and did much to distinguish its author as a bold defender of the craft.[870]Ibid., p. 9.[871]Bentley,op. cit., p. 16.[872]Ibid., pp. 22et seq.[873]Ibid., p. 31. Bentley rarely, if ever, made as generous a reference to Morse from this time on. His resentment toward the chief calumniator of Masonry, as Morse came to be regarded, grew apace.[874]Discourses, delivered on Public Occasions, Illustrating the Principles, Displaying the Tendency, and Vindicating the Design of Freemasonry.By Thaddeus Mason Harris…. Charlestown, Anno Lucis, 1801.[875]Harris,op. cit., pp. 51et seq.[876]Ibid.,Discourses ii,vii,viii, andx, particularly.[877]This became one of the terms by which Bentley was alluded to.[878]A Sermon delivered before the Grand Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, at a Public Installation of Officers of Corinthian Lodge, at Concord, … June 25, 1798.By Jedediah Morse, D. D., minister of the congregation in Charlestown (n. d.).[879]An Oration, delivered before the Right Worshipful Master and Brethren of St. Peter’s Lodge, at the Episcopal Church in Newburyport, Massachusetts, on the festival of St. John the Baptist; celebrated June 25, 5798.By Worshipful Brother Charles Jackson, p. M., Newburyport, March, A. L. 5799.[880]Ibid., p. 18.[881]Ibid., p. 17.[882]Ibid., pp. 19et seq.[883]Ibid., p. 23.[884]Cf. supra,pp. 254et seq.[885]Massachusetts Mercury, Aug. 7, 1798. Bartlett was Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts.[886]Ibid.[887]In his address before the Worcester Lodge, June 25, Bentley had gone so far as to designate Morse “a madman” for accepting Robison’s book at its face value. This led to a retort in kind on the part of Morse. Bentley, according to Morse, was incapable of making himself understood; one must always have a commentator in reading him.Massachusetts Mercury, Aug. 3, 1798.[888]Ibid., Aug. 10, 1798.[889]Ibid., Sept. 7, 1798.[890]Massachusetts Mercury, Sept. 18, 1798.[891]Ibid.[892]The Masons appear to have paid little if any attention to the thanksgiving sermon of November 29, 1798. There was little reason why they should.[893]SeeSalem Gazette, Dec. 25, 1798.[894]Salem Gazette, Dec. 25, 1798.[895]Ibid.[896]Salem Gazette, Dec. 25, 1798.[897]Hayden,Washington and His Masonic Compeers, p. 176.[898]Ibid., pp. 176et seq.[899]The address of the Maryland Grand Lodge was presented early in June, 1798. The President’s response followed in due course. Both documents were freely copied in the newspapers of the day, the New England papers not excepted.Cf.for example, theSalem Gazette, Aug. 10, 1798.[900]An Address, delivered in Essex Lodge, Massachusetts, Dec. 27, 5798 (1798), on the festival of St. John the Evangelist, at the induction of officers.By William Bentley. Essex Lodge was located at Salem, Bentley’s home. The address may be found in the Freemason’s Magazine, February, 1812, pp. 333et seq.Bentley’s further reflections upon President Adams’s unsatisfactory response to the Vermont Grand Lodge led him to make even more pointed observations. Under date of Feb. 4, 1799, he wrote in his diary: “My address to Essex Lodge out of press. Pres. A. talks like a boy about the danger of the institution. Men of sense who ridicule or oppose the Institution are surprised at his simplicity. If he affects to be afraid, he loosens by the pretence because indifferent persons consider it as a weakness & his judgment suffers, so that he gets neither aid nor confidence.” (Diary, vol. ii, p. 296.)[901]An Oration, delivered in the Meeting house of the First Parish in Portland, Monday, June 24th, 5799 … in celebration of the anniversary festival of St. John the Baptist.By Brother Amos Stoddard … Portland, 1799.[902]Ibid., p. 9.[903]Ibid., p. 10.[904]Ibid.[905]Ibid.[906]A Sermon delivered before Mount Moriah Lodge: at Reading in the County of Middlesex; at the celebration of St. John: June 24th, A. D. 1799.By Caleb Prentiss, A. M., pastor of the First Parish in said town … Leominster (Mass.) … Anno Lucis, 5799.[907]Prentiss,op. cit., pp. 12, 13.[908]A Sermon, at the Consecration of the Social Lodge in Ashby, and the Installation of its Officers, June 24, A. D. 1799.By Seth Payson, A. M., pastor of the church in Rindge, Amherst, N. H. 1800.[909]Cf. supra,p. 321.[910]Payson’sSermon, p. 8.[911]Payson’sSermon, p. 9.[912]Ibid.[913]Bentley,op. cit., vol. ii, p. 316.[914]Ibid.[915]The Secrets of Masonry Illustrated and Explained; in a Discourse, preached at South-Kingston, before the Grand Lodge of the State of Rhode-Island, etc., September 3d, A. L. 5799.By Abraham L. Clark, A. M., rector of St. John’s Church, Providence. Providence, 1799. p. 13.[916]An Address, delivered December 18, 1799. Before the Brethren of Montgomery Lodge; at their Masonic Hall in Franklin….By Brother James Mann, P. M. Wrentham, 1800, p. 16.[917]Masonry in Its Glory: or Solomon’s Temple Illuminated.By David Austin, Jun.: Citizen of the World. East-Windsor, Connecticut, 1800, p. 32.Cf.An Oration, pronounced at Walpole, Newhampshire[sic]before the Jerusalem, Golden Rule and Olive Branch Lodges of Free and Accepted Masons, at their celebration of the festival of St. John the Baptist, June 24th, A. L. 5800. By Brother Martin Field, A. B. Putney, October, 1800.[918]An Oration pronounced before the Right Worshipful Master & Brethren of St. Peter’s Lodge, at the Episcopal Church in Newburyport, on the festival of St. John the Baptist, June 24th, 5802.By Brother Michael Hodge, Jun. p. M. Newburyport, … 5802, p. 12.[919]An Address, delivered before the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts, on the festival of St. John the Evangelist, Dec. 27th, A. L. 5805….By Henry Maurice Lisle, P. M. R. A. C. and Master of Union Lodge, Dorchester. Boston, 1805, pp. 14et seq.[920]Bentley,Diary, vol. iii, p. 228.[921]An Address, delivered at the Grand Convention of the Free Masons of the State of Maryland; held on the 10th May, 1802,—in which the observance of secrecy is vindicated, and the principal objections of Professor Robison against the institution, are candidly considered.By John Crawford, M. D., Grand Master. Baltimore, 1802, pp. 5, 8, 9, 30.—In this connection, the following table showing the numerical increase of certain Massachusetts lodges during the period 1794–1802, compiled from the records of these lodges as contained in their published histories, will be of interest. In three instances,viz., St. John’s, Corinthian and Columbian, both those who received membership and those who took degrees are included.179417951796179717981799180018011802St John’s, Boston111162330311414Tyrian, Gloucester5112333532Essex, Salem221871988Washington, Roxbury(constituted in 1796)1310131065King Solomon’sCharlestown7147745741Corinthian, Concord(constituted in 1797)2827*5171616Columbian, Boston(constituted in 1795)1051252319255221St. Andrews, RoyalArch, Boston177610†31435—————————Totals26‡55‡74‡113874911810672* Only one new member admitted after May.† Only one new member admitted after Sept. 3.‡ Incomplete.[922]A Masonic Oration, pronounced on the festival of St. John the Evangelist, December 26, 1799…. In Middletown.By Alexander Collins, Esq. Middletown, 1800.[923]Ibid., p. 5.[924]Ibid., p. 15. An interesting episode in Washington’s Masonic career may here be alluded to. In the summer of 1798, the Reverend G. W. Snyder, a Lutheran clergyman of Frederickstown, Md., wrote Washington, expressing his fear that Illuminism might possibly gain an entrance into the American lodges and appealing to Washington to exert himself to prevent such an unhappy consummation. Snyder accompanied his letter with a copy of Robison’sProofs of a Conspiracy. Washington replied to Snyder’s letter to the effect that he had heard much about “the nefarious and dangerous plan and doctrines of the Illuminati,” but that he did not believe the lodges of this country had become contaminated thereby. Later Snyder again addressed Washington on the subject, expressing surprise that the latter was doubtful concerning the spread of the doctrines of Illuminism in this country. To this Washington made answer that he had not intended to impart the impression by his former letter “that the doctrines of the Illuminati and the principles of Jacobinism had not spread in the United States.” On the contrary, he professed himself fully satisfied on that point. But what he had meant to say formerly was this: he “did not believe that the lodges of freemasons in this country had, as societies, endeavoured to propagate the diabolical tenets of the former, or pernicious principles of the latter.” (Cf.Sparks,The Writings of Washington, vol. xi, pp. 314et seq., 377.Cf.Hayden,Washington and His Masonic Compeers, pp. 177–189.) A recent study of this correspondence has appeared.Cf.Sachse,Washington’s Masonic Correspondence, Philadelphia, 1915, pp. 117–139. The author manifests undue eagerness to acquit Washington of serious interest in the controversy over the Illuminati. His unnecessary emphasis upon Snyder’s private character, his remark that “Brother Washington evidently surmised that this letter from Snyder was nothing more or less than a scheme to entrap him” (Ibid., p. 124), and his characterization of Washington’s second letter to Snyder as “sharp,” all strongly imply that Sachse failed to view the episode in its true setting. That Washington had a genuine interest in the controversy over the Illuminati the following letter gives added proof:
… I wish all the evidence whh can be procured to substantiate the truth of what I have published. As the documents came through your hands, I have thought it proper to apply to you on the subject, as well as for evidence as for your advice as to the manner of exhibiting it.—I wish only to be assisted in defending myself to the satisfaction of candid & good men.” (Wolcott Papers, vol. viii, 30.)
… I wish all the evidence whh can be procured to substantiate the truth of what I have published. As the documents came through your hands, I have thought it proper to apply to you on the subject, as well as for evidence as for your advice as to the manner of exhibiting it.—I wish only to be assisted in defending myself to the satisfaction of candid & good men.” (Wolcott Papers, vol. viii, 30.)
The canniness of Oliver Wolcott’s Federalism is quite as much illuminated by this letter as is Jedediah Morse’s caution and generosity in assuming responsibility for the publication of the documents referred to. That Wolcott had been instrumental in furnishing Morse’s quiver with the arrows which Morse discharged from his bow on the occasion of the 1799 fast, was soon suspected in Democratic circles.Cf.Aurora, Feb. 14, 1800. (In this connection it may be remarked that Wolcott was not the only New England Federalist who came into possession of portions of the correspondence of Wisdom Lodge. ThePickering MSS., vol. xlii, 37, presents a copy of another letter which in this instance was sent by the Portsmouth lodge to the lodge Verity and Union, in Philadelphia. The letter bears date of April 12, 1798. Its value for the purposes of this investigation isnil. How it came to be in Pickering’s possession is not known. The implication is strong that the Federalists were eager to exploit the documents to the utmost.)
[793]As far as the records show, no other minister in New England may be said to have spoken emphatically upon the subject on the occasion of the fast. It was Morse alone who galvanized the issue into new life. The general tenor of the utterances of the clergy on the day of the fast may be judged from the following typical examples. At Concord, the Reverend Hezekiah Packard, who made it known that he had read Dr. Morse’s thanksgiving sermon and its appendix, descanted on the dangers to be apprehended from the existence of foreign intrigue among the citizens of this country. His language was general, though certainly expressive of profound concern.Cf.Federal Republicanism, Displayed in Two Discourses, preached on the day of the State Fast at Chelmsford, and on the day of the National Fast at Concord, in April, 1799.By Hezekiah Packard, pastor of the church in Chelmsford. Boston, 1799. At Franklin, Mass., the Reverend Nathaniel Emmons discoursed in similar vein. The French were pointed out as a nation which had corrupted every people whom they had subjugated. Further, Emmons asserted that things were happening in the United States which made it certain “some men [were] behind the curtain … pushing on the populace to open sedition and rebellion.” No direct reference to the Illuminati was made, however.Cf.A Discourse, delivered on the National Fast, April 25, 1799.By Nathaniel Emmons, D. D., pastor of the church in Franklin. Wrentham, Mass., 1799, p. 23. The pastor of the church in Braintree had also been reading Morse’s thanksgiving sermon. However, he had no definite word to speak on the subject of the Illuminati. France, he said, had her secret friends here, and the real truth of her designs were hidden from the American people.Cf.A Discourse, delivered April 25, 1799; being the day of Fasting and Prayer throughout the United States of America.By Ezra Weld, A. M., pastor of the church in Braintree. Boston, 1799. At Newburyport, the Reverend Daniel Dana saw an exceedingly dark and ominous situation confronting him and his hearers. He spoke of a “deep-laid infernal scheme to hunt Christianity from the globe.” It was his firm belief that all the foundations of religion and morality were frightfully imperiled. But he gave no clear intimation that he was thinking of the Illuminati.Two Sermons, delivered April 25, 1799; the day recommended by the President of the United States for National Humiliation, Fasting and Prayer.By Daniel Dana, A. M., pastor of a church in Newburyport. Newburyport, 1799, p. 45. In addition to Morse there was at least one other exception to the general reticence. A congregation at Sullivan, N. H.(?), heard a sermon full of wild and hysterical utterances, containing frequent references to the Illuminati, to Robison and Barruel, with much stress laid upon the lugubrious idea that the church in America was about to drink a cup of persecution exceedingly bitter. This sermon, however, was much too irrational to be of special significance.The Present Times Perilous. A Sermon, preached at Sullivan, on the National Fast, April 25, 1799.By Abraham Cummings, A. M., (n. d.). It would not be altogether incorrect to observe that the New England clergy, on the occasion of the national fast of 1799, took their cue direct from the President’s proclamation rather than from the literature which had previously been published on the subject of Illuminism.
[794]This is certainly a reasonable inference from the fact that the interest of the public in Morse’s sermon made necessary four different issues of it during the year in which it appeared. One of these was printed at Charlestown, another at Boston, a third at Hartford, and a fourth at New York.
[795]Here it may be noted that when Morse’s sermon appeared in print, it was accompanied by a note setting forth the author’s account of the progress of his thought regarding the Illuminati. In part the note ran as follows: “In my Discourse on the National Fast, May 9th., 1798, after giving some account of Robison’sProofs of a Conspiracy, etc., a work which had just arrived in America, I said, ‘There are too many evidences that this order [the Illuminati] has had its branches established, in some form or other, and its emissaries secretly at work in this country, for several years past.’
“Being often publicly called upon for evidence to support this insinuation, I engaged, when my health and leisure would permit, to lay it before the public. This engagement was in part fulfilled, in the Appendix to my ThanksgivingSermonof Nov. 29, 1798, Note (F), p. 73, to which I refer the reader.
“Since this I have received a letter from President Dwight, confirming the fact which he had asserted in a note to his Discourse of the 4th of July, 1798, viz, that ‘Illuminatism exists in this country; and the impious mockery of the Sacramental Supper described by Mr. Robison has been enacted here.’ …
“But if all this evidence, added to that which arisesprima faciefrom the existing state of things; from the wonderful and alarming change which has been suddenly and imperceptibly produced too generally in the principles and morals of the American people, be insufficient to convince and satisfy candid minds of the actual existence, and secret and extensive operation, of Illuminatism in this country, the following documents which were received through a most respectable channel, and for the authenticity of which I pledge myself, must, I conceive, remove every doubt remaining in the minds of reasonable men. If any branches of this Society are established in this part of the United States, the members no doubt will feel irritated at this disclosure, and will use all their secret arts, and open endeavours, to diminish the importance of these documents and the reputation of him who makes them public.” (Note B, pp. 33et seq.) The note concludes with a solemn statement by its author to the effect that he stands prepared to sacrifice all, even his life if necessary, for the cause of religion and his country. See also the preface of the sermon.
[796]Wolcott Papers, vol. viii, 26.
[797]Wolcott Papers, vol. viii, 26.
[798]On the very day of the national fast the editor of theChroniclebusied himself at his familiar task of rebuking the clergy on account of their practice of indulging in “political preaching”. The latter were again admonished to confine their attention to the divine book of Revelation and to abandon their interest in the reveries of Robison. This, however, was only such a jibe as had intermittently issued from this source.
[799]Independent Chronicle, May 9, 1799.
[800]Ibid.
[801]Independent Chronicle, May 30, 1799.
[802]Ibid.
[803]Ibid.
[804]Ibid., June 10, 1799.
[805]Cf.especially theIndependent Chronicleof May 9, 13, 16, 20, 27, 30, and June 3, 6, 10, 13, 1799.
[806]Ibid., May 13, 1799.
[807]Independent Chronicle, May 20, 1799.
[808]Cf. supra,pp. 281et seq.
[809]The ship Ocean was a vessel of the United States concerning which, in the spring of 1799, the statement got into circulation that it had been captured by the French and every soul on board foully murdered. No such massacre actually took place. Morse, however, heard the story, believed it, and made reference to it in his fast sermon of April 25, 1799. Later, and not unnaturally, he became disturbed over the part he had played in giving publicity to the story. His integrity, he believed, was involved; likewise the faith of the public in other pronouncements he had made,e. g.with regard to the Illuminati. SeeWolcott Papers, vol. viii, 27. And this was the view of the case that his enemies took.Cf.for instance, theAurora, June 6, 1799.
[810]American Mercury, June 6, 1799.
[811]Printed at Walpole, N. H.
[812]American Mercury, Aug. 29, 1799.Cf.alsoThe Bee(New Haven), Aug. 21, 1799.
[813]Cf.issue of May 7, 1799.
[814]Cf.issue of May 10, 1799.
[815]Connecticut Courant, May 27, 1799.
[816]An Oration delivered at Ridgefield on the Fourth of July, 1799, before a large concourse of people, assembled to commemorate their National Independence.By David Edmond. Danbury…MDCCXCIX, p. 10.
[817]An Oration, on the Apparent and the Real Political Situation of the United States, pronounced before the Connecticut Society of the Cincinnati, assembled at New-Haven … July 4th, 1799.By Zechariah Lewis, … New-Haven, 1799, p. 16.
[818]An Oration spoken at Hartford … on the Anniversary of American Independence, July 4th, A. D., 1799.By William Brown. Hartford … 1799, pp. 6et seqq.
[819]An Oration, pronounced July 4th, 1799, at the request of the Inhabitants of the Town of Boston, in Commemoration of the Anniversary of American Independence.By John Lowell, Junior. Boston, 1799, p. 21.
[820]An Oration, delivered before the citizens of Portland … on the Fourth of July, 1799… By A. Stoddard. Portland, 1799, pp. 10, 11, 13, 29et seq.
[821]An Oration delivered at Byfield, July 4, 1799.By Rev. Elijah Parish, A. M. Newburyport (n. d.).
[822]An Oration, delivered at Roxbury, July 4, 1799. In Commemoration of American Independence.By Thomas Beedé. Boston, 1799.
[823]TheConnecticut Courantof June 10, 1799, carried to its readers the announcement that “the IIIrd volume of the History of Jacobinism” had just been received by Messrs. Hudson & Goodwin, the editors, and, along with volumes i and ii, was on sale.
[824]Jedediah Morse was certainly one of those who hoped for much from the appearance of Barruel’s work in America. On October 3, 1799, he wrote to the American publishers of theMemoirs of Jacobinism, expressing his gratification over the receipt of six copies of volumes i and ii (bound in one) of the same, and arranging to have the remaining volumes forwarded to him at the earliest possible date.Cf.Morse’s letter to Messrs. Hudson & Goodwin, in theFord Collection, New York Public Library. Morse’s urgency in the case is partly explained by the fact that at this time he was being drawn deeply into the Ebeling-Huntington-Babcock-Bentley-Morse controversy, to be noticed below.
[825]Wolcott Papers, vol. v, 77.Cf.Salem Gazette, Aug. 13, 1799.
[826]Cf.the issues of theCourantfor June 24, July 1, 8, 15, 29, Aug. 5, 12, 19, 26, Sept. 2, 9, 16, 23, 30, Oct. 7, 1799. The partisan object in view in making and publishing this abridgment of Barruel is thinly veiled in the following statement of the editors: “We have not, indeed, much to apprehend from external invasion, but our greatest dangers arise from a disorganizing party among ourselves, who will recognize no government, except in bacchanalian curses, and the sanguinary notions of a blind, seditious, and corrupted crowd—who will be guided by no laws except what are conceived in the womb of crime, the weakness and absurdity of which will be calculated to establish the reign of licentiousness, and consolidate the empire of sedition and conspiracy.” (Connecticut Courant, July 8, 1798.)
[827]Cf.the issues of theMercuryfor July 30, Aug. 9, 13, 16, 20, 27, Sept. 3, 6, 17, 24, Oct. 1, 8, 22, 29, 1799. Other papers, theColumbian Centinel, for example, began the publication of the Abridgement, but discontinued the series before the end was reached.
[828]The entire indifference to the Abridgement which many New England editors manifested was the occasion of no little disappointment and chagrin on the part of those who had hoped for material assistance and comfort from this source.Cf.Connecticut Courant, July 22, 1799. With regard to the general impression which theMemoirs of Jacobinismmade in this country, the comments of Thomas Jefferson are of interest. Though based upon an imperfect acquaintance with Barruel’s work, considerable sound criticism is expressed. “I have lately by accident got sight of a single volume (the 3d.) of the Abbé Barruel’s ‘Antisocial Conspiracy’, which gives me the first idea I have ever had of what is meant by the Illuminatism against which ‘Illuminate Morse’, as he is now called, and his ecclesiastical and monarchical associates have been making such a hue and cry. Barruel’s own parts of the book are perfectly the ravings of a Bedlamite. But he quotes largely from Wishaupt [sic] whom he considers the founder of what he calls the order … Wishaupt seems to be an enthusiastic philanthropist. He is among those (as you know the excellent Price and Priestley also are) who believe in the infinite perfectibility of man. He thinks he may in time be rendered so perfect that he will be able to govern himself in every circumstance, so as to injure none, to do all the good he can, to leave government no occasion to exercise their powers over him, and, of course, to render political government useless. This, you know, is Godwin’s doctrine, and this is what Robison, Barruel, and Morse have called a conspiracy against all government. … The means he proposes to effect this improvement of human nature are ‘to enlighten men, to correct their morals and inspire them with benevolence’. As Wishaupt lived under the tyranny of a despot and priests, he knew that caution was necessary even in spreading information, and the principles of pure morality. He proposed, therefore, to lead the Free Masons to adopt this object. … This has given an air of mystery to his views, was the foundation of his banishment, the subversion of the Masonic Order, and is the color for the ravings against him of Robison, Barruel, and Morse, whosereal fears are that the craftwould be endangered by the spreading of information, reason, and natural morality among men. … I believe you will think with me that if Wishaupt had written here, where no secrecy is necessary in our endeavours to render men wise and virtuous, he would not have thought of any secret machinery for that purpose … ”. (The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, vol. vii, p. 419: Letter to Bishop James Madison.)
[829]Christopher D. Ebeling (1741–1817) was a German geographer and historian who was greatly interested in everything relating to America. In 1794 he was elected a corresponding member of the Massachusetts Historical Society. He was in correspondence with such public characters in America as Morse, Dr. Jeremy Belknap, President Stiles, and Thomas Jefferson. After his death, Ebeling’s large and valuable library became the property of Harvard University.
[830]Cf. op. cit.
[831]Ibid.
[832]American Mercury, Sept. 26, 1799. The entire article was well calculated to nettle the feelings of Morse. He was referred to therein as “a celebrated calumniator of Masonry” and “an eagle-eyed detector of Illuminatism.” The concluding statement was peculiarly humiliating and irritating: “Many people wonder why the Rev. Granny, who has officiated at the birth of so manymice(when Mountains have travailed), had not published the letter he has lately received from Professor Ebeling: many others suppose he will publish it as an Appendix to his next Fast-Day Sermon.” In addition to theAmerican Mercury, theBeeand theAuroraboth published this account of the Ebeling-Morse letter.Cf.the edition of the former for Oct. 9, 1799, and of the latter for Nov. 25, Dec. 6, 9, 1799. Thus wide publicity was given to the matter, on account of which Morse was justly aroused.
[833]American Mercury, Nov. 7, 1799Cf.Columbian Centinel, Nov. 23, 1799.
[834]Morse’s letter to Babcock, editor of theAmerican Mercury, bore date of October 4, 1799. It drew no further response from Babcock than a private epistle, calling upon Morse to refute the statements which had appeared in the Mercury, and promising that then the editor’s “man” would be produced.Cf.American Mercury, Nov. 7, 1799.
[835]American Mercury, Nov. 14, 1799.Cf.Columbian Centinel, Nov. 23, 1799.
[836]American Mercury, Nov. 14, 1799. The affidavits of Tappan and Pearson were actually offered in evidence later.Cf.Connecticut Courant, May 19, 1800;Massachusetts Mercury, May 23, 1800.
[837]Cf.the issue of this paper for Sept. 30, 1799.
[838]Ibid., Nov. 4, 1799.
[839]Cf.article by “Candidus” in the issue of this paper for Nov. 23, 1799.
[840]Cf.the issue of this paper for Dec. 27, 1799.
[841]Cf.Bee, Nov. 20, 1799.
[842]Ibid.
[843]Ibid., Nov. 20, 27, 1799.
[844]Ibid., Nov. 20, 1799.
[845]Cf.Aurora, Nov. 16, 25, Dec. 6, 9, 1799.
[846]Ibid., Nov. 16, 1799.
[847]Ibid.
[848]Ibid.
[849]This fact was acknowledged by Ebeling.Cf. Ebeling MSS.: Ebeling’s letters to Bentley, July 28, 1800; July 1, 1801.
[850]From 1798 on, Bentley’sDiaryis replete with ill-tempered and abusive references to Morse.Cf.for example, vol. ii, pp. 278, 291, 296, 302, 329, 334, 384, 391; vol. iii. pp. 9, 32, 141, 149, 217, 218, 342, 357et seq., 431; vol. iv, pp. 209, 241. Bentley’s enthusiastic devotion to Freemasonry and his rancorous republicanism were largely responsible for his personal feeling towards Morse; but there also appears to have been a disagreeable and petty personal element in the situation. Bentley was peevish and spiteful towards Morse because he believed that the latter had stirred up one of the creditors of the elder Bentley to attempt to collect a debt from the son.Cf.Bentley,Diary, vol. iv, pp. 241et seq.Even before the Illuminati agitation broke out in New England, Bentley found it impossible to repress his low opinion of Morse as a geographer and as a man.Cf. ibid., vol. ii, pp. 64, 70.
[851]Cf.Ebeling MSS.: Ebeling’s letter to Bentley, March 13, 1799.
[852]Ibid.: Ebeling’s letter to Bentley, March 23, 1799.
[853]Ibid.
[854]In view of the fact that Ebeling had instructed Bentley that his letter was not to be given to the public, and that if by any chance it should find its way into print, it was to be expurgated and presented to the public only in part, he felt aggrieved at Bentley for paying attention to none of his instructions. Ebeling’s great fear seems to have been that his mention of living personages in European politics would be likely to create serious embarrassments. Nevertheless, he assured Bentley that he was not disposed to be deeply hurt over the appearance of the letter in the American press.Cf. ibid.: Ebeling’s letters to Bentley, July 28, 1800, July 1, 1801.
[855]Morse had ample justification for thinking himself thoroughly ill-used in this situation. The embarrassment that he experienced over the appearance of the letter in theAuroraand theBeewas enhanced by the fact that the account of the Ebeling-Morse letter published in theAmerican Mercury, which tallied with theAurora-Beeletter, was due to a confidence that Morse had given to a man whom he supposed to be friendly to his cause. A certain Samuel Huntington had visited him, to whom Morse read the letter he had received from Ebeling. Trusting to his memory, Huntington afterwards sent a communication to theAmerican Mercury, purporting to contain a true account of the epistle that Morse had read to him.Cf.Bentley Correspondence, vol. i, 40: J. Eliot’s letter to Bentley, July 26, 1802.Cf.The Mercury and New-England Palladium[successor to theMassachusetts Mercury], April 28, 1801.
[856]The agitation against Morse became highly abusive and threatening. He was made the recipient of scurrilous and intimidating epistles, which did not stop short of promising physical chastisement.Cf.Wolcott Papers, vol. viii, 32, for a specimen of such documents.Cf. ibid., 30: Morse’s letter to Wolcott, Dec. 6, 1799.
[857]Wolcott Papers, 31.Cf.National Magazine, or a Political, Historical, Biographical, and Literary Repository, vol. ii, pp. 26et seq.: article byPhilalethes. Parker’s observations are fully corroborated by this pseudonymous writer. That Wisdom Lodge was a regular Masonic lodge, organized under theGrand Orientof France, is further testified to by Mackey,The History of Free Masonry, vol, v, p. 1420. Treudley,The United States and Santa Domingo, 1789–1866, pp. 111–125, adequately presents the essential facts bearing on the presence of the French refugees in the United States.
[858]Wolcott Papers, vol. viii, 31.
[859]Payson (1753–1820) was a Harvard graduate, who located at Rindge in 1782, and continued in the pastorate at that place until death removed him, forty-eight years later.
[860]Proofs of the Real Existence, and Dangerous Tendency, of Illuminism. Containing an abstract of the most interesting parts of what Dr. Robison and the Abbe Barruel have published on this subject; with collateral proofs and general observations.By Seth Payson, A. M., Charlestown, 1802.
[861]Ibid., pp. iii, 217et seq., 245et seq.
[862]Mackey,Lexicon and History of Freemasonry, pp. 183et seq.One of the most active and influential New England Masons of the period was the Reverend William Bentley. The following references in hisDiarythrow light upon this phase of the situation: vol. ii, pp. 6–8, 11, 12.Cf.also Myer’sHistory of Free Masonry and Its Progress in the United States, p. 15.
[863]Cf.for example, a small volume entitled,Eulogium and Vindication of Masonry. Selected (and Improved) from Various Writers, Philadelphia, 1792. The following excerpt is fairly typical: “There are brethren who, careless of their own reputation, disregard the instinctive lessons of our noble science, and by yielding to vice and intemperance, not only disgrace themselves, but reflect dishonor upon Masonry in general. It is this unfortunate circumstance which has given rise to those severe and unjust reflections, which the prejudiced part of mankind have so illiberally bestowed upon us.” (Ibid., p. 11.Cf. ibid., p. 19.) This representation of the case is fully confirmed byThe Freemason’s Monitor; or Illustrations of Masonry: in Two Parts. By a Royal Arch Mason … Albany, 1797, pp. 18et seq.. The following sermon, delivered by a non-Mason, is also suggestive in this connection:A Discourse delivered in the New Presbyterian Church, New York: Before the Grand Lodge of the State of New York … June 24th, 1795. By Samuel Miller, one of the Ministers of the United Presbyterian Churches in the City of New York, 1795. Miller dwelt at length upon the suspicion and prejudice that existed against the Masons, due, as he argued, to (1) the order’s veil of secrecy, (2) the number of men who have been admitted to membership who were known to be the open enemies of religion and morality and a disgrace to human nature itself, and (3) the “scenes of vanity and folly” and “the froth of nonsense” by which too many Masonic gatherings were characterized.Cf. ibid., pp. 25et seq.Despite the fact that the sermon was full of frankest criticism, Miller’s composition was ordered printed by the Grand Lodge, doubtless for the principal reason that he had been at pains to distinguish betweengenuineandspuriousMasons. Thaddeus Harris, a prominent Massachusetts Mason, in a sermon preached at the consecration at a lodge at Groton, Mass., Aug. 9, 1797, took account of the same criticism of the order.Cf.also, Bentley’sDiary, vol. i, p. 379. Reference to such Masonic compilations asThe Vocal Companion and Masonic Register, Boston, 1802, andThe Maryland Ahiman Rezon of Free and Accepted Masons… Baltimore, 1797, will not leave the reader in doubt that a good deal of the poetry and music employed in the lodges was excessively hilarious and coarse.
[864]In addition to the sermons of Miller and Harris cited in the foregoing note,cf.A Discourse on the Origin, Progress and Design of Free Masonry. Delivered at the Meeting-House in Charlestown, in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, on the Anniversary of St. John the Baptist, June 24, A. D. 1793.By Josiah Bartlett, M. B., Boston, 1793. p. 17. The Rev. Ashbel Baldwin, chaplain of the grand lodge of Connecticut, in 1797, came to the defence of Masonry against the same charge.Cf.The Records of Free Masonry in the State of Connecticut, etc.By E. G. Storer, Grand Secretary, New Haven, 1859, vol. i, pp. 97et seq.
[865]Jedediah Morse’s efforts, in his fast sermon at May 9, 1798, to avoid giving mortal offence to the Masons of New England, have already been noted. Seesupra,pp. 235et seq.As Robison had sought to exculpate the Masons of England, so Morse sought to exculpate the Masons of “the Eastern States.” We shall see plenty of evidence, however, that New England Masons were not deceived. From the first they recognized with more or less clearness thatMasonryitself was involved. The good name and integrity of their entire institution were at stake.
[866]General Joseph Warren, the Revolutionary patriot and hero, who fell at Bunker Hill, one of the most honored leaders of American Freemasonry.
[867]Cf.Columbian Centinel, June 30, 1798; alsoMassachusetts Mercury, Aug. 21, 1798, for the address of the Grand Lodge in full, together with the President’s cordial response.
[868]Harris was Past Grand Chaplain of the Grand Lodge and Chaplain of the Grand Royal Arch Chapter of Massachusetts.
[869]A Charge delivered before the Morning Star Lodge, in Worcester, Massachusetts, upon the festival of Saint John the Baptist, June 25, A. L. 5798.By the Rev. Brother William Bentley, of Salem, Massachusetts. Worcester, June, A. L. 5798. (The initials A. L. in the foregoing title stand forAnno Lucis, and represent a common Masonic usage). This charge not only found independent publication, but got into the New England newspapers generally, and did much to distinguish its author as a bold defender of the craft.
[870]Ibid., p. 9.
[871]Bentley,op. cit., p. 16.
[872]Ibid., pp. 22et seq.
[873]Ibid., p. 31. Bentley rarely, if ever, made as generous a reference to Morse from this time on. His resentment toward the chief calumniator of Masonry, as Morse came to be regarded, grew apace.
[874]Discourses, delivered on Public Occasions, Illustrating the Principles, Displaying the Tendency, and Vindicating the Design of Freemasonry.By Thaddeus Mason Harris…. Charlestown, Anno Lucis, 1801.
[875]Harris,op. cit., pp. 51et seq.
[876]Ibid.,Discourses ii,vii,viii, andx, particularly.
[877]This became one of the terms by which Bentley was alluded to.
[878]A Sermon delivered before the Grand Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, at a Public Installation of Officers of Corinthian Lodge, at Concord, … June 25, 1798.By Jedediah Morse, D. D., minister of the congregation in Charlestown (n. d.).
[879]An Oration, delivered before the Right Worshipful Master and Brethren of St. Peter’s Lodge, at the Episcopal Church in Newburyport, Massachusetts, on the festival of St. John the Baptist; celebrated June 25, 5798.By Worshipful Brother Charles Jackson, p. M., Newburyport, March, A. L. 5799.
[880]Ibid., p. 18.
[881]Ibid., p. 17.
[882]Ibid., pp. 19et seq.
[883]Ibid., p. 23.
[884]Cf. supra,pp. 254et seq.
[885]Massachusetts Mercury, Aug. 7, 1798. Bartlett was Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts.
[886]Ibid.
[887]In his address before the Worcester Lodge, June 25, Bentley had gone so far as to designate Morse “a madman” for accepting Robison’s book at its face value. This led to a retort in kind on the part of Morse. Bentley, according to Morse, was incapable of making himself understood; one must always have a commentator in reading him.Massachusetts Mercury, Aug. 3, 1798.
[888]Ibid., Aug. 10, 1798.
[889]Ibid., Sept. 7, 1798.
[890]Massachusetts Mercury, Sept. 18, 1798.
[891]Ibid.
[892]The Masons appear to have paid little if any attention to the thanksgiving sermon of November 29, 1798. There was little reason why they should.
[893]SeeSalem Gazette, Dec. 25, 1798.
[894]Salem Gazette, Dec. 25, 1798.
[895]Ibid.
[896]Salem Gazette, Dec. 25, 1798.
[897]Hayden,Washington and His Masonic Compeers, p. 176.
[898]Ibid., pp. 176et seq.
[899]The address of the Maryland Grand Lodge was presented early in June, 1798. The President’s response followed in due course. Both documents were freely copied in the newspapers of the day, the New England papers not excepted.Cf.for example, theSalem Gazette, Aug. 10, 1798.
[900]An Address, delivered in Essex Lodge, Massachusetts, Dec. 27, 5798 (1798), on the festival of St. John the Evangelist, at the induction of officers.By William Bentley. Essex Lodge was located at Salem, Bentley’s home. The address may be found in the Freemason’s Magazine, February, 1812, pp. 333et seq.Bentley’s further reflections upon President Adams’s unsatisfactory response to the Vermont Grand Lodge led him to make even more pointed observations. Under date of Feb. 4, 1799, he wrote in his diary: “My address to Essex Lodge out of press. Pres. A. talks like a boy about the danger of the institution. Men of sense who ridicule or oppose the Institution are surprised at his simplicity. If he affects to be afraid, he loosens by the pretence because indifferent persons consider it as a weakness & his judgment suffers, so that he gets neither aid nor confidence.” (Diary, vol. ii, p. 296.)
[901]An Oration, delivered in the Meeting house of the First Parish in Portland, Monday, June 24th, 5799 … in celebration of the anniversary festival of St. John the Baptist.By Brother Amos Stoddard … Portland, 1799.
[902]Ibid., p. 9.
[903]Ibid., p. 10.
[904]Ibid.
[905]Ibid.
[906]A Sermon delivered before Mount Moriah Lodge: at Reading in the County of Middlesex; at the celebration of St. John: June 24th, A. D. 1799.By Caleb Prentiss, A. M., pastor of the First Parish in said town … Leominster (Mass.) … Anno Lucis, 5799.
[907]Prentiss,op. cit., pp. 12, 13.
[908]A Sermon, at the Consecration of the Social Lodge in Ashby, and the Installation of its Officers, June 24, A. D. 1799.By Seth Payson, A. M., pastor of the church in Rindge, Amherst, N. H. 1800.
[909]Cf. supra,p. 321.
[910]Payson’sSermon, p. 8.
[911]Payson’sSermon, p. 9.
[912]Ibid.
[913]Bentley,op. cit., vol. ii, p. 316.
[914]Ibid.
[915]The Secrets of Masonry Illustrated and Explained; in a Discourse, preached at South-Kingston, before the Grand Lodge of the State of Rhode-Island, etc., September 3d, A. L. 5799.By Abraham L. Clark, A. M., rector of St. John’s Church, Providence. Providence, 1799. p. 13.
[916]An Address, delivered December 18, 1799. Before the Brethren of Montgomery Lodge; at their Masonic Hall in Franklin….By Brother James Mann, P. M. Wrentham, 1800, p. 16.
[917]Masonry in Its Glory: or Solomon’s Temple Illuminated.By David Austin, Jun.: Citizen of the World. East-Windsor, Connecticut, 1800, p. 32.Cf.An Oration, pronounced at Walpole, Newhampshire[sic]before the Jerusalem, Golden Rule and Olive Branch Lodges of Free and Accepted Masons, at their celebration of the festival of St. John the Baptist, June 24th, A. L. 5800. By Brother Martin Field, A. B. Putney, October, 1800.
[918]An Oration pronounced before the Right Worshipful Master & Brethren of St. Peter’s Lodge, at the Episcopal Church in Newburyport, on the festival of St. John the Baptist, June 24th, 5802.By Brother Michael Hodge, Jun. p. M. Newburyport, … 5802, p. 12.
[919]An Address, delivered before the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts, on the festival of St. John the Evangelist, Dec. 27th, A. L. 5805….By Henry Maurice Lisle, P. M. R. A. C. and Master of Union Lodge, Dorchester. Boston, 1805, pp. 14et seq.
[920]Bentley,Diary, vol. iii, p. 228.
[921]An Address, delivered at the Grand Convention of the Free Masons of the State of Maryland; held on the 10th May, 1802,—in which the observance of secrecy is vindicated, and the principal objections of Professor Robison against the institution, are candidly considered.By John Crawford, M. D., Grand Master. Baltimore, 1802, pp. 5, 8, 9, 30.—In this connection, the following table showing the numerical increase of certain Massachusetts lodges during the period 1794–1802, compiled from the records of these lodges as contained in their published histories, will be of interest. In three instances,viz., St. John’s, Corinthian and Columbian, both those who received membership and those who took degrees are included.
* Only one new member admitted after May.† Only one new member admitted after Sept. 3.‡ Incomplete.
[922]A Masonic Oration, pronounced on the festival of St. John the Evangelist, December 26, 1799…. In Middletown.By Alexander Collins, Esq. Middletown, 1800.
[923]Ibid., p. 5.
[924]Ibid., p. 15. An interesting episode in Washington’s Masonic career may here be alluded to. In the summer of 1798, the Reverend G. W. Snyder, a Lutheran clergyman of Frederickstown, Md., wrote Washington, expressing his fear that Illuminism might possibly gain an entrance into the American lodges and appealing to Washington to exert himself to prevent such an unhappy consummation. Snyder accompanied his letter with a copy of Robison’sProofs of a Conspiracy. Washington replied to Snyder’s letter to the effect that he had heard much about “the nefarious and dangerous plan and doctrines of the Illuminati,” but that he did not believe the lodges of this country had become contaminated thereby. Later Snyder again addressed Washington on the subject, expressing surprise that the latter was doubtful concerning the spread of the doctrines of Illuminism in this country. To this Washington made answer that he had not intended to impart the impression by his former letter “that the doctrines of the Illuminati and the principles of Jacobinism had not spread in the United States.” On the contrary, he professed himself fully satisfied on that point. But what he had meant to say formerly was this: he “did not believe that the lodges of freemasons in this country had, as societies, endeavoured to propagate the diabolical tenets of the former, or pernicious principles of the latter.” (Cf.Sparks,The Writings of Washington, vol. xi, pp. 314et seq., 377.Cf.Hayden,Washington and His Masonic Compeers, pp. 177–189.) A recent study of this correspondence has appeared.Cf.Sachse,Washington’s Masonic Correspondence, Philadelphia, 1915, pp. 117–139. The author manifests undue eagerness to acquit Washington of serious interest in the controversy over the Illuminati. His unnecessary emphasis upon Snyder’s private character, his remark that “Brother Washington evidently surmised that this letter from Snyder was nothing more or less than a scheme to entrap him” (Ibid., p. 124), and his characterization of Washington’s second letter to Snyder as “sharp,” all strongly imply that Sachse failed to view the episode in its true setting. That Washington had a genuine interest in the controversy over the Illuminati the following letter gives added proof: