[116]This notice is from the lectures of 182⁸⁄₉, and is uniformly given by all the MSS. In the year 182⁶⁄₇, N. said, the length of theemissariusis not measured; it is stated to be one (Italian) mile and a half, 7,500 feet: in R. H. II. p. 570, there are 6,000 feet. AbekenMittel Italien, p. 179, says:—“The subterraneous drain cuts the south-western banks of the lake to an extent of nearly four thousand feet.” The statement of its length, as given in the text, seems therefore to be founded on a mistake.—Germ. Edit.
[116]This notice is from the lectures of 182⁸⁄₉, and is uniformly given by all the MSS. In the year 182⁶⁄₇, N. said, the length of theemissariusis not measured; it is stated to be one (Italian) mile and a half, 7,500 feet: in R. H. II. p. 570, there are 6,000 feet. AbekenMittel Italien, p. 179, says:—“The subterraneous drain cuts the south-western banks of the lake to an extent of nearly four thousand feet.” The statement of its length, as given in the text, seems therefore to be founded on a mistake.—Germ. Edit.
[117]See the speech of Fabricius in Dionysius, p. 747. I. 43. Sylb. from the Exc. de Leg.
[117]See the speech of Fabricius in Dionysius, p. 747. I. 43. Sylb. from the Exc. de Leg.
[118]See R. H. III. note 485. Above p. 45.
[118]See R. H. III. note 485. Above p. 45.
[119]The southern mountains in Spain are connected with the African ones.
[119]The southern mountains in Spain are connected with the African ones.
[120]In Lombardy, the battle fields of 1799 are very difficult to make out since the direction of the roads has been changed. Near Lützen, near Breitenfeld, and near Leuthen, the sites are also very hard to be recognised; even near Prague and Collin, it is not easily done.
[120]In Lombardy, the battle fields of 1799 are very difficult to make out since the direction of the roads has been changed. Near Lützen, near Breitenfeld, and near Leuthen, the sites are also very hard to be recognised; even near Prague and Collin, it is not easily done.
[121]A difficult passage in the Metamorphoses of Ovid, refers perhaps to this war. It is stated in it that a heron had risen from the ruins of the city, after its destruction by the barbarians. The latest commentators have, without any just authority, tried to connect this destruction with the war of Hannibal. It might apply to a Samnite campaign, in which Ardea was burnt down; as Strabo, perhaps, would induce us to believe, when asserting, that the Samnites had carried on their conquests as far as Ardea. Yet the Samnites would scarcely have been called barbarians. Most likely there is here an inversion of the tradition which we have just mentioned, that the Ardeates under Camillus had defeated the Gauls.
[121]A difficult passage in the Metamorphoses of Ovid, refers perhaps to this war. It is stated in it that a heron had risen from the ruins of the city, after its destruction by the barbarians. The latest commentators have, without any just authority, tried to connect this destruction with the war of Hannibal. It might apply to a Samnite campaign, in which Ardea was burnt down; as Strabo, perhaps, would induce us to believe, when asserting, that the Samnites had carried on their conquests as far as Ardea. Yet the Samnites would scarcely have been called barbarians. Most likely there is here an inversion of the tradition which we have just mentioned, that the Ardeates under Camillus had defeated the Gauls.
[122]As an artist, by working in the presence of his pupil, improves his eye, and thus gives him the best practice, so is it also in literary pursuits. He who has studied for the whole of his life, certainly does a service to his hearers, when he shows them how he has got on, and how also he has sometimes gone back.
[122]As an artist, by working in the presence of his pupil, improves his eye, and thus gives him the best practice, so is it also in literary pursuits. He who has studied for the whole of his life, certainly does a service to his hearers, when he shows them how he has got on, and how also he has sometimes gone back.
[123]Mirabeau said at Marseilles in the year 1789, that C. Gracchus had called on heaven to requite the shedding of his blood, and that from this blood Marius had sprung. But Gracchus was a pure-minded, guiltless man; Marius, a tyrant.
[123]Mirabeau said at Marseilles in the year 1789, that C. Gracchus had called on heaven to requite the shedding of his blood, and that from this blood Marius had sprung. But Gracchus was a pure-minded, guiltless man; Marius, a tyrant.
[124]Συμφωνεῖται σχεδὸν ὑπὸ πάντων, says Dionysius; this σχεδὸν shows, that all were not unanimous. I believe that the excellent Cincius had placed it in a different year, perhaps Ol. 99, 1. or 2.
[124]Συμφωνεῖται σχεδὸν ὑπὸ πάντων, says Dionysius; this σχεδὸν shows, that all were not unanimous. I believe that the excellent Cincius had placed it in a different year, perhaps Ol. 99, 1. or 2.
[125]The chronology is very unsettled here on account of the uncertain change of the magistrates. It was not till after the Punic wars, that the consuls entered regularly into office in spring; and it was only in the last years of the republic that they did so on the first of January.
[125]The chronology is very unsettled here on account of the uncertain change of the magistrates. It was not till after the Punic wars, that the consuls entered regularly into office in spring; and it was only in the last years of the republic that they did so on the first of January.
[126]I have, in the neighbourhood of Tivoli, still found vestiges of several places of which nothing is generally known, and which may have been then destroyed. These are square enclosures of walls on the tops of hills, without any traces of surrounding ramparts. We may see from thence how small those towns were, which lay scattered through Italy; they may have contained about fifty houses each.
[126]I have, in the neighbourhood of Tivoli, still found vestiges of several places of which nothing is generally known, and which may have been then destroyed. These are square enclosures of walls on the tops of hills, without any traces of surrounding ramparts. We may see from thence how small those towns were, which lay scattered through Italy; they may have contained about fifty houses each.
[127]Probably VII, 12. and VIII, 6. or 8.; yet it is alluded to in other places besides.—Germ. Editor.
[127]Probably VII, 12. and VIII, 6. or 8.; yet it is alluded to in other places besides.—Germ. Editor.
[128]The triumph on the Alban mount, which is first mentioned of Papirius Maso after the Punic war, is generally looked upon as a discretionary act of the generals, when they were refused a triumph in Rome; but it is undoubtedly a reminiscence of the ancient custom. Formerly, the Latin general triumphed on the Alban mount, as the Roman in Rome. When there was now no more a Latin general, theimperator, as general of the allies, took his triumph on the Alban mount, if it was denied him at Rome.
[128]The triumph on the Alban mount, which is first mentioned of Papirius Maso after the Punic war, is generally looked upon as a discretionary act of the generals, when they were refused a triumph in Rome; but it is undoubtedly a reminiscence of the ancient custom. Formerly, the Latin general triumphed on the Alban mount, as the Roman in Rome. When there was now no more a Latin general, theimperator, as general of the allies, took his triumph on the Alban mount, if it was denied him at Rome.
[129]Monte Sassodi Castro, above Mugello, is, according to a surmise of the editor of the R. H. III, note 144, the name to which N. here alludes.
[129]Monte Sassodi Castro, above Mugello, is, according to a surmise of the editor of the R. H. III, note 144, the name to which N. here alludes.
[130]By this remark the difficulty is obviated, which otherwise arises as to how in an assembly wherein those only voted who happened to be present, it could have been the majority of the votes which decided. Applying this to Rome, how could the members of theTribus Velina, the residence of which was very far off, not have felt grievously prejudiced in comparison with those of thePalatina? But all this is explained by the fact, that each tribe had only one vote; so that in important discussions the distant ones sent their most able men to town, and thus arosede factoa representative government.
[130]By this remark the difficulty is obviated, which otherwise arises as to how in an assembly wherein those only voted who happened to be present, it could have been the majority of the votes which decided. Applying this to Rome, how could the members of theTribus Velina, the residence of which was very far off, not have felt grievously prejudiced in comparison with those of thePalatina? But all this is explained by the fact, that each tribe had only one vote; so that in important discussions the distant ones sent their most able men to town, and thus arosede factoa representative government.
[131]The war of the Samnites with the Sidicines shows, that the territory of the Samnites at that time reached to the upper Liris, so that its limits are drawn too narrowly by d’Anville.
[131]The war of the Samnites with the Sidicines shows, that the territory of the Samnites at that time reached to the upper Liris, so that its limits are drawn too narrowly by d’Anville.
[132]Campaniais the district of the Campanians, that is to say, of the inhabitants of Capua (Capanion coins).Campasinstead ofCampanusis met with in Plautus.
[132]Campaniais the district of the Campanians, that is to say, of the inhabitants of Capua (Capanion coins).Campasinstead ofCampanusis met with in Plautus.
[133]Niebuhr’s positions do not here agree with those in d’Anville.—Transl.
[133]Niebuhr’s positions do not here agree with those in d’Anville.—Transl.
[134]In his Roman history (III. 137.), Niebuhr pronounces much more decidedly for the second view; but it is to be remarked that the same version as that in this passage occurs already in the first edition (1812), whilst that, given in our text, dates from the lectures of 182⁸⁄₉. The detailed account of the battle (of the year 1826), on the other hand, still follows the version adopted before, of which fact, in order to prevent mistakes, we here expressly remind the reader.—Germ. Edit.
[134]In his Roman history (III. 137.), Niebuhr pronounces much more decidedly for the second view; but it is to be remarked that the same version as that in this passage occurs already in the first edition (1812), whilst that, given in our text, dates from the lectures of 182⁸⁄₉. The detailed account of the battle (of the year 1826), on the other hand, still follows the version adopted before, of which fact, in order to prevent mistakes, we here expressly remind the reader.—Germ. Edit.
[135]VIII, 8. towards the end.—Germ. Edit.
[135]VIII, 8. towards the end.—Germ. Edit.
[136]It is a common mistake of the moderns, that, when they hear ofcornu dextrumandsinistrum, they think of our system, and then suppose also a main body in the centre (corps de bataille). Yet the Roman host consisted of those two halves only (cornua). All the modern writers on tactics, with the exception of Guischard, are mistaken in this respect.
[136]It is a common mistake of the moderns, that, when they hear ofcornu dextrumandsinistrum, they think of our system, and then suppose also a main body in the centre (corps de bataille). Yet the Roman host consisted of those two halves only (cornua). All the modern writers on tactics, with the exception of Guischard, are mistaken in this respect.
[137]In one MS. only, there is instead of “in the field,”in campis Tincetanis; but evidently as a subsequent filling up of a gap, which had been left whilst taking the notes. It is therefore probable that Niebuhr quoted the expressionin campis Ferectanis, which occurs in Livy, without adding any further remark.—Germ. Edit.
[137]In one MS. only, there is instead of “in the field,”in campis Tincetanis; but evidently as a subsequent filling up of a gap, which had been left whilst taking the notes. It is therefore probable that Niebuhr quoted the expressionin campis Ferectanis, which occurs in Livy, without adding any further remark.—Germ. Edit.
[138]Also Popinia, Festus, s. v. Pupinia tribus, p. 233. M.
[138]Also Popinia, Festus, s. v. Pupinia tribus, p. 233. M.
[139]The Plautii preserved on their coins the memory of the conquest of Privernum as the most glorious event of their family-history, R. H. III, 201. L. Æmilius Mamercinus Privernas and C. Plautius Decianus triumphed over the Privernates.—Germ. Edit.
[139]The Plautii preserved on their coins the memory of the conquest of Privernum as the most glorious event of their family-history, R. H. III, 201. L. Æmilius Mamercinus Privernas and C. Plautius Decianus triumphed over the Privernates.—Germ. Edit.
[140]Liv. VIII. 37.
[140]Liv. VIII. 37.
[141]Herennius, as it seems, was on the whole considered as a model of wisdom among the Samnites. According to a passage in CiceroDe Senectute, he occurs as a speaking personage together with Archytas in a philosophical dialogue of a Pythagorean: a remarkable proof how intimately those Italiote towns were connected with the Sabellian peoples, and how far they were from looking upon them as barbarians. They had a great contempt for the Ὀπικοί, and may therefore have made a broad distinction between them and the Samnites. This intercourse with the Greeks accounts for Numa, the fountain head of Sabellian wisdom, having been imagined to have been a Pythagorean. This is a truly Sabine tradition. They went so far in their friendly connection, that the Greeks affected to consider the Samnites as a Spartan colony.
[141]Herennius, as it seems, was on the whole considered as a model of wisdom among the Samnites. According to a passage in CiceroDe Senectute, he occurs as a speaking personage together with Archytas in a philosophical dialogue of a Pythagorean: a remarkable proof how intimately those Italiote towns were connected with the Sabellian peoples, and how far they were from looking upon them as barbarians. They had a great contempt for the Ὀπικοί, and may therefore have made a broad distinction between them and the Samnites. This intercourse with the Greeks accounts for Numa, the fountain head of Sabellian wisdom, having been imagined to have been a Pythagorean. This is a truly Sabine tradition. They went so far in their friendly connection, that the Greeks affected to consider the Samnites as a Spartan colony.
[142]In the lectures of 1826-7, Niebuhr places the end of the first periodbeforethe disaster of Caudium, so that the second period is the brilliant one of the Samnites.—Germ. Ed.
[142]In the lectures of 1826-7, Niebuhr places the end of the first periodbeforethe disaster of Caudium, so that the second period is the brilliant one of the Samnites.—Germ. Ed.
[143]They consequently were not annihilated, as Zonaras has it.
[143]They consequently were not annihilated, as Zonaras has it.
[144]This is probably the passage from Dionysius, Mai Excerpt XVI, 6 quoted in R. H. III, p. 415. note 604.—Germ. Edit.
[144]This is probably the passage from Dionysius, Mai Excerpt XVI, 6 quoted in R. H. III, p. 415. note 604.—Germ. Edit.
[145]See R. H. III, p. 323.—Germ. Edit.
[145]See R. H. III, p. 323.—Germ. Edit.
[146]Reading Ὀμβρίκων instead of ὁμόρων. R. H. III, p. 330, note 438.—Germ. Edit.
[146]Reading Ὀμβρίκων instead of ὁμόρων. R. H. III, p. 330, note 438.—Germ. Edit.
[147]In the lectures of 1826-7 N. still mentioned here the battle on the lake of Vadimo, which afterwards he probably rejected, as may be inferred from R. H. III. 332.—Germ. Edit.
[147]In the lectures of 1826-7 N. still mentioned here the battle on the lake of Vadimo, which afterwards he probably rejected, as may be inferred from R. H. III. 332.—Germ. Edit.
[148]See above, p. 152.
[148]See above, p. 152.
[149]Not Clusium, as Livy has it, for this was called in the language of the Umbrians Camers. Polybius has the correct name, and a mere comparison, based on the nature of the locality, might show us that Clusium is out of question.
[149]Not Clusium, as Livy has it, for this was called in the language of the Umbrians Camers. Polybius has the correct name, and a mere comparison, based on the nature of the locality, might show us that Clusium is out of question.
[150]During the revolutionary wars I had so fully entered into the manner of the different generals, that, in very important cases, I foretold how, for instance, Napoleon would act. People would not believe in my predictions; yet they were generally fulfilled.
[150]During the revolutionary wars I had so fully entered into the manner of the different generals, that, in very important cases, I foretold how, for instance, Napoleon would act. People would not believe in my predictions; yet they were generally fulfilled.
[151]For the arguments for this opinion see R. H. III, p. 431, note 647.—G. Ed.
[151]For the arguments for this opinion see R. H. III, p. 431, note 647.—G. Ed.
[152]We always follow here the chronology of Cato; in Varro and in the Capitoline Fasti whole years are interpolated. This difference is founded upon a monstrous mistake, which Varro makes in the period between the conquest of Rome by the Gauls and the Licinian law. That conquest is dated by him three years earlier than it is in any of the other accounts: from the building of the city to the Gallic invasion, Varro and Cato agree with one another. Varro’s mode of reckoning tallies with the Greek one, and therefore it is sometimes used for synchronistical purposes. But there is not one among the ancient historians who makes use of these patch works: Polybius, especially, follows the era of Cato, which is also to be preferred on this account, that it may always be shown with certainty why Cato has reckoned in such or such a manner. A perfectly satisfactory Roman chronology is an impossibility: it was only in the first Punic war that the beginning of the year first remained fixed.
[152]We always follow here the chronology of Cato; in Varro and in the Capitoline Fasti whole years are interpolated. This difference is founded upon a monstrous mistake, which Varro makes in the period between the conquest of Rome by the Gauls and the Licinian law. That conquest is dated by him three years earlier than it is in any of the other accounts: from the building of the city to the Gallic invasion, Varro and Cato agree with one another. Varro’s mode of reckoning tallies with the Greek one, and therefore it is sometimes used for synchronistical purposes. But there is not one among the ancient historians who makes use of these patch works: Polybius, especially, follows the era of Cato, which is also to be preferred on this account, that it may always be shown with certainty why Cato has reckoned in such or such a manner. A perfectly satisfactory Roman chronology is an impossibility: it was only in the first Punic war that the beginning of the year first remained fixed.
[153]See above, p. 501.
[153]See above, p. 501.
[154]Reprinted in theKleine historische und philologische Schriften. Vol. II. p. 241-256.—G. Ed.
[154]Reprinted in theKleine historische und philologische Schriften. Vol. II. p. 241-256.—G. Ed.
[155]“The benefit of the assignation of land was brought about at a period, when the people was sorely in want of its domestic circumstances being bettered, but too late for it to have been granted.” R. H. III, p. 488.
[155]“The benefit of the assignation of land was brought about at a period, when the people was sorely in want of its domestic circumstances being bettered, but too late for it to have been granted.” R. H. III, p. 488.
[156]There is evidently, by some mistake, theLex Publiliamentioned instead of theLex Valeria Horatia; as the former merely referred to administrative measures, whilst the latter was still the only valid form for actual laws. See above, p. 321.—G. Ed.
[156]There is evidently, by some mistake, theLex Publiliamentioned instead of theLex Valeria Horatia; as the former merely referred to administrative measures, whilst the latter was still the only valid form for actual laws. See above, p. 321.—G. Ed.
[157]To C. Fabricius.
[157]To C. Fabricius.
[158]This dignity must have been abolished before the Punic war, between 471 and 489.
[158]This dignity must have been abolished before the Punic war, between 471 and 489.
[159]One is not to imagine, that the whole of the phalanx, sixteen thousand men, stood always in one compact mass sixteen files deep; but the Macedonians advanced by smaller divisions of about four hundred and twenty, as is done in most cases even now. These were able to move, and to find spaces to pass through, which was impossible for the great phalanx, when it had closed its ranks. This closing in was the resource of the last moment, and then this mass was impenetrable.
[159]One is not to imagine, that the whole of the phalanx, sixteen thousand men, stood always in one compact mass sixteen files deep; but the Macedonians advanced by smaller divisions of about four hundred and twenty, as is done in most cases even now. These were able to move, and to find spaces to pass through, which was impossible for the great phalanx, when it had closed its ranks. This closing in was the resource of the last moment, and then this mass was impenetrable.
[160]We may see from this, what may be done by determination; as it was such an excellent cavalry, and so vastly superior in numbers.
[160]We may see from this, what may be done by determination; as it was such an excellent cavalry, and so vastly superior in numbers.
J. OGDEN AND CO., PRINTERS, 172, ST. JOHN STREET, E.C.