CHAPTER XXIX.YOUNG ENGLAND.
As soon as the dissolution of Parliament was declared, more than the ordinary activity was displayed, and everywhere for a few days the usual tactics were observed. The two “great parties,” as they were called, sent representatives to the various towns, and these issued their addresses, put in various forms of expression, but all meaning the same thing: “Send me. I am for progress. Your interests will be supported, and the Millennium will come, if only you do your duty and plump for me;” or, “Send me. I am a patriot of the true colour, and all that is most desirable for the Empire will be secured, with peace and prosperity, if you obey your consciences and plump for me.”
The immediate occasion of the dissolution was that Parliament was not sufficiently united in regard to the age at which children should be allowed to leave school and commence work. The Government and its supporters said thirteen, the Opposition said fourteen, and got the larger number of votes.
In almost all the Parliamentary boroughs the work of the wire-pullers in London, who tried to dictate to the voters as to the men who were to be their representatives, was in vain. The towns had already chosen their men. Almost without exception they were local men, well known to the people, among whom they bore unblemished characters, and by whom they were pronounced men of knowledge and ability. In the country, in more than a few cases, the squire was the favourite candidate because he was the squire; but the rule everywhere was not for the man to choose the people, but the people to choose the man. For once in the history of England the man did not solicit the suffrages of the voters, but theyrequested him to allow them to place him in Westminster, in order that he might serve them.
It was agreed that there should be no canvassing, and there was therefore less need than usual of workers and conveyances and all the old-fashioned methods of impelling men to the poll.
But there was an organisation, alert and active, which served the good cause in a way so effective as to astonish the world. It was the society of the Young Crusaders who came forward at this crisis and showed their power, not only in their vast numbers, but in their complete discipline. They took the country by storm. To every political meeting they sent a representative who could speak, and who asked to be allowed to place the wishes of the voters of the future before the voters of to-day. “The laws you make now,” said they, “will affect us much more than they will you. Ought we not, therefore, to have a voice in the matter?” And the voice they raised moved men, and made them stand to their principles, and gave them courage for the conflict.
They succeeded in getting their colours adopted—“the red, white and blue of Old England: the red for Battle, the white for Purity, and the blue for Temperance.” The Crusaders were themselves seen everywhere during the fray; their fresh young voices cheered and sang; they cried “Shame!” whenever unfairness, or slander, or untruthfulness characterised a speech, and shouted God speed when they knew and honoured the speaker. It was a great change. For many years women had taken some part in the political battles that had been fought; they had addressed meetings, and canvassed householders, and driven in their carriages to the scene of action; but it was a new thing for the lads to take part in an election. They were at present without votes, but they were learning the duties of citizens as thoroughly as they were learning their trades, and the real questions that were at issue were questions in regard to which they were often less ignorant than their fathers, because they had the advantage of good, clear-headed, and impartial teachers.
Of course, many of the newspapers published satirical articles every day. Were the men of England so fallen, so lost to the sense of their own manliness, as to be dictated to by a lot of little Sunday-school boys? The producers of caricature and illustrators of all the comic papers had a fine time,Christian Societyand other journals of a similar type were more scurrilous than ever, and there was no end to the sneers at religion and religionists which were produced.
But, for the most part, those whom they were intended tohurt and irritate were too busy to take any notice of them, and so went calmly on their way. The constituencies were most earnestly appealed to not to send men who were not altogether, as to their private life and character, the upholders of purity, honesty, and uprightness. And the greater number of the constituencies responded. A man might be rich, but if he paid his workmen poorly it would be vain for him to seek the suffrages of the people. Or he might be clever, and be able to talk persuasively; but unless his life had been speaking in his favour he need not hope to represent his fellow-men in Parliament. For there was a new patriotism for the new times—a patriotism which placed in the forefront of its political battle a banner, with the old device: “Righteousness exalteth a nation; but sin is a reproach to any people.”
There were other banners with other legends, but they meant much the same thing—“No More Working for Starvation Wages,” “No More Unemployed,” “Send Clean Men to Make Clean Cities,” “For the Women and the Children’s Sake,” “No More Brute Force,” “A True Man for True Men.”
Arthur Knight declined the invitations of several cities to represent them. He thought he could serve his country better outside than inside of Parliament; and he was probably right, for it was not in him to be in any sense a political man. But it needs no saying that he was intensely interested in regard to this election.
And he was one of the few men who do not mind being laughed at. He laughed with the laughers when in the daily papers there were articles intended to be funny with such headings as “A Government of Grandmothers,” or “Old Maids in Office,” or “The Childishness of Chivalry.”
Among the meetings was one that was addressed by a young Crusader already known to us.
“Let young Mr. Stapleton talk to us,” shouted a workman, and the suggestion was so heartily applauded that the lad was called upon by the Chairman to say a few words.
He was very nervous, as a boy in such a position ought to be; but his voice was clear and distinct, and it rang through the meeting, touching all hearts.
“One of the rules of our order is that of obedience,” said Ernest, “and since I am asked to try to speak I must do the best I can, only begging you to be patient with me, since I am but a boy. The Young Crusaders are all taking part in this election, because we believe that no previous Parliament has had such grave issues depending upon it as this which isnow being elected. And we are encouraged, as all the world must be, by the knowledge that, for the first time, Christian men of all denominations occupy the same platform. The chosen of the Church will surely be the chosen of the people. And therefore we pray you to choose wisely. You are preparing an inheritance for us; let it be one that shall not bring us shame. We ask of our leaders that they will prove their power by making England better. We love our country, and, if necessary, we will fight for her; but we want a Hercules to clean out all the dark places and lead the people into the light. Help us, for we are not all strong, by removing from us the temptations which might cause us to fall. Send men to Parliament everywhere who will care more for the good name of England and the future well-being of her sons than for their own riches. You are our fathers. Oh! be great that we may be proud of you and copy you. Let the cause you espouse be the people’s cause, and especially the cause of the young people. Is it not more important for you to secure us than wealth? Keep us on your side, and make for us only such laws as shall tend for our good. And in return we will honour you, and work for you, and love you. But my time to talk is not yet come, and so I will cease trying, only I ask you to remember the boys when you are making up your next legislature.”
The young orator had made some long halts between his sentences, and sometimes it had seemed as if he were reciting from some book which he had studied; but on the whole he made an excellent impression.
“There’s a good time coming when a youngster in a jacket can talk like that,” said a man.
“Yes,” replied another with a sigh; “the next generation will be better than we are.”
“If we do our duty by them! We were left too much to ourselves, you know. Our grandfathers believed in the stick, and had their boys well in hand. Our fathers went too much the other way, and didn’t care what became of us, so long as we got out of their way. But our boys don’t want to be let alone; they want to be looked after and helped; and if we do it there will be a fine time to follow ours. I wish I could live to see it.”
“Well, anyway, we will put our man in, for he is one of the right sort.”
“Oh, we shall do that, sure enough.”
And so they did.
There was no more bitter struggle anywhere than at Scourby, where Mr. Whitwell and his friends had resolvedupon wresting the seat from Mr. Richard Lavender, though there were several other places in which the battle was fought on the same lines.
In Scourby, since the churches had decided to unite in Christian and philanthropic endeavour of all kinds, there had been a marked change. Every building consecrated to the worship of God had been a centre round which all sorts of plans for ameliorating the condition of the poor had been tried. One man, at his own expense, had rented a couple of cottages, and there provided occupations of different kinds for those who were out of work. Another cottage had been taken by a lady, who kept it for the use of mothers who might come there to be helped in their cooking, sewing, or anything else that they had in hand. The committee of Helpfulness had been so successful that the whole town had been canvassed, and there was no one in the place who had been overlooked or disregarded. And, best of all, the children were under control in their times of play as well as during their school hours. And all this told upon the working men, on whose votes the election depended; so that, although it could not even yet be said that they could be got to flock into the different places of worship, they did not all flock to public-houses; and they were permeated with the idea that their best friends and staunchest helpers and supporters were Christians.
It was strange that they had ever believed otherwise; but many of them had, and the fact that at last they were being convinced of the truth was an unspeakable gain.
There were some lively scenes in Scourby. Mr. Richard Lavender was every evening in some public-house or other, drinking with the voters, smoking with them, and promising them everything which they liked to ask. But the public-house business was not what it used to be. There were so many other comfortable meeting-places for men in those days, and so many men meant business of another kind, that the number of votes secured over the pot and the glass were fewer than ever before.
Still, there were enough of Lavender’s supporters to have interfered with the right of free speech if the populace had permitted it. There was one public meeting called in support of Mr. Whitwell which was the scene of a disturbance. Men had been primed with beer, and sent on purpose to disturb the proceedings, though as soon as Mr. Whitwell appeared a most enthusiastic welcome was accorded him, and the cheers quite drowned the hootings and the groans. But when the first speaker commenced it was found thatinterruptions were to be the order of the day; and then it was proved that an indignant working man cannot be insulted with impunity. There were no cries of “Turn him out!” but whenever in the audience a man endeavoured to prevent a speaker from being heard, two men quietly seized him, and three or four others surrounded him, and he was ejected with very little ceremony. Still, even that was so unpleasant that Mr. Whitwell decided that his election should not be won by talk at public meetings, and his spoken address was a very short one.
“At former political meetings,” he said, “the interrupters have been lads and young men. Gentlemen, all is well now, for theyouth of England is with us. (Cries of “Hurrah!” “Thank God!” and “Don’t be too sure of that!”) I cannot be too sure! I know. The Coming Race will set many wrong things right. As for me, I am here not by my own wish, but yours. Unless you think I am able to carry out your wishes you will not send me to Westminster as your representative. You know me, for my life has been before you many years. I do not believe that all men can be equal; but I believe that no man ought to be poor. I do not think that my farm ought to be cut up into allotments; but I think that every man who wants a bit of ground for his own cultivation ought to be able to hire or purchase it on easy terms, and that the men whom I employ should get a fair share of the increase. I do not think that labour ought to tyrannise over capital, or capital over labour, for neither can do without the other; but I think that capital is for the many rather than the few. I am sure that every man who is willing to work ought to have work to do, and that his wages should be sufficient to keep in comfort. But I also believe that every man ought to work; and if he is lazy, and will not, then he should be starved until he does. I believe that it is the duty, as it ought to be pleasure, of every father of a family to work for his wife and children, and that he should be compelled to do it. I believe that every brutal husband or father should be dealt with according to the old law—‘With the measure ye mete, it shall be measured to you again,’ and that any selfish drunkard who ill-treats a woman or a child should be made to feel the same pain he has inflicted, to hunger if he has made another hunger, and to be beaten if he has beaten another.” Here there was an interruption, and Mr. Whitwell said distinctly, “Yes, I would have the whip invariably punish cruelty.” Some one cried, “It unmans a man to thrash him!” and the speaker replied, “Any man who strikes a woman or a child is unmannedalready; he is not a man, but a coward.” “But,” he continued, “I would make it penal for a landlord to receive rent for an insanitary house, or for a master to compel his hands to work in unhealthy conditions; and I would have every man, woman, and child enjoy some leisure as well as work, some pleasure as well as duty. And, gentlemen, if a rich English merchant sends out an unseaworthy ship, or a cargo deliberately intended to ruin a race of savages, I would have him imprisoned. If a magistrate should take the part of the rich against the poor, I would have him deposed. In a word, what I long for, and will do my best to promote, is justice! Down with hypocrisy, whatever garb it wears! Let us have real men, for the times demand them. I do not say to you that I am one of these; I only say that I will try to be; and, if I cannot hasten on the right, at least I will not hinder it. Gentlemen, I shall say no more at any other time or in any other place during this contest. The issue shall be as you desire!”
Dr. Stapleton and Mr. Dallington walked away from the meeting together.
“The streets are much more quiet than at the last election,” remarked John; “but that is because the public-houses are now closed at ten, and night is not made hideous by the shouts of half-drunken men and women.”
“And the election will be as we wish it, for the same reason,” said the Doctor. “I am not as advanced as some people in regard to total abstinence, you know; but this Local Option arrangement is splendid.”
“Ah! there has been a vote to-day, has there not, to decide whether the public-houses shall be open or closed on the day of the election?”
“Yes; and it is decided that they are to be closed.”
“Really! The majority has it?”
“Yes; and a very respectable majority it is. The figures were handed to me as I left the hall. It was not a large vote—a good many abstained from recording their wishes; but there is no mistake as to the desires of the community that this issue shall not be befogged by drink.”
“I am exceedingly glad to hear it. Then there is not a shade of doubt but that our man will win?”
“Not a shade!”