Replies.

"Dont maint bon chevalier fu jété fort souvin;Mainte dame fu vesve, et maint povre orfelin;Et maint bon maronier accourchit son termin;Et mainte preude femme mise à divers destin;Et encore sera, si Jhesus n'i met fin."

"Dont maint bon chevalier fu jété fort souvin;

Mainte dame fu vesve, et maint povre orfelin;

Et maint bon maronier accourchit son termin;

Et mainte preude femme mise à divers destin;

Et encore sera, si Jhesus n'i met fin."

The first lines of the poem give the place and date of the transaction, "London, September, 1338," in King Edward's "palais marbrin." The versification is as strange as the matter. The author has taken great pains to collect as many words rhyming together as possible. The first twenty-six lines rhyme to "in;" the hundred next to "is;" then fifty to "ent," and so on: but the lines have all their rhythm, and some are smooth and harmonious. Has any other MS. been discovered? Has it been elsewhere printed? Has it been translated into English, or has any English author noticed it? If these questions are answered in the negative, I would suggest that the Camden, or some such society, would do well to reprint it, with a translation, and Sainte Palaye's commentary, and whatever additional information can be gathered about it; for although it evidently is aromance, it contains many particulars of the court of England, and of the manners of the time, which are extremely curious, and which must have a good deal of truth mixed up with the chivalrous fable.

Inscriptions on a Dagger-case.—I have in my possession a small dagger-case, very beautifully carved in box-wood, bearing the following inscriptions on two narrow sides, and carved representations of Scripture subjects on the other two broad sides.

Inscriptions."DIE EEN PENINCK WINT ENDE BEHOVT DIEMACHT VERTEREN ALS HI WORT OWT HAD.""ICK DAT BEDOCHT IN MIN IONGE DAGEN SODORST ICK HET IN MIN OVTHEIT NIET BEGLAGEN."

Inscriptions.

"DIE EEN PENINCK WINT ENDE BEHOVT DIEMACHT VERTEREN ALS HI WORT OWT HAD."

"DIE EEN PENINCK WINT ENDE BEHOVT DIE

MACHT VERTEREN ALS HI WORT OWT HAD."

"ICK DAT BEDOCHT IN MIN IONGE DAGEN SODORST ICK HET IN MIN OVTHEIT NIET BEGLAGEN."

"ICK DAT BEDOCHT IN MIN IONGE DAGEN SO

DORST ICK HET IN MIN OVTHEIT NIET BEGLAGEN."

On the other sides the carvings, nine in number, four on one side, one above another, represent the making of Eve, entitled "Scheppin;" the Temptation, entitled "Paradis;" the Expulsion, "Engelde;" David with the head of Goliath, "Davide." At the foot of this side the date "1599," and a head with pointed beard, &c. beneath. On the other side are five subjects: the uppermost, entitled "Hesterine," represents Queen Esther kneeling before Ahasuerus. 2. "Vannatan," a kneeling figure, another stretching his arm over him, attendants following with offerings. 3. "Solomone," the judgment of Solomon. 4. "Susannen." 5. "Samson," the jaw-bone in his hand; beneath "SLANG;" and at the foot of all, a dragon.

The case is handsomely mounted in silver.

May I ask you or some of your readers to give me an interpretation of the inscriptions?

G. T. H.

Hallett and Dr. Saxby.—In theLiterary Journal, July, 1803, p. 257., in an article on "The Abuses of the Press," it is stated:

"Hallett, to vex Dr. Saxby, published some disgraceful verses, entitled 'An Ode to Virtue, by Doctor Morris Saxby;' but the Doctor on the day after the publication obliged the bookseller to give up the author, on whom he inflicted severe personal chastisement, and by threats of action and indictment obliged both author and bookseller to make affidavit before the Lord Mayor that they had destroyed every copy in their possession, and would endeavour to recover and destroy the eight that were sold."

Can any of your readers throw a further light upon this summary proceeding, as to the time, the book, or the parties?

S. R.

Rugby.

(Vol. vi., p. 432.)

I have in my possession a pedigree, compiled from original sources, which will, I believe, fully support your correspondent's opinion that the year usually assigned for the death of Joan Beaufort's first husband (1410) is inaccurate. Two entries on the Patent Rolls respectively of the 21st and 22d Richard II., as cited in the pedigree, prove that event to have taken place before Lord Neville of Raby's creation as Earl of Westmoreland; and I am inclined to think that his creation was rather a consequence of his exalted alliance than, as the later and falsely assigned date would lead one to infer, that his creation preceded his marriage by twelve or thirteen years.

Robert Ferrers son and heir of Robert, first Lord Ferrers of Wemme (second son of Robert, third Baron Ferrers of Chartley), and of Elizabeth, daughter and heiress of William Boteler of Wemme, was born circa 1372, being eight years old at his father's death in 1380 (Esc., 4 Ric. II., No. 25.). He married Joan Beaufort, only daughter of John Duke of Lancaster by Catharine Swynford, who became the duke's third wife, 13th January, 1396; their issue before marriage having been made legitimate by a patent read in parliament, and dated 9th February, 1397 (Pat., 20 Ric. II. p. 2. m. 6.). It might almost be inferred from the description given to Joan, Lady Ferrers, in the patent of legitimation, "dilectænobis nobili mulieri Johannæ Beauford, domicellæ," that her first husband was not then living. We find, however, that she had certainly become the wife of the Lord Neville before the 16th of February following, and that Lord Ferrers was then dead (Johanne qui fuist femme de Monsieur Robert Ferrers que Dieu assoile):Pat., 21 Ric. II. p. 2. m. 22.;Pat., 22 Ric. II. p. 3. m. 23. The Lord Ferrers left by her only two daughters, his coheirs, viz. Elizabeth, wife of John, sixth Baron Greystock, and Mary, wife of Ralph Neville, a younger son of Ralph, Lord Neville of Raby, by his first wife Margaret Stafford. The mistake in ascribing Lord Ferrers' death to the year 1410, has probably arisen from that being the year in which his mother died, thus recorded in the pedigrees: "Robert Ferrers, s. & h. obtvita matris," who (i.e.the mother) died 1410 (Esc., 12 Hen. IV., No. 21.). His widow remarried Ralph, Lord Neville of Raby, fourth baron, who was created Earl of Westmoreland, 29th September, 1397[1],and died 1425. The Countess of Westmoreland died 13th November, 1440.

As regards the Queen's descent from John, Duke of Lancaster, in the strictly legitimate line, I may wish to say a word at another time. Allow me now, with reference to the same pedigree, to append a Query to this Reply: Can any of your learned genealogical readers direct me to the authority which may have induced Miss A. Strickland, in her amusingMemoirs of the Lives of the English Queens, to give so strenuous a denial of Henry VIII.'s queen, Jane Seymour's claim to a royal lineage? Miss Strickland writes:

"Through Margaret Wentworth, the mother of Jane Seymour, a descent from the blood-royal of England was claimed, from an intermarriage with a Wentworth and a daughter of Hotspur and Lady Elizabeth Mortimer, grand-daughter to Lionel, duke of Clarence. This Lady Percy is stated by all ancient heralds to have died childless. Few persons, however, dared dispute a pedigree with Henry VIII.," &c.—Lives of the Queens of England, by Agnes Strickland, vol. iv. p. 300.

This is a question, I conceive, of sufficient historical importance to receive a fuller investigation, and fairly to be determined, if possible.

The pedigree shows the following descent:—Lionel Plantagenet, Duke of Clarence, third son of King Edward III. and Philippa of Hainault, left by Elizabeth de Burgh (daughter of William de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, and Maud Plantagenet, second daughter of Henry, third Earl of Lancaster) an only child, Philippa, married to Edmund Mortimer, third Earl of March (Esc., 5 Ric. II., No. 43.). The eldest daughter of Philippa Plantagenet by the Earl of March was Elizabeth Mortimer, who married the renowned Hotspur, Henry Lord Percy, son and heir apparent of Henry Lord Percy, created Earl of Northumberland, 16th July, 1377, K. G. Hotspur was slain at the battle of Shrewsbury, 7th September, 1403,v.p.His widow experienced the revengeful persecution of King Henry (Rymer, viii. 334., Oct. 8, 1403), and died, leaving by her said husband one son, Henry, who became second Earl of Northumberland, and an only daughter, Elizabeth de Percy, who married firstly, John, seventh Lord Clifford of Westmoreland, who died 13th March, 1422 (Esc., 10 Henry V., No. 37.), and secondly, Ralph Neville, second Earl of Westmoreland (Esc., 15 Hen. VI., No. 55.), by whom she left an only child, Sir John Neville, Knight, who died during his father's lifetime, 20th March, 1451,s.p.(Will proved 30th March, 1451.) Lady Elizabeth de Percy, who died in October, 1436, left by her first husband, the Lord Clifford, three children: Thomas, eighth Lord Clifford; Henry, her second son; and an only daughter, Mary, who became the wife of Sir Philip Wentworth, Knight. The Lady Mary Clifford, who must have been born before 1422 (her father having died in that year), was probably only a few years older than her husband Sir Philip, the issue of a marriage which took place in June, 1 Henry VI., 1423 (Cott. MSS. Cleop., F. iv. f. 15.); she was buried in the church of the Friars Minor at Ipswich, where her mother-in-law directed a marble to be laid over her body. Sir Philip's father, Roger Wentworth, Esq. (second son of John Wentworth of North Elmsal, a scion of the house of Wentworth of the North), had married in 1423 Margery Lady de Roos, widow of John Lord de Roos, sole daughter and heiress of Elizabeth de Tibetot, or Tiptoft (third daughter and co-heir of Robert, Lord de Tibetot), and of Sir Philip le Despenser Chivaler (Esc., 18 Edw. IV., No. 35.). By this marriage came, first, Sir Philip Wentworth, Knight, born circa 1424, and married when abouttwenty-three years of age, in 1447; he was slain in 1461, and attainted of high treason in the parliament held 1 Edw. IV.; second, Henry Wentworth of Codham, in the county of Essex; third, Thomas Wentworth Chaplain; and fourth, Agnes, wife of Sir Robert Constable of Flamborough (Harl. MSS., 1560. 1449-1484, and will of Margery, Lady de Roos, proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, 28th May, 1478). Sir Philip, about the year 1447, as before stated, married the Lady Mary Clifford (Harl. MSS., 154. and 1484.), sister of Thomas Lord Clifford, who was slain at the battle of St. Alban's in 1454, and aunt of the Lord Clifford who stabbed the youthful Edmund Plantagenet at the battle of Wakefield, and was himself slain and attainted in parliament, 1st Edward IV. 1461. The issue of this marriage was Sir Henry Wentworth of Nettlestead, in the county of Suffolk, Knight, his son and heir (will of Margery, Lady de Roos, proved as above), born circa 1448, being thirty years of age at his grandmother's death in 1478 (Esc., 18 Edward IV., No. 35.), and died in 1500. His will was proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, 27th February, 1501. Sir Henry, son of Sir Philip, was restored in blood by an act of parliament passed in the 4th of Edward IV. (Parliament Rolls, v. 548.), and having married Anne, daughter of Sir John Say, Knight (Rot. Pat., 1 Ric. II., p. 2., No. 86., 20th February, 1484), left by her several children, viz. Sir Richard Wentworth, Knight, son and heir, Edward Wentworth, and four daughters, the second of whom, Margery, was married to Sir John Seymour of Wolf Hall, in the county of Wilts, Knight (Harl. MSS., 1449-1484. 1560., &c.), of which marriage, among other children, were born Sir Edward Seymour, created Duke of Somerset, and Jane, third wife of King Henry VIII., mother of Edward VI.

Wm. Hardy.

Footnote 1:(return)There is amongst the Records of the Duchy of Lancaster an interesting grant from John, Duke of Lancaster, to his daughter Joan Beaufort, very soon after her marriage with Lord Neville of Raby. This document, of which the following is a translation, proves that Robert Ferrers died before 16th February, 1397."John, son of the king of England, Duke of Guienne and of Lancaster, Earl of Derby, of Lincoln, and of Leicester, Steward of England, to all who these our letters shall see or hear, greeting. Know ye that, of our especial grace, and forasmuch as our very loved son, the Lord de Neville, and our very loved daughter, Joan, his wife (sa compaigne), who was the wife (femme) of Monsieur Robert Ferrers (whom God assoyl), have surrendered into our Chancery, to be cancelled, our other letters patent, whereby we formerly did grant unto the said Monsieur Robert and our aforesaid daughter 400 marks a-year, to be received annually, for the term of their two lives, out of the issues of our lands and lordships of our honour of Pontefract, payable, &c., as in our said other letters more fully it is contained: we, willing that our abovesaid son, the Lord de Neville, and our aforesaid daughter, his wife (sa compaigne), shall have of us, for the term of their two lives, 500 marks a-year, or other thing to the value thereof, have granted by these presents to the same, our son and daughter, all those our lordships, lands, and tenements in Easingwold and Huby, and our three wapentakes of Hang, Hallikeld, and Gilling, the which Monsieur John Marmyon (whom God assoyl) held of us in the county of York: to have and to hold our abovesaid lordships, tenements, and wapentakes, with their appurtenances, to our said son and daughter, for the term of their two lives, and the life of the survivor of them, in compensation for 100l.a-year, part of the abovesaid 500 marks yearly. And also, we have granted by these presents to the same, our son and daughter, the manor of Lydell, with appurtenances, to have and to hold for their lives, and the life of the survivor, in compensation for 40 marks a-year of the abovesaid 500 marks yearly, during the wars or truces between our lord the king and his adversary of Scotland: so, nevertheless, that if peace be made between our same lord the king and his said adversary of Scotland, and on that account the said manor of Lydell, with the appurtenances, shall be found lawfully to be of greater and better yearly value than the said 40 marks a-year, then our said son and daughter shall answer to us, during such peace as aforesaid, for the surplusage of the value of the said manor, beyond the said 40 marks a-year, and the yearly reprises of the said manor. And in full satisfaction of the aforesaid 500 marks a-year we have granted to our abovesaid son and daughter 206l.13s.4d.yearly, to be received out of the issues of our honours of Pontefract and Pickering, by the hands of our receiver there for the time being. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patent. Given under our seal, at London, on the 16th day of February, in the twentieth year of the reign of our most dread sovereign lord King Richard the Second after the Conquest" (A.D.1397).The above grant was confirmed on the 10th of September, in the twenty-second of Richard the Second, 1398, by the eldest son of John of Gaunt, Henry of Lancaster, Duke of Hereford, a few weeks only before the duke's banishment, in the following words: "We, willing to perform and accomplish the good will and desires of our said very honoured lord and father, and in the confidence which we have in our said very loved brother, now Earl of Westmoreland, that he will be a good and natural son to our said very dread lord and father, and that he will be to us in time to come a good and natural brother, and also because of the great affection which we bear towards our said very loved sister, the countess his wife (sa compaigne), do, for us and our heirs, as far as in us lies, ratify and confirm to our said brother and sister the aforesaid letters patent, &c. Given under our seal, at London, on the 10th day of September, in the twenty-second year of the reign of our most dread lord King Richard the Second after the Conquest."King Henry the Fifth, on his accession, by a patent under the seal of the duchy of Lancaster, dated at Westminster, on the 1st of July, in the first year of his reign, confirmed the above letters "to the aforesaid earl and Joan his wife;" and King Henry the Sixth in like manner confirmed his father's patent on the 13th of July, in the second year of his reign.—Regist. Ducat. Lanc. temp. Hen. VI., p. 2. fol. 41.

There is amongst the Records of the Duchy of Lancaster an interesting grant from John, Duke of Lancaster, to his daughter Joan Beaufort, very soon after her marriage with Lord Neville of Raby. This document, of which the following is a translation, proves that Robert Ferrers died before 16th February, 1397.

"John, son of the king of England, Duke of Guienne and of Lancaster, Earl of Derby, of Lincoln, and of Leicester, Steward of England, to all who these our letters shall see or hear, greeting. Know ye that, of our especial grace, and forasmuch as our very loved son, the Lord de Neville, and our very loved daughter, Joan, his wife (sa compaigne), who was the wife (femme) of Monsieur Robert Ferrers (whom God assoyl), have surrendered into our Chancery, to be cancelled, our other letters patent, whereby we formerly did grant unto the said Monsieur Robert and our aforesaid daughter 400 marks a-year, to be received annually, for the term of their two lives, out of the issues of our lands and lordships of our honour of Pontefract, payable, &c., as in our said other letters more fully it is contained: we, willing that our abovesaid son, the Lord de Neville, and our aforesaid daughter, his wife (sa compaigne), shall have of us, for the term of their two lives, 500 marks a-year, or other thing to the value thereof, have granted by these presents to the same, our son and daughter, all those our lordships, lands, and tenements in Easingwold and Huby, and our three wapentakes of Hang, Hallikeld, and Gilling, the which Monsieur John Marmyon (whom God assoyl) held of us in the county of York: to have and to hold our abovesaid lordships, tenements, and wapentakes, with their appurtenances, to our said son and daughter, for the term of their two lives, and the life of the survivor of them, in compensation for 100l.a-year, part of the abovesaid 500 marks yearly. And also, we have granted by these presents to the same, our son and daughter, the manor of Lydell, with appurtenances, to have and to hold for their lives, and the life of the survivor, in compensation for 40 marks a-year of the abovesaid 500 marks yearly, during the wars or truces between our lord the king and his adversary of Scotland: so, nevertheless, that if peace be made between our same lord the king and his said adversary of Scotland, and on that account the said manor of Lydell, with the appurtenances, shall be found lawfully to be of greater and better yearly value than the said 40 marks a-year, then our said son and daughter shall answer to us, during such peace as aforesaid, for the surplusage of the value of the said manor, beyond the said 40 marks a-year, and the yearly reprises of the said manor. And in full satisfaction of the aforesaid 500 marks a-year we have granted to our abovesaid son and daughter 206l.13s.4d.yearly, to be received out of the issues of our honours of Pontefract and Pickering, by the hands of our receiver there for the time being. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patent. Given under our seal, at London, on the 16th day of February, in the twentieth year of the reign of our most dread sovereign lord King Richard the Second after the Conquest" (A.D.1397).

The above grant was confirmed on the 10th of September, in the twenty-second of Richard the Second, 1398, by the eldest son of John of Gaunt, Henry of Lancaster, Duke of Hereford, a few weeks only before the duke's banishment, in the following words: "We, willing to perform and accomplish the good will and desires of our said very honoured lord and father, and in the confidence which we have in our said very loved brother, now Earl of Westmoreland, that he will be a good and natural son to our said very dread lord and father, and that he will be to us in time to come a good and natural brother, and also because of the great affection which we bear towards our said very loved sister, the countess his wife (sa compaigne), do, for us and our heirs, as far as in us lies, ratify and confirm to our said brother and sister the aforesaid letters patent, &c. Given under our seal, at London, on the 10th day of September, in the twenty-second year of the reign of our most dread lord King Richard the Second after the Conquest."

King Henry the Fifth, on his accession, by a patent under the seal of the duchy of Lancaster, dated at Westminster, on the 1st of July, in the first year of his reign, confirmed the above letters "to the aforesaid earl and Joan his wife;" and King Henry the Sixth in like manner confirmed his father's patent on the 13th of July, in the second year of his reign.—Regist. Ducat. Lanc. temp. Hen. VI., p. 2. fol. 41.

(Vol. vi., p. 588.)

I must differ from your correspondent C., in believing that the "N. & Q." have effected much good service to etymology. Even the exposure of error, and the showing up of crotchets, is of no inconsiderable use. I beg to submit that C. himself (unless there are other Richmonds in the field) has done good service in this way. SeeGrummett,Slang Phrases,Martinet,Cockade,Romane,Covey,Bummaree, &c.

I do not, indeed, give implicit faith to hisSteyne, and some more. He, however, would be a rash man who should write or help to write a Dictionary of the English language (a desideratum at present) without turning over the indices of the "N. & Q." Even in the first volume, the discussions onPokership,Daysman,News, and a great many others, seem to me at least valuable contributions to general knowledge on etymology.

As to my remark (Vol. vi., p. 462.) about the derivation ofleader, C. has, perhaps excusably, for the sake of the pun, done me injustice. I hazarded it on the authority of one who has been in the trade, and, as I believe, in thecuicunque perito. I beg to inclose his own account. He says:

"It is a fact, that wheneditorialarticles are sent to the printer, written directions are generally sent with them denoting what type is to be used: thus,brevier leads, orbourgeois leads, signifying that the articles are to be set in brevier or bourgeois type withleadstrips between the lines, to keep them further asunder. It is also a fact, that such articles are denominated in the printing-office 'leaded articles'—hence, leaders."

I submit if this does not justify my Note. I grant, however, many of those articles are entitled also to be calledleaden, as C. will have it.

I do not think, however, that in tracing recent words, we should not give possible as well as certain origins. Many words, if not a double, have at least several putative origins.

Let me subscribe myself—seu male seu bene—

Nota.

P. S.—I would like to suggest that this origin of the term "leading article" is the most favourable to the modesty of any single writer for the Press, who should hardly pretend toleadpublic opinion.

(Vol. vi., p. 578.)

These lines were said to have been addressed to a Dr. Fitzgerald, on reading the following couplet in his apostrophe to his native village:—

"And thou! dear Village, loveliest of the clime,Fain would I name thee, but I scant in rhyme."

"And thou! dear Village, loveliest of the clime,

Fain would I name thee, but I scant in rhyme."

I subjoin a tolerably complete copy of this "rime doggrele:"

"A Bard there was in sad quandary,To find a rhyme for Tipperary.Long labour'd he through January,Yet found no rhyme for Tipperary;Toil'd every day in February,But toil'd in vain for Tipperary;Search'd Hebrew text and commentary,But search'd in vain for Tipperary;Bored all his friends at Inverary,To find a rhyme for Tipperary;Implored the aid of 'Paddy Cary,'Yet still no rhyme for Tipperary;He next besought his mother Mary,To tell him rhyme for Tipperary;But she, good woman, was no fairy,Nor witch—though born in Tipperary;—Knew everything about her dairy,But not the rhyme for Tipperary;The stubborn muse he could not vary,For still the lines would run contrary,Whene'er he thought on Tipperary;And though of time he was not chary,'Twas thrown away on Tipperary;Till of his wild-goose chase most weary,He vow'd to leave out Tipperary.. . . . . .But, no—the theme he might not vary,His longing was not temporary,To find meet rhyme for Tipperary.He sought among the gay and airy,He pester'd all the military,Committed many a strange vagary,Bewitch'd, it seem'd, by Tipperary.He wrote post-haste to Darby Leary,Besought with tears his Auntie Sairie:—But sought he far, or sought he near, heNe'er found a rhyme for Tipperary.He travell'd sad through Cork and Kerry,He drove 'like mad' through sweet Dunleary,Kick'd up a precious tantar-ara,But found no rhyme for Tipperary;Lived fourteen weeks at Stran-ar-ara,Was well nigh lost in Glenègary,Then started 'slick' for Demerara,In search of rhyme for Tipperary.Through 'Yankee-land,' sick, solitary,He roam'd by forest, lake, and prairie,He wentper terram et per mare,But found no rhyme for Tipperary.Through orient climes on Dromedary,On camel's back through great Sahara;His travels were extraordinary,In search of rhyme for Tipperary.Fierce as a gorgon or chimæra,Fierce as Alecto or Megæra,Fiercer than e'er a lovesick bear, heRaged through 'the londe' of Tipperary.His cheeks grew thin and wond'rous hairy,His visage long, his aspect 'eerie,'Histout ensemble, faith, would scare ye,Amidst the wilds of Tipperary.Becoming hypochon-dri-ary,He sent for his apothecary,Who ordered 'balm' and 'saponary,'Herbs rare to find in Tipperary.In his potations ever wary,His choicest drink was 'home gooseberry,'On 'swipes,' skim-milk, and smallest beer, heScanted rhyme for his Tipperary.Had he imbibed good old Madeira,Drank 'pottle-deep' of golden sherry,Of Falstaff's sack, or ripe canary,No rhyme had lack'd for Tipperary.Or had his tastes been literary,He might have found extemporary,Without the aid of dictionary,Some fitting rhyme for Tipperary.Or had he been an antiquary,Burnt 'midnight oil' in his library,Or been of temper less 'camsteary,'Rhymes had not lack'd for Tipperary.He paced about his aviary,Blew up, sky-high, his secretary,And then in wrath and anger sware he,There wasnorhyme for Tipperary."

"A Bard there was in sad quandary,

To find a rhyme for Tipperary.

Long labour'd he through January,

Yet found no rhyme for Tipperary;

Toil'd every day in February,

But toil'd in vain for Tipperary;

Search'd Hebrew text and commentary,

But search'd in vain for Tipperary;

Bored all his friends at Inverary,

To find a rhyme for Tipperary;

Implored the aid of 'Paddy Cary,'

Yet still no rhyme for Tipperary;

He next besought his mother Mary,

To tell him rhyme for Tipperary;

But she, good woman, was no fairy,

Nor witch—though born in Tipperary;—

Knew everything about her dairy,

But not the rhyme for Tipperary;

The stubborn muse he could not vary,

For still the lines would run contrary,

Whene'er he thought on Tipperary;

And though of time he was not chary,

'Twas thrown away on Tipperary;

Till of his wild-goose chase most weary,

He vow'd to leave out Tipperary.

. . . . . .

But, no—the theme he might not vary,His longing was not temporary,To find meet rhyme for Tipperary.He sought among the gay and airy,He pester'd all the military,Committed many a strange vagary,Bewitch'd, it seem'd, by Tipperary.He wrote post-haste to Darby Leary,Besought with tears his Auntie Sairie:—But sought he far, or sought he near, heNe'er found a rhyme for Tipperary.He travell'd sad through Cork and Kerry,He drove 'like mad' through sweet Dunleary,Kick'd up a precious tantar-ara,But found no rhyme for Tipperary;Lived fourteen weeks at Stran-ar-ara,Was well nigh lost in Glenègary,Then started 'slick' for Demerara,In search of rhyme for Tipperary.Through 'Yankee-land,' sick, solitary,He roam'd by forest, lake, and prairie,He wentper terram et per mare,But found no rhyme for Tipperary.Through orient climes on Dromedary,On camel's back through great Sahara;His travels were extraordinary,In search of rhyme for Tipperary.Fierce as a gorgon or chimæra,Fierce as Alecto or Megæra,Fiercer than e'er a lovesick bear, heRaged through 'the londe' of Tipperary.His cheeks grew thin and wond'rous hairy,His visage long, his aspect 'eerie,'Histout ensemble, faith, would scare ye,Amidst the wilds of Tipperary.Becoming hypochon-dri-ary,He sent for his apothecary,Who ordered 'balm' and 'saponary,'Herbs rare to find in Tipperary.In his potations ever wary,His choicest drink was 'home gooseberry,'On 'swipes,' skim-milk, and smallest beer, heScanted rhyme for his Tipperary.Had he imbibed good old Madeira,Drank 'pottle-deep' of golden sherry,Of Falstaff's sack, or ripe canary,No rhyme had lack'd for Tipperary.Or had his tastes been literary,He might have found extemporary,Without the aid of dictionary,Some fitting rhyme for Tipperary.Or had he been an antiquary,Burnt 'midnight oil' in his library,Or been of temper less 'camsteary,'Rhymes had not lack'd for Tipperary.He paced about his aviary,Blew up, sky-high, his secretary,And then in wrath and anger sware he,There wasnorhyme for Tipperary."

But, no—the theme he might not vary,

His longing was not temporary,

To find meet rhyme for Tipperary.

He sought among the gay and airy,

He pester'd all the military,

Committed many a strange vagary,

Bewitch'd, it seem'd, by Tipperary.

He wrote post-haste to Darby Leary,

Besought with tears his Auntie Sairie:—

But sought he far, or sought he near, he

Ne'er found a rhyme for Tipperary.

He travell'd sad through Cork and Kerry,

He drove 'like mad' through sweet Dunleary,

Kick'd up a precious tantar-ara,

But found no rhyme for Tipperary;

Lived fourteen weeks at Stran-ar-ara,

Was well nigh lost in Glenègary,

Then started 'slick' for Demerara,

In search of rhyme for Tipperary.

Through 'Yankee-land,' sick, solitary,

He roam'd by forest, lake, and prairie,

He wentper terram et per mare,

But found no rhyme for Tipperary.

Through orient climes on Dromedary,

On camel's back through great Sahara;

His travels were extraordinary,

In search of rhyme for Tipperary.

Fierce as a gorgon or chimæra,

Fierce as Alecto or Megæra,

Fiercer than e'er a lovesick bear, he

Raged through 'the londe' of Tipperary.

His cheeks grew thin and wond'rous hairy,

His visage long, his aspect 'eerie,'

Histout ensemble, faith, would scare ye,

Amidst the wilds of Tipperary.

Becoming hypochon-dri-ary,

He sent for his apothecary,

Who ordered 'balm' and 'saponary,'

Herbs rare to find in Tipperary.

In his potations ever wary,

His choicest drink was 'home gooseberry,'

On 'swipes,' skim-milk, and smallest beer, he

Scanted rhyme for his Tipperary.

Had he imbibed good old Madeira,

Drank 'pottle-deep' of golden sherry,

Of Falstaff's sack, or ripe canary,

No rhyme had lack'd for Tipperary.

Or had his tastes been literary,

He might have found extemporary,

Without the aid of dictionary,

Some fitting rhyme for Tipperary.

Or had he been an antiquary,

Burnt 'midnight oil' in his library,

Or been of temper less 'camsteary,'

Rhymes had not lack'd for Tipperary.

He paced about his aviary,

Blew up, sky-high, his secretary,

And then in wrath and anger sware he,

There wasnorhyme for Tipperary."

May we not say with Touchstone, "I'll rhyme you so, eight years together; dinners, and suppers, and sleeping hours excepted: it is the right butter-woman's rank to market."

J. M. B.

(Vol. vi., p. 312.)

I cannot receiveMr. Cornish'ssubstitution (p. 312.) of "chommer" forclamourin theWinter's Tale, Act IV. Sc. 3. In my opinion,clamouris nearly or altogether the right word, but wrongly spelt. We have a verbto clam, which, as connected withclammy, we use for sticking with glutinous matter; but which originally must, like the kindred Germanklemmen, have signifiedto press,to squeeze; for the kind of wooden vice used by harness-makers is, at least in some places, called aclams. I therefore suppose the clown to have saidclam, or perhapsclammer(i.e.hold)your tongues.

Highly plausible as isMr. C.'sother emendation in the same place of2 Henry IV., Act III. Sc. 1., I cannot receive it either. In Shakspeare the wordclownis almost always nearly equivalent to the Spanishgracioso, and denotes humour; and surely we cannot suppose it to be used of the ship-boy. Besides, a verb is wanted, as the causal particleforis as usual to be understood before "Uneasy lies," &c. I see no objection whatever to the common reading, thoughpossiblythe poet wrote:

"Then, happyboy, lie down."

There never, in my opinion, was a happier emendation than that ofguidonforguard;On, inHenry V., Act IV. Sc. 2.; and its being made by two persons independently, gives it—asMr. Collierjustly observes ofpalpableforcapableinAs You Like It—additional weight. We are to recollect that a Frenchman is the speaker. I findguidonused for banner in the following lines of Clément Marot (Elégie III.):

"De Fermeté le grandguidonsuivrons,"

and—

"Cestuyguidonet triomphante enseigne,Nous devons suyvre: Amour le nous enseigne."

"Cestuyguidonet triomphante enseigne,

Nous devons suyvre: Amour le nous enseigne."

The change ofa sea of troublestoassay of troublesinHamletis very plausible, and ought perhaps to be received. So also isSir F. Madden'soffaceforcase(which last is downright nonsense) inTwelfth Night, Act V. Sc. 1. But I would just hint that as all the rest of the Duke's speech is in rhyme, it is not impossible that the poet may have written—

"O thou dissembling cub! what wilt thou beWhen time hath sow'd a grizzle upon thee?"

"O thou dissembling cub! what wilt thou be

When time hath sow'd a grizzle upon thee?"

Allow me now to put a question to the critics. In the two concluding lines of theMerchant of Venice(the speaker, observe, is the jesting Gratiano):

"Well, while I live, I'll fear no other thingSo sore, as keeping safe Nerissa's ring."

"Well, while I live, I'll fear no other thing

So sore, as keeping safe Nerissa's ring."

May there not be a covert allusion to the story first told by Poggio in hisFacetiæ, then by Ariosto, then by Rabelais, then by La Fontaine, and, finally, by Prior, in hisHans Carvel? Rabelais was greatly read at the time.

Thomas Keightley.

(Vol. vi., p. 485.)

Mr. Burgon (Inquiry into the Motive of the Representations on Ancient Coins, p. 19.) says:

"I do not believe that the types of coins are, on any occasion, original compositions; but always copied from some sacred public monument.... When we find Minerva represented on coins, we are not to understand the type asa Minerva, butthe Minerva of that place; and in some cases which might be brought forward, the individual statues which are represented on coins, or ancient copies, will be found still to exist."

This opinion is certainly borne out by a very great number of proofs, and may almost be considered demonstrated. The Farnese Hercules is found on many coins, Roman and Greek. The commonest among the Roman are those of Gordianus Pius, 1st and 2nd brass, with "VIRTVTI AVGVSTI." Three colonial coins of Corinth, of Severus, Caracalla, and Geta (Vaillant,Num. Imp. Coloniis percuss., ii. 7. 32. 54.), exhibit the same figure. As an additional illustration of Mr. Burgon's view, I would advert to the Corinthian coin of Aurelius (Vaill. i. 182.), which has a Hercules in a different attitude; and which Vaillant regards as a copy of the statue mentioned by Pausanias as existing at Corinth. Du Choul (Religio vet. Rom., 1685, pp. 158, 159.) gives a coin representing Hercules killing Antæus; and quotes Pliny for a statue representing this by Polycletus. Haym also (Tesoro, i. 248.) gives a coin with a reversed view of the same subject. The figures of Hercules on coins of Commodus are certainly copied from the statues of that Emperor. Baudelot de Dairval (De l'Utilité des Voyages) gives a small silver statuette of Commodus as Hercules, certainly copied from the larger statues, and corresponding with those on coins.

I am not aware of any coins exhibiting exactly the Venus de Medici. It is possible, however, that they exist, though I cannot at present find them. Haym (Tesoro, ii. 246., tab. xvi. 3.) gives a coin of Cnidus, with a very similar representation, the Cnidian Venus, known to be copied from a statue by Praxiteles.

I must say the same as to the Apollo Belvidere.

I cannot at present refer to an engraving of the equestrian statue of Aurelius, but Mr. Akerman (Descr. Cat., i. 280. 12. 14., 283. 10.) describes gold coins and a medallion of Aurelius, representing him on horseback; and I find in the plates appended by De Bie toAugustini Antiquatum ex Nummis Dialogi, Antw., 1617, plate 47., one of these coins engraved. I find the medallion engraved also by Erizzo (last edition, n. d., p. 335.) who explains it as referring to this statue. He says, however, that the attribution of the statue was uncertain; and that on a medallion of Antoninus Pius, which he possessed, exactly the same representation was found, whence he was inclined to suppose it rather erected for Antoninus Pius.

I suppose the coins of Domna, alluded to byMr. Taylor, are those with the legend "VENERI VICTRICI." In spite of the attitude, I can hardly think this intended for Venus Callipyge, from the fact that Venus Victrix is found in the same attitude on other coins, holding arms; and sometimes again holding arms, but in a different attitude, and more or less clothed. The legend is opposed also to this idea. See the coins engraved by Ondaan, or Oiselius, PlateLII.The coin of Plantilla in Du Choul (l. c. p. 188.) is a stronger argument; for here is seen a partially clothed Venus Victrix, with the same emblems, leaning on a shield, as the Venus of Domna leans on a column, but turned towards the spectator instead of away: thus demonstrating that no allusion to Callipyge is to be seen in either.

Erizzo (l. c. p. 519.) mentions the discovery at Rome of a fragment of a marble statue inscribed "VENERIS VICTRICIS."

In the British Museum (Townley Gallery, i. 95.) is a bas-relief representing the building of the ship Argo. There is described in theThomas Catalogue, p. 22. lot 236., an unpublished (?) medallion of Aurelius, possibly copied from this very bas-relief. A very doubtful specimen exists in the Museum of the Scottish Antiquaries, which enables me to make this assertion, although it is not minutely described in the catalogue, and is otherwise explained. This is an additional confirmation of the original statement, and many more might be added but for the narrower limits allowed, which I fear I have already transgressed.

W. H. Scott.

Edinburgh.

(Vol. vi., pp. 149. 432. 542.)

This extraordinary and inhuman man was the sixth son of John Jeffreys, Esq., of Acton, near Wrexham, co. Denbigh, by Margaret, daughter of Sir Thomas Ireland, Knight, of Bewsey, and was bornat his father's houseabout the year 1648.He died on the 19th of April, 1689, at thirty-five minutes past four in the morning. The tradition that his remains were deposited at Enfield is incorrect. He was first interred in the Tower privately, and after three years, when the day of persecution was past, his friends petitioned that they might be allowed to remove the coffin. This was granted, and by a warrant dated the 30th of September, 1692, signed by the queen and directed to the governor of the Tower, the body of Lord Jeffreys was removed, and buried a second time in a vault under the communion-table of St. Mary, Aldermanbury. As regards the number of places pointed out as the residence of Judge Jeffreys, the following are mentioned in the bill that was brought in for the forfeiture of his honour and estate.

In Salop he had the manors of Wem and Loppington, with many other lands and tenements; in Leicestershire the manors of Dalby and Broughton; he bought Dalby of the Duke of Buckingham, and after his death it passed to Sir Charles Duncombe, and descended to Anthony Duncombe, afterwards Lord Feversham. In Bucks he had the manor of Bulstrode, which he had purchased of Sir Roger Hill in 1686, and the manor of Fulmer, with other tenements. He built a mansion at Bulstrode, which came afterwards to his son-in-law, Charles Dive, who sold it in the reign of Queen Anne, to William, Earl of Portland, in whose family, now aggrandised by a dukedom, it still continues. And he had an inclination at one time to have become the purchaser of another estate (Gunedon Park), but was outwitted by one of his legal brethren. Judge Jeffreys held his court in Duke Street, Westminster, and made the adjoining houses towards the park his residence. These houses were the property of Moses Pitt the bookseller (brother of the Western Martyrologist), who, in hisCry of the Oppressed, complains very strongly against his tenant, the chancellor. Jeffreys's "large house," according to an advertisement in theLondon Gazette, was let to the three Dutch ambassadors who came from Holland to congratulate King William upon his accession in 1689. It was afterwards used for the Admiralty Office, until the middle of King William's reign.

"The house is easily known," says Pennant, "by a large flight of stone steps, which his royal master permitted to be made into the park adjacent, for the accommodation of his lordship. These steps terminate above in a small court, on three sides of which stands the house."

Edward F. Rimbault.

The birthplace of Judge Jeffreys should not be a matter of doubt. The old house at Acton in which his father lived, was in the parish of Wrexham, and close to the confines of that parish and Gresford. It was pulled down about seventy years ago, about the time when the present mansion bearing that same name was built. Twenty years ago there were several persons living in the neighbourhood who remembered that it stood in the parish of Wrexham.

Lord Campbell, in hisLives of the Lord Chancellors of England, vol. iii. p. 496., writes,—

"He (Judge Jeffreys) of whom such tales were to be told, was born in his father's lowly dwelling at Acton in the year 1648."

And he subjoins the following note:

"This is generally given as the year of his birth, but I have tried in vain to have it authenticated. There is no entry of his baptism, nor of the baptism of his brothers, in the register of Wrexham, the parish in which he was born, nor in the adjoining parish of Gresford, in which part of the family property lies. I have had accurate researches made in these registers by the kindness of my learned friend Serjeant Atcherley, who has estates in the neighbourhood. It is not improbable that, in spite of the Chancellor's great horror of dissenters, he may have been baptized by 'a dissenting teacher.'"

The fact is, however, and it is a fact known certainly twenty years ago to several of the inhabitants of Gresford and Wrexham, that no register has been preserved in the parish of Wrexham for a period extending from 1644 to 1662; and none in the parish of Gresford from 1630 to 1660. I may add that no such registers have been discovered up to this time.

Taffy.

When the family of Jeffreys became possessed of Acton is uncertain, probably at a very early period, being descended from Cynric ap Rhiwallon, great-grandson of Tudor Trevor.

George Jeffreys, afterwards Chancellor, was born at Acton, and was sixth son of John Jeffreys and Mary, daughter of Sir Thomas Ireland of Bewsey, near Warrington, in Lancashire. In 1708 the estate passed into the family of the Robinsons of Gwersyllt by the marriage of the eldest daughter and heiress of Sir Griffith Jeffreys. Ellis Yonge, Esq., of Bryny Orchyn (in the immediate neighbourhood), purchased the estate of Acton from the trustees of the said Robinson. The Yonges were in no way related to the Jeffreys, although bearing the same arms, as being also descended from the same tribe.

Gresford.

(Vol. vi., pp. 458. 590.)

In answer to the obliging notice which your correspondentCuthbert Bede(Vol. vi., p. 590.) has taken of my description of the Dutch allegorical picture, I beg to say that I agree with him, and admit myself to be mistaken in supposing themiddle picture described (Vol. vi., p. 458.) to represent St. John Baptist. On examining it again, I have no doubt it is intended to denote the Ascension of our Lord. The right hand is raised as in the act of benediction, and, as far as I can make it out (for the paint is here somewhat rubbed), the fingers are in the position of benediction described by your correspondent. I do not, however, concur in his suggestions as to the meaning of the figures on the frame of the picture; which is not shaped as avesica piscis, but is (as I described it) a lozenge. The female figure, holding a flaming heart, is, I would say,certainly notthe Virgin Mary.

The appearance of my account of this picture in your pages has been the occasion of a very agreeable correspondence with the Editor of theNavorscher(the Dutch daughter of "N. & Q."). That gentleman has taken a great interest in the subject, and has enabled me to decypher the mottoes on the scrolls which run across the three pictures on the right-hand wall of the room, which, in my former communication, I said I was unable to read.

The scroll on the picture nearest the fireplace contains these words:

"Trouw moet blÿcken."

That on the second picture, noticed byCuthbert Bede, is,

"Liefde boven al."

And the scroll on the third bears the inscription, as I stated in my former communication,

"In Liefd' getrouwe;"

for so it ought to have been printed.

These, as the editor of theNavorscherinforms me, are the mottoes of three Haarlem Societies of Rhetoricians called, 1. "De Pelicaen," whose motto was, "Trouw moet blÿcken:" 2. "De Wyngaertrancken," whose motto was, "Liefde boven al:" and, 3. "Witte Angiren," whose device was, "In Liefde getrouwe."

I think you are entitled to have whatever information I may glean respecting this picture, as you so kindly inserted my description of it in your columns; and I have to thank you for procuring me the acquaintance and correspondence of the editor of theNavorscher.

J. H. Todd, D.D.

Trin. Coll. Dublin.

(Vol. vi., p. 579.)

In reply to the Query ofVarro, I beg to state that I possess the late Mr. Upcott's collation of the reprint of the first folio edition of Shakspeare. It consists of twenty-six folio leaves, exclusive of the fly-leaves, on the first of which occur the following notes in the handwriting of the collator:

"London Institution,"Moorfields, Dec. 25, 1821."Four months and twenty-three days were occupied, during my leisure moments, at the suggestion of our late Librarian, Professor Porson, in reading and comparing thepretendedreprinted fac-simileFirstEdition of Shakspeare with the original First Edition of 1623. With whataccuracyit passed through the Press, the following pages, noticing 368 typographical errors, will sufficiently show.Wm. Upcott.""MS. note written in Mr. Dawson Turner's transcript of these errors in the reprint of Shakspeare, edit. 1623."The contents of the following pages are the result of 145 days' close attention by a very industrious man. The knowledge of such a task having been undertaken and completed, caused some alarm among the booksellers, who had expended a considerable sum of money upon the reprint of Shakspeare, of which this MS. discloses the numerous errors. Fearful, therefore, lest this should be published, they made many overtures for the purchase of it, and at length Mr. Upcott was induced to part with it to John and Arthur Arch, Cornhill, from whom he expected a handsome remuneration; he received a single copy of the reprint, published at five guineas."N.B. This copy,correctedby myself from the above MS., I sold to James Perry, proprietor of theMorning Chronicle, for six guineas: which at his sale (Part III.) produced 12l.1s.6d.Wm. Upcott."

"London Institution,"Moorfields, Dec. 25, 1821.

"London Institution,

"Moorfields, Dec. 25, 1821.

"Four months and twenty-three days were occupied, during my leisure moments, at the suggestion of our late Librarian, Professor Porson, in reading and comparing thepretendedreprinted fac-simileFirstEdition of Shakspeare with the original First Edition of 1623. With whataccuracyit passed through the Press, the following pages, noticing 368 typographical errors, will sufficiently show.

Wm. Upcott."

"MS. note written in Mr. Dawson Turner's transcript of these errors in the reprint of Shakspeare, edit. 1623.

"The contents of the following pages are the result of 145 days' close attention by a very industrious man. The knowledge of such a task having been undertaken and completed, caused some alarm among the booksellers, who had expended a considerable sum of money upon the reprint of Shakspeare, of which this MS. discloses the numerous errors. Fearful, therefore, lest this should be published, they made many overtures for the purchase of it, and at length Mr. Upcott was induced to part with it to John and Arthur Arch, Cornhill, from whom he expected a handsome remuneration; he received a single copy of the reprint, published at five guineas.

"N.B. This copy,correctedby myself from the above MS., I sold to James Perry, proprietor of theMorning Chronicle, for six guineas: which at his sale (Part III.) produced 12l.1s.6d.

Wm. Upcott."

At the end of the volume is written:

"Finished this collation Jan. 28, 1809, at three minutes past 12 o'clock.Wm. Upcott."

"Finished this collation Jan. 28, 1809, at three minutes past 12 o'clock.

Wm. Upcott."

Upon comparing these remarks of Mr. Upcott with Lowndes'Bibliographer's Manual, p. 1645., col. 1., it will be seen that the latter was not accurately informed as to Perry's copy; Professor Porson having had no farther share in that laborious work than the recommending Mr. Upcott to undertake the collation, from which Perry's copy was subsequently corrected.

F. C. B.

Le Grey and the Collodion Process.—As the claim to the invention of the collodion process is disputed, I think, in justice toMr. Le Grey, whom all will acknowledge as a talented man, and who has done much for photography, that the claims he puts forth, and which I give, should be known to your readers who have not got his work, as they are in direct contradiction toMr. Archer'sletter in your 165th No. In his last published work, page 89., he states:

"I was the first to apply collodion to photography. My first experiments were made in 1849. I used that substance then principally to give more equality andfineness to the paper. I employed for that purpose a solution of iodide of potassium in alcohol of forty degrees saturated with collodion."In continuing these studies I was induced to apply this body upon glass, to obtain more fineness, and I was soon in possession of an extremely rapid proceeding,which I at last consigned to the pamphlet that I published in 1850, and which was translated into English at the same time."I had already at that time indicated the protosulphate of iron for developing the image, the ammonia and the fluorides as accelerating agents; and I was the first to announce having obtained by these means portraits in five seconds in the shade."The pyro-gallic acid is generally used now in place of the sulphate of iron that I had indicated; but this is wrong, that last salt forming the image much more rapidly and better, it having to be left less time in the camera."I believe, then, I have a right to claim for my country and myself the invention of this would-be English process,and of having been the first to indicate the collodion, and of giving the best method that has been discovered up to the present time."From the publication of my process, till my return from the voyage that I had made for the minister, I was little occupied in practising it, my labours on the dry paper having taken all my time. This has been used as a weapon against me, to make out that the first trials before setting out had been quite fruitless, as they had heard nothing more about it."Nevertheless, I have made my discovery completely public; and if I had practised it but little, leaving it to others to further develope, it has only been to occupy myself upon other works of which the public has still profited. It is then much more ungenerous to wish to take from me the merit of its invention."

"In continuing these studies I was induced to apply this body upon glass, to obtain more fineness, and I was soon in possession of an extremely rapid proceeding,which I at last consigned to the pamphlet that I published in 1850, and which was translated into English at the same time.

"I had already at that time indicated the protosulphate of iron for developing the image, the ammonia and the fluorides as accelerating agents; and I was the first to announce having obtained by these means portraits in five seconds in the shade.

"The pyro-gallic acid is generally used now in place of the sulphate of iron that I had indicated; but this is wrong, that last salt forming the image much more rapidly and better, it having to be left less time in the camera.

"I believe, then, I have a right to claim for my country and myself the invention of this would-be English process,and of having been the first to indicate the collodion, and of giving the best method that has been discovered up to the present time.

"From the publication of my process, till my return from the voyage that I had made for the minister, I was little occupied in practising it, my labours on the dry paper having taken all my time. This has been used as a weapon against me, to make out that the first trials before setting out had been quite fruitless, as they had heard nothing more about it.

"Nevertheless, I have made my discovery completely public; and if I had practised it but little, leaving it to others to further develope, it has only been to occupy myself upon other works of which the public has still profited. It is then much more ungenerous to wish to take from me the merit of its invention."

G. C.

Ready Mode of iodizing Paper.—The readiest way I have found of iodizing the beautiful paper of Canson Frères, is the cyano-iodide of silver, made as follows: Twenty grains of nitrate of silver may be placed in half an ounce of distilled water, and half an ounce of solution of iodide of potassa, fifty grains to the ounce, added to the silver solution. Cyanide of potassa may then be added, drop by drop, till the precipitate is dissolved, and the whole filled up with four ounces of water. This solution requires but a very few minutes' floating upon water containing a small quantity of sulphuric acid; and it is then ready, after a bath of nitrate of silver, for the camera, and will not present any of the disagreeable spots so noticed by most photographers. This paper is probably the best for negative pictures we have at present; although, if very transparent paper is required, oiled paper may be used for negative pictures very successfully; or paper varnished is equally good. The oiled paper may be prepared as follows: Take the best walnut oil, that oil having less tendency to darken paper of any other kind, and oil it thoroughly. It must then be hung up in the light for a few days, the longer the better, till quite dry. It may then be iodized with the ammonio-nitrate, the ammoniated solution passing more readily over greased surfaces. The varnished paper may be prepared by half an ounce of mastic varnish and three ounces of spirits of turpentine, hung up to dry, and treated as the oiled paper in iodizing; but both are better for resting a short time previous to iodizing upon water containing a little isinglass in solution, but used very sparingly.

As I have experienced the excellence of these preparations, I hope they may be useful to your photographic students.

Weld Taylor.

Bayswater.

After-dilution of Solutions.—There are in general use two methods of preparing sensitive paper. In one, as in Mr. Talbot's, the iodide of silver is formed in a state of purity, before being rendered sensitive: and as, for this end, a small quantity only of nitrate of silver is necessary, a very dilute solution will answer the purpose as well, or even better, than a strong one; but by the other method, the paper being prepared with iodide of potassium only, or with some other analogous salt, the iodide of silver has to be formed by the same solution that renders it sensitive. Now as for every 166.3 parts of iodide of potassium 170.1 parts of nitrate of silver are required for this purpose, it is evident that a dilute solution could not be employed unless a very large bulk were taken, and the paper kept in a considerable time.

The after-washing is to remove from the surface of the paper the great excess of silver, which is of but little service, and prevents the paper from keeping.

William Crookes.

Hammersmith.

Stereoscopic Pictures from one Camera.—Your correspondentRamuswill easily obtain stereoscopic pictures by either of the following plans:—After the first picture is taken, move the subject, as on a pivot, either to the right or left, through an angle of about 15°; then take the second impression: this will do very well for an inanimate object, as a statue; but, if a portrait is required, the camera, after taking the first picture, must be moved either to the right or left, a distance of not more than one-fifth of the distance it stands from the sitter; that is, if the camera is twenty feet from the face of the sitter, the distance between its first and second position should not exceed four feet, otherwise the picture will appear distorted, and the stereosity unnaturally great. Of course it is absolutely necessary in this plan that the sitter do not move his position between the taking of the two impressions, and also that the distance between him and the camera be the same in both operations.

In reply to the very sensible inquiry ofSimplicitas, there is an essential difference between the calotype of Talbot and the waxed-paper process, the picture in the first being almost entirely superficial, whilst in the latter it is much more in the body of the paper; this causes the modification of the treatment. Atolerably-strongsolution of (A9O NO5) nitrate of silver is required to decompose the (KI) iodide of potassium, with which the paper issaturated, in any reasonable time, but if this were allowed to dry on the surface, stains would be the inevitable result; therefore it is floated in distilled water, to remove this from thesurface; and it seems to me that the keeping of the paper depends on the greater or less extent to which this surface-coating is removed. There can be no doubt that the paper would be far more sensitive, if used immediately, without the washing, simply blotting it off; but then the great advantage of the process would be lost, viz. its capability of being kept.

William Pumphrey.

Camera for Out-door Operations.—I should be glad to see a clear description of a camera so constructed as to supersede the necessity for a dark room. Such a description has been promised byDr. Diamond(Vol. vi., p. 277.); and if he could be induced to furnish it at an early period, I at least, amongst the readers of "N. & Q.," should feel much additionally indebted to him.

E. S.

(Vol. vi., p. 556.)

This is a very celebrated Gloucestershire ballad, which though at one time popular, is, I believe, rarely heard now. I have before me an old and much mutilated broadside of it, which, at the conclusion, has the initials "L. & B." I presume the words are wanted, and therefore send them; and not knowing whether the tune has been published, will also forward it, if wished for by your querist.

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