Replies.

[Richard, Abbot of St. Victor, was born in the reign of David I. After such education as Scotland afforded, in polite literature, the sacred Scriptures, and mathematics, the principal objects of his early studies, he went over to Paris. Here the fame of Hugh, Abbot of St. Victor, induced him to settle in that monastery, to pursue his theological studies. In 1164, upon the death of Hugh, he was chosen prior, which office he filled for nine years with great wisdom and prudence. He died March 10, 1173, and was buried in that monastery. He was the author of several treatises on subjects of practical divinity, and on scripture criticism, particularly on the description of Solomon's temple, Ezekiel's temple, and on the apparent contradictions in the books of Kings and Chronicles. They were all published at Paris in 1518 and 1540 intwo vols. folio, at Venice in 1692, at Cologne in 1621, and at Rouen in 1650, which is reckoned the best edition. A summary account of his works is given in Mackenzie'sLives and Characters of Writers of the Scots Nation, vol i. p. 147., edit. 1708.]

[Richard, Abbot of St. Victor, was born in the reign of David I. After such education as Scotland afforded, in polite literature, the sacred Scriptures, and mathematics, the principal objects of his early studies, he went over to Paris. Here the fame of Hugh, Abbot of St. Victor, induced him to settle in that monastery, to pursue his theological studies. In 1164, upon the death of Hugh, he was chosen prior, which office he filled for nine years with great wisdom and prudence. He died March 10, 1173, and was buried in that monastery. He was the author of several treatises on subjects of practical divinity, and on scripture criticism, particularly on the description of Solomon's temple, Ezekiel's temple, and on the apparent contradictions in the books of Kings and Chronicles. They were all published at Paris in 1518 and 1540 intwo vols. folio, at Venice in 1692, at Cologne in 1621, and at Rouen in 1650, which is reckoned the best edition. A summary account of his works is given in Mackenzie'sLives and Characters of Writers of the Scots Nation, vol i. p. 147., edit. 1708.]

St. Blase.—In Norwich, every fifty years, the festival of Bishop Blase is observed with great ceremony. What connexion had he with that city?

W. P. E.

[Norwich formerly abounded with woolcombers, who still esteem Bishop Blase as their patron saint, probably from theCombe of Yrenwith which he was tortured previously to his martyrdom. "No other reason," says Alban Butler, "than the great devotion of the people to this celebrated martyr of the Church, seems to have given occasion to the woolcombers to choose him the titular patron of their profession; on which account his festival is still kept by them with a solemn guild at Norwich."]

[Norwich formerly abounded with woolcombers, who still esteem Bishop Blase as their patron saint, probably from theCombe of Yrenwith which he was tortured previously to his martyrdom. "No other reason," says Alban Butler, "than the great devotion of the people to this celebrated martyr of the Church, seems to have given occasion to the woolcombers to choose him the titular patron of their profession; on which account his festival is still kept by them with a solemn guild at Norwich."]

(Vol. ix., p. 125.)

In a note to Parry'sRoyal Visits and Progresses in Wales, p. 317., I find the following allusion to the circumstances mentioned inElffin ap Gwyddno'sQuery regarding Leicester's Rangership of Snowdon, and the patriotic opposition offered to his oppressions. I regret I am unable to afford the desired information respecting the imprisonment of the Welsh gentleman in the Tower. Could not this be furnished by some of your readers who have access to public documents and records of the period? This imprisonment is not mentioned either in the account I append, or in a longer one to be found in Appendix XVI. vol. iii. of Pennant'sTour in Wales:

"Among the Welsh nobility who formed a part of her Majesty's household, were Sir Richard Bulkeley, Bart., and Mrs. Blanche Parry, both of whom seem to have been brought up in the court from their infancy, and, consequently, in great esteem with her Majesty; so much so, that the Earl of Leicester, the Queen's favourite, began to be jealous of Sir Richard: and with a view of having him removed from court, he made an attempt to have him accused, upon false evidence, of treason. With this wicked design, the Earl of Leicester informed her Majesty that the council had been examining Sir Richard Bulkeley, and that they found him a dangerous person; that he dwelt in a suspicious corner of the world, and should be committed to the Tower. 'What! Sir Richard Bulkeley!' said the Queen; 'he never intended us any harm. We have brought him up from a boy, and have had special trial of his fidelity; ye shall not commit him.' 'We have the care of your Majesty's person,' said the Earl, 'and see more and hear more of the man than you do: he is of an aspiring mind, and lives in a remote place.' 'Before God!' replied the Queen; 'we will be sworn upon the Holy Evangelists, he never intended any harm.' And then her Majesty ran to the Bible, and kissing it, said: 'You shall not commit him; we have brought him up from a boy.' Sir Richard, however, was too high-minded to suffer such an imputation to be laid to his character. He insisted on an inquiry; during which it appeared, that Lord Dudley, Earl of Leicester, had been appointed a ranger of the Royal Forest of Snowdon, which, in the Queen's time, included some portion of Merioneth and Anglesey. This nobleman's insolence to the inhabitants of the forest was more than could be brooked. He tried to bring many freeholders' estates within the boundary; juries were empannelled, but the commissioners rejected their returns as unfavourable to the Earl. Those honest jurors, however, persisted, and found a verdict for the country. But in the year 1538, he succeeded by a packed jury, who appeared in his livery, blue, with ragged staves on the sleeves; men who, after this nefarious act, were stigmatised with the title of 'The Black Jury who sold their country.' Sir Richard Bulkeley, who, with Sir William Herbert and others, superseded a prior commission, resisted this oppression with great firmness, and laid those odious grievances before the Queen, whose regard for her loyal subjects in Wales was evinced by the recalling of the first commission, by proclamation at Westminster, in 1579. The Earl being worsted, sought the life of Sir Richard by having him charged as above. But this generous and patriotic nobleman, by his excellent and manly conduct, overthrew every malevolent design of his enemy; and came out of this fiery trial as clear as the pellucid crystal of Snowdon."

"Among the Welsh nobility who formed a part of her Majesty's household, were Sir Richard Bulkeley, Bart., and Mrs. Blanche Parry, both of whom seem to have been brought up in the court from their infancy, and, consequently, in great esteem with her Majesty; so much so, that the Earl of Leicester, the Queen's favourite, began to be jealous of Sir Richard: and with a view of having him removed from court, he made an attempt to have him accused, upon false evidence, of treason. With this wicked design, the Earl of Leicester informed her Majesty that the council had been examining Sir Richard Bulkeley, and that they found him a dangerous person; that he dwelt in a suspicious corner of the world, and should be committed to the Tower. 'What! Sir Richard Bulkeley!' said the Queen; 'he never intended us any harm. We have brought him up from a boy, and have had special trial of his fidelity; ye shall not commit him.' 'We have the care of your Majesty's person,' said the Earl, 'and see more and hear more of the man than you do: he is of an aspiring mind, and lives in a remote place.' 'Before God!' replied the Queen; 'we will be sworn upon the Holy Evangelists, he never intended any harm.' And then her Majesty ran to the Bible, and kissing it, said: 'You shall not commit him; we have brought him up from a boy.' Sir Richard, however, was too high-minded to suffer such an imputation to be laid to his character. He insisted on an inquiry; during which it appeared, that Lord Dudley, Earl of Leicester, had been appointed a ranger of the Royal Forest of Snowdon, which, in the Queen's time, included some portion of Merioneth and Anglesey. This nobleman's insolence to the inhabitants of the forest was more than could be brooked. He tried to bring many freeholders' estates within the boundary; juries were empannelled, but the commissioners rejected their returns as unfavourable to the Earl. Those honest jurors, however, persisted, and found a verdict for the country. But in the year 1538, he succeeded by a packed jury, who appeared in his livery, blue, with ragged staves on the sleeves; men who, after this nefarious act, were stigmatised with the title of 'The Black Jury who sold their country.' Sir Richard Bulkeley, who, with Sir William Herbert and others, superseded a prior commission, resisted this oppression with great firmness, and laid those odious grievances before the Queen, whose regard for her loyal subjects in Wales was evinced by the recalling of the first commission, by proclamation at Westminster, in 1579. The Earl being worsted, sought the life of Sir Richard by having him charged as above. But this generous and patriotic nobleman, by his excellent and manly conduct, overthrew every malevolent design of his enemy; and came out of this fiery trial as clear as the pellucid crystal of Snowdon."

R. E. G. C.

(Vol. ix., p. 198.)

A Subscriberhaving challenged me by name to assist him in resolving his "historic doubts," I hasten to afford him what information I possess, conscious at the same time that I can add little or nothing that will materially aid him in his investigation.

First, then, as to Owen Gam. This name savours strongly of the leek, both Christian and surname being unequivocally British.Gam, in Welsh, signifies the "one-eyed;" we may conclude, therefore, that this gentleman, or one of his progenitors, had lost an eye in one of the frays common in bygone days, and so acquired the appellation ofGam.A Subscriberhas omitted to give dates with his Queries, and thus leaves us in the dark as to the precise period he refers to; still, it may interest him to know that David Gam, a landed proprietor of some importance in Herefordshire, temp. Henry IV. and V., who had married the sister of Owen Glyndwr, was discovered in an attempt to assassinate his brother-in-law, the royal chieftain; and was, in consequence, arrestedand confined ten years in Owen's prison at Llansaintffraid. He was afterwards released; and distinguished himself, together with some near relatives, as Pennant relates, at the battle of Agincourt, where he fell, pierced with wounds, while assisting in the rescue of his royal master King Henry. Possibly, Owen Gam may have been a descendant of this half-hero, half-assassin.

Llewellyn Clifford, again, is a name strongly suggestive of its owner's connexion with Cambria. IfA Subscriberhas exhausted the resources of the Clifford pedigrees, it were, I suppose, useless to refer him to the ancestry of the defunct Earls of Cumberland; and especially to that part of it represented by Sir Roger de Clifford, of Clifford, co. Hereford, a famous soldier in the days of Henry III. and Edward I. He accompanied the latter monarch in his inroads into Wales, and fell in battle there, not far from Bangor, circa 1282-3, leaving several children; one of the younger of whom I conjecture to have been the father of the before-named Llewellyn Clifford. After having subjugated the country, we can easily fancy the conquerors perpetuating the event by naming certain of their posterity after the fallen prince Llewellyn.

As for Sir William de Roas (or Ros),A Subscriberis wrong in supposing his name to have been Ingman; for although he resided at Ingmanthorpe, co. York, his surname, in common with that of a long line of ancestry and descendants, was De Ros only. He was the grandson of Robert de Ros, the founder of the two castles, Werke and Hamlake, and one of the leaders of the baronial forces in their armed opposition to the tyrant King John.

Before closing this communication, I would suggest toA Subscriber, and to all others propounding genealogical Queries, the absolute necessity of affixingdatesto their inquiries in every possible instance; as nothing is easier than to go astray, sometimes for half-a-dozen generations, in fixing the identity of a solitary individual.

T. Hughes.

Chester.

(Vol. ix., pp. 105. 160.)

That this infamous mandiddie of poison, is, I believe, the general opinion. The late Dr. Cooke Taylor has the following passage upon the subject, in hisRomantic Biography of the Age of Elizabeth, vol. i. p. 115.:

"Nearly all the cotemporary writers assert that Leicester fell a victim to poison; Naunton declares that he, by mistake, swallowed the potion he had prepared for another person; and, as there can be no doubt that the Earl was a poisoner of great eminence and success, the story is far from being improbable. The Privy Council must have believed that his death was not natural, for they minutely investigated a report that he had been poisoned by the son of Sir James Crofts, in revenge for the imprisonment of his father. Some suspicious circumstances were elicited during the examination; but the matter was suddenly dropped, probably because an inquiry into any one of the complicated intrigues of Elizabeth's court would have involved too many persons of honour and consequence."

"Nearly all the cotemporary writers assert that Leicester fell a victim to poison; Naunton declares that he, by mistake, swallowed the potion he had prepared for another person; and, as there can be no doubt that the Earl was a poisoner of great eminence and success, the story is far from being improbable. The Privy Council must have believed that his death was not natural, for they minutely investigated a report that he had been poisoned by the son of Sir James Crofts, in revenge for the imprisonment of his father. Some suspicious circumstances were elicited during the examination; but the matter was suddenly dropped, probably because an inquiry into any one of the complicated intrigues of Elizabeth's court would have involved too many persons of honour and consequence."

Drummond of Hawthornden, in hisNotes of Conversations with Ben Jonson, has the following curious note:

"The Earl of Leicester gave a bottle of liquor to his lady, which he willed her to use in any faintness; which she, after his returne from Court, not knowing it was poison, gave him, and so he died."

"The Earl of Leicester gave a bottle of liquor to his lady, which he willed her to use in any faintness; which she, after his returne from Court, not knowing it was poison, gave him, and so he died."

This is a strong confirmation of the statement given by Sir Robert Naunton.

In one of the many valuable notes appended by Dr. Bliss to theAthenæ Oxonienses, is the following cotemporary narrative, copied from a MS. memoranda on a copy ofLeicester's Ghost:

"The author (of the poem) hath omitted the end of the Earle, the which may thus and truely be supplied. The Countesse Lettice fell in love with Christopher Blunt, gent., of the Earle's horse; and they had many secret meetings, and much wanton familiarity; the which being discovered by the Earle, to prevent the pursuit thereof, when Generall of the Low Countreys, hee tooke Blunt with him, and theire purposed to have him made away: and for this plot there was a ruffian of Burgundy suborned, who, watching him in one night going to his lodging at the Hage, followed him and struck at his head with a halbert or battle-axe, intending to cleave his head. But the axe glaunced, and withall pared off a great piece of Blunt's skull, which was very dangerous and longe in healinge: but he recovered, and after married the Countesse; who took this soe ill, as that she, with Blunt, deliberated and resolved to dispatch the Earle. The Earle, not patient of this soe greate wrong of his wife, purposed to carry her to Kenilworth; and to leave here there untill her death by naturall or by violent means, but rather by the last. The Countesse also having a suspicion, or some secret intelligence of this treachery against her, provided artificial meanes to prevent the Earle; which was by a cordiall, the which she had no fit opportunity to offer him till he came to Cornebury Hall, in Oxfordshire; where the Earle, after his gluttonous manner, surfeiting with excessive eating and drinking, fell soe ill that he was forced to stay there. Then the deadly cordiall was propounded unto him by the Countesse; as Mr. William Haynes, sometimes the Earle's page, and then gentleman of his bed-chamber, told me, who protested hee saw her give that fatall cup to the Earle, which was his last draught, and an end of his plott against the Countesse, and of his journey, and of himselfe; and soe—Fraudis fraude sua prenditur artifex."—Athenæ Oxon., vol. ii. col. 74, 75. note.

"The author (of the poem) hath omitted the end of the Earle, the which may thus and truely be supplied. The Countesse Lettice fell in love with Christopher Blunt, gent., of the Earle's horse; and they had many secret meetings, and much wanton familiarity; the which being discovered by the Earle, to prevent the pursuit thereof, when Generall of the Low Countreys, hee tooke Blunt with him, and theire purposed to have him made away: and for this plot there was a ruffian of Burgundy suborned, who, watching him in one night going to his lodging at the Hage, followed him and struck at his head with a halbert or battle-axe, intending to cleave his head. But the axe glaunced, and withall pared off a great piece of Blunt's skull, which was very dangerous and longe in healinge: but he recovered, and after married the Countesse; who took this soe ill, as that she, with Blunt, deliberated and resolved to dispatch the Earle. The Earle, not patient of this soe greate wrong of his wife, purposed to carry her to Kenilworth; and to leave here there untill her death by naturall or by violent means, but rather by the last. The Countesse also having a suspicion, or some secret intelligence of this treachery against her, provided artificial meanes to prevent the Earle; which was by a cordiall, the which she had no fit opportunity to offer him till he came to Cornebury Hall, in Oxfordshire; where the Earle, after his gluttonous manner, surfeiting with excessive eating and drinking, fell soe ill that he was forced to stay there. Then the deadly cordiall was propounded unto him by the Countesse; as Mr. William Haynes, sometimes the Earle's page, and then gentleman of his bed-chamber, told me, who protested hee saw her give that fatall cup to the Earle, which was his last draught, and an end of his plott against the Countesse, and of his journey, and of himselfe; and soe—Fraudis fraude sua prenditur artifex."—Athenæ Oxon., vol. ii. col. 74, 75. note.

Edward F. Rimbault.

(Vol. viii., p. 199.; Vol. ix., p. 176.)

I perfectly recollect reading, when a boy, a critique on this poem, and being much amused thereby. The critique appeared in theLiterary GazetteorAthenæum, as well as I remember. I never saw the poem, but I recollect some of the lines quoted, which went nearly as follows:—

"The following morning, at break of day,An orderly dragoon did come this way:'Holloa! holloa! I say, give ear,Is Adjutant Hardman quartered here?Holloa! halloa! I am not wrong,Is Adjutant Hardman here at home?'"

"The following morning, at break of day,An orderly dragoon did come this way:'Holloa! holloa! I say, give ear,Is Adjutant Hardman quartered here?Holloa! halloa! I am not wrong,Is Adjutant Hardman here at home?'"

"The following morning, at break of day,

An orderly dragoon did come this way:

'Holloa! holloa! I say, give ear,

Is Adjutant Hardman quartered here?

Holloa! halloa! I am not wrong,

Is Adjutant Hardman here at home?'"

I merely quote from memory and hope, therefore, that any deviations from the original may be pardoned.

Lieutenant (Brevet Captain) Hardman, if not a first-rate poet, is a gallant soldier, and I rejoice to see his name in theArmy Listfor March, 1854. I cannot ascertain at what period he joined the army, but he was present at the cavalry engagements of Sahagun and Benevente, on December 20th and 27th, 1808, on the retreat of Sir John Moore's army to Coruña, for which he is decorated with a Peninsula medal. For his bravery as a non-commissioned officer he was promoted, May 19, 1813, to a cornetcy in the royal wagon train; and was transferred, August 12 following, to the 23rd Light Dragoons, and was same day appointed Regimental Adjutant of that corps. On the almost total change of officers that took place in the 10th Hussars, owing to the quarrels of Colonels Quentin and Palmer, Lieutenant Hardman succeeded Captain Bromley, on December 15, 1814, as Lieutenant and Adjutant in the corps in which he had commenced his military career; a sufficient proof of his having been a zealous, active, and efficient non-commissioned officer, when serving as such in the regiment. He embarked at Ramsgate with the service squadrons of his regiment in April, 1815, and landed at Ostend, whence the 10th regiment proceeded to Brussels: it was present at Quatre Bras, although not engaged with the enemy: and at Waterloo it behaved with the greatest gallantry, and lost two officers, nineteen soldiers, and fifty-one horses killed, in addition to six officers and twenty-six men wounded. Lieutenant Hardman's position as adjutant necessarily kept him in the vicinity of his commanding officers, Col. Quentin and Major Howard; therefore he was an eye-witness of poor Howard's death. Lieutenant Hardman received the Waterloo medal. The 10th Hussars landed at Ramsgate, from Boulogne, in January, 1816, and marched to Brighton, where Lieutenant Hardman resigned the adjutantcy, February 8, 1816, and exchanged to half-pay of the regiment, June 6, same year, since which period he has not served upon full pay.

G. L. S.

(Vol. viii., p. 151.)

A. W. H. says, "In the case of many parishes it is stated [inDomesday Book], that there was a church there: is it consideredconclusiveauthority that there was not one, if it is not mentioned inDomesday Book?" This question has, I doubt not, often engaged the attention of antiquaries; and I am somewhat surprised that the Query has elicited no reply. The conclusion has often been drawn that, no church being mentioned, none existed before the survey. It would appear this conclusion has been an erroneous one. In the last volume issued by the Chetham Society (Documents relating to the Priory of Penwortham, and other Possessions in Lancashire of the Abbey of Evesham, edited by W. A. Hulton, Esq.) that point is ably discussed; and as Mr. Hulton's views on a subject of so much interest cannot but be valuable, I venture to extract them, as worthy of a place in "N. & Q." He says:

"Donations of churches with tithes are made directly after the survey ofDomesdaywas taken. And yet that survey is entirely silent as to their existence. Similar omissions have given rise to doubts, whether the institution of our parochial economy had been carried out to its full extent previous to the Conquest, and whether we are not indebted to the Normans for its full perfection. Such doubts are unfounded.... There is nothing inDomesdayto justify the doubts alluded to. A consideration of the objects of that survey will dissipate them: the purpose was principally financial. It was directed so as to obtain a correct account of the taxable property within the kingdom. And it was immaterial whether the proceeds were paid altogether to the owner, or a definite portion was diverted into other channels. Therefore those churches which were endowed only with tithes of the surrounding districts, as Eccleston and Croston, Penwortham and Leyland, in Leyland Hundred, and Rochdale and Eccles, in Salford Hundred, were unnoticed, although the two first-named churches were granted by Roger de Poictou, with their tithes and other appurtenances, to the Priory of Lancaster; and the pages of theCoucher Book of Whalleyprove the two latter churches to have existed at a date perhaps anterior to the Conquest. But the case was different when a church was endowed with glebe-land. Such a church appeared in the light of a landowner, and in that character is its existence notified. Thus, in modern Lancashire, south of the Ribble, the churches of Wigan and Winwick, Childwall, Walton, Warrington, Manchester, Blackburn, and Whalley are expressly named inDomesday, but invariably in connexion with the ownership of land. It seems clear, therefore, that the silence ofDomesdaycannot be urged as a proof of thenon-existence of a church, or of the subsequent grant of those rights and privileges by which its due efficiency is maintained."—Introd., p. xxiii.

"Donations of churches with tithes are made directly after the survey ofDomesdaywas taken. And yet that survey is entirely silent as to their existence. Similar omissions have given rise to doubts, whether the institution of our parochial economy had been carried out to its full extent previous to the Conquest, and whether we are not indebted to the Normans for its full perfection. Such doubts are unfounded.... There is nothing inDomesdayto justify the doubts alluded to. A consideration of the objects of that survey will dissipate them: the purpose was principally financial. It was directed so as to obtain a correct account of the taxable property within the kingdom. And it was immaterial whether the proceeds were paid altogether to the owner, or a definite portion was diverted into other channels. Therefore those churches which were endowed only with tithes of the surrounding districts, as Eccleston and Croston, Penwortham and Leyland, in Leyland Hundred, and Rochdale and Eccles, in Salford Hundred, were unnoticed, although the two first-named churches were granted by Roger de Poictou, with their tithes and other appurtenances, to the Priory of Lancaster; and the pages of theCoucher Book of Whalleyprove the two latter churches to have existed at a date perhaps anterior to the Conquest. But the case was different when a church was endowed with glebe-land. Such a church appeared in the light of a landowner, and in that character is its existence notified. Thus, in modern Lancashire, south of the Ribble, the churches of Wigan and Winwick, Childwall, Walton, Warrington, Manchester, Blackburn, and Whalley are expressly named inDomesday, but invariably in connexion with the ownership of land. It seems clear, therefore, that the silence ofDomesdaycannot be urged as a proof of thenon-existence of a church, or of the subsequent grant of those rights and privileges by which its due efficiency is maintained."—Introd., p. xxiii.

Wm. Dobson.

Preston.

(Vol. viii., pp. 461. 549.; Vol. ix., pp. 3. 204.)

"Ceste noble race de Grantmont."—Brantôme.

"Ceste noble race de Grantmont."—Brantôme.

The following are some of the principal events in the life of the Chevalier de Grammont.

He was born in the year 1621, probably at the family seat of Bidache, in Gascony.

He was sent to the college at Pau in Béarn, the nearest university to the family residence. His studies here did not much benefit him; and although intended for the church, we find him at a later period actually highly commending the Lord's Prayer, and seriously inquiring by whom it was written. On his declining a clerical life, he was sent to the French army in Piedmont in 1643. He served under his brother, the Marshal, and the Prince de Condé; and was present at the three battles of Fribourg on the 3rd, 5th, and 9th Aug. 1644; and at that of Nordlinguen on the 3rd Aug. 1645. It was at the battle of Fribourg that the Prince de Condé, having failed in his first attack on the enemy, got off horseback, and placed himself at the head of the regiment of Conti, whilst all the officers and volunteers alighted also, amongst whom is mentioned the Chevalier de Grammont; and this reassuring the soldiers, they charged the enemy, who fled into a wood under favour of the approaching night. At Nordlinguen, the Marshal de Grammont was taken prisoner, and nearly murdered by the Germans, to revenge the death of their General, the great Mercy, who was slain in the battle. The Marshal was subsequently exchanged against Gen. Gleen.

In 1647 Grammont served again under his brother and the Prince de Condé in Spain: and in 1648 he was present with them at the battle of Lens on the 20th Aug., where the Archduke Leopold and General Beck were totally defeated in Flanders.

The troubles of the Fronde now commenced; and in the first instance Grammont zealously attached himself to the prince. In Dec. 1649, he tested the accuracy of the report that it was intended to assassinate the prince by sending his own coach with the prince's liveries over the Pont Neuf, to see what would occur. The result was, the coach was fired at; but, as no one was in it, the would-be assassins did no harm. During the imprisonment of the princes, Grammont, with others, joined the Spanish army which had advanced into Picardy, in consequence of the treaty the Duchesse de Longueville and Turenne had made with the King of Spain.

We do not find when Grammont left the prince's party; the prince himself admitted it was with honour. He seems to have connected himself with Gaston, Duke of Orleans; and is styled about this time by "la Grande Mademoiselle" as one of her father's gentlemen. She also relates that when the royal forces threatened Orleans, the inhabitants sent to the duke for succour, and he sent the Count de Fiesque and Mons. de Grammont, who appeased their fears. The duke also advised his daughter to take the opinion of Fiesque and Grammont in all matters, as they had been in Orleans long enough to know what ought to be done. When Mademoiselle was trying to effect an entrance into the city, Grammont incited the inhabitants to assist in breaking open a gate, which the authorities, under fear of the royal displeasure, were afraid to direct. The gate was broken open, and she was borne in triumph along the streets.

It was probably at this period that Grammont sighed for the Countess de Fiesque (about whom he, and his nephew the Count de Guiche, quarrelled); as Mademoiselle, in herMemoirs, relates that, in the year 1656, on her interview with Christina, Queen of Sweden, she presented to her, amongst others, the Countess de Fiesque, one of her ladies of honour. The Queen observed: "The Countess de Fiesque is not so beautiful as to have made so much noise; is the Chevalier de Grammont still in love with her?"

In 1654 Grammont accompanied the Court to Peronne; where they anxiously awaited Turenne's attempt to force the Prince de Condé's lines at Arras, as related in theMemoirs.

On the 25th Nov. 1655, Madame de Sevigné writes to Bussi-Rabutin, relating an anecdote in which Grammont was a party.

Madame de Motteville relates that Queen Christina rallied the Chevalier de Grammont on the passion he had then for the Duchesse de Mercœur, one of Cardinal Mazarin's nieces; and spared him only on account of the utter hopelessness of it.

It is about this period we are inclined to place Grammont's first visit to England; where curiosity, Hamilton informs us, drew him to see so remarkable a character as Cromwell; but this visit will be a good starting-place for the next Number.

W. H. Lammin.

Fulham.

(Vol. viii., pp. 174. 280. 353.; Vol. ix., p. 14.)

"Professor F. W. Newman, in his little work entitledRegal Rome, maintains that the old languages of Italy, especially the Umbrian and Sabine, contained a striking predominance of Celtic ingredients, and he wishes to show that this is still evident even in the Latin of Cicero. His proof rests on vocabularies (pp. 19—26.), especially in regard to the military, political, andreligious words which he supposes the Romans derived from the Sabines (p. 61.). With regard to these lists, I have to observe, that while all that is valid in the comparison merely gives the Indo-Germanic of the Celtic languages—a fact beyond dispute—Mr. Newman takes no pains to discriminate between the marks of an original identity of root, and those words which the Celts of Britain derived from their Roman conquerors."—Donaldson'sVarronianus, p. 64."It is to be remarked, that almostall the wordsof the British tongue agree either with the Greek or Latin. It is this strong similarity of features between their own language and those of Greece and Italy, that has induced so many of my countrymen to claim for it the honour of being the mother-tongue of all, and to scorn all examination which did not commence with this confession. Even the late learned Dr. Owen Pugh has, in hisDictionary, by arbitrarily selecting certain syllables as the roots of all Cumrian words, done much to foster this overweening conceit. The system was carried to its extreme point of absurdity by the Rev. Edward Davies, who by the help of such syllables expected to unravel the mysteries of all languages. This failure has I hope paved the way for the more sober consideration of the question, which, if worked out fairly, will in my opinion establish the claim of the Cumrian tongue, if not to be the mother of all tongues, at least to be a valuable branch of the Caucasian tree of languages. Now, had the two races, the Roman and Cumrian, remained always separate, a comparative etymology would have been an easy task; for no more would be necessary than to put the similar roots, having the same meaning, side by side. But, unfortunately for the scholar who undertakes to prove the question, the Romans were in this island four hundred years, colonised it partly, and partly gave it their own form of civilisation. As before mentioned, the inhabitants adopted with avidity the Roman dress, language, and literature. That language must therefore be supposed to have entered deeply into the composition of the present Cumrian tongue. The sceptical examiner may therefore reasonably object, that any similarity between the two languages might have originated in the adoption of that of Rome by the British provincials. In answer to this I refer in the first place to Lloyd's reasoning, quoted in the note," viz. that the same similarity exists between the Latin and the Erse [see Newman, in theClassical Museum, vol. vi.]. "In the second place to the fact, that Wales and Cornwall do not appear to have been occupied, like the rest of England, by the Romans."... "Still, however, the long residence of the Romans in the island, with the known influence always produced by such a state of things, renders every statement grounded on the similarity alone of the languages of the two races, the conquered and the conquerors, liable to suspicion. I have therefore been compelled to enter upon an exceedingly difficult investigation, which, if successful, must prove the radical identity of the Latin and Cumrian tongues. The proof is this: If there are derivative words in the Latin, of which we must seek the primitives in the Cumrian, and if these primitives be shown to furnish an explanation of many words before inexplicable on etymological principles. For example, if the word 'to tread' under various forms be found, with the meaning 'to trample with the feet,' in most of the western languages of Europe, and have no noun to base itself upon in these languages, and yet the noun 'traed the feet' be found in one of them, the inference is irresistible that the verb in all its forms was derived from this root. To deny this would be equivalent to a denial that the Latin verbcalcarecame fromcalx, 'the heel.' In the following list, such words alone, with a few exceptions for the sake of etymological illustration, have been introduced. It might have been indefinitely extended, but the difficulty was to confine the examples within moderate limits."—Williams onOne Source of the Non-Hellenic Portion of the Latin Language.[2]

"Professor F. W. Newman, in his little work entitledRegal Rome, maintains that the old languages of Italy, especially the Umbrian and Sabine, contained a striking predominance of Celtic ingredients, and he wishes to show that this is still evident even in the Latin of Cicero. His proof rests on vocabularies (pp. 19—26.), especially in regard to the military, political, andreligious words which he supposes the Romans derived from the Sabines (p. 61.). With regard to these lists, I have to observe, that while all that is valid in the comparison merely gives the Indo-Germanic of the Celtic languages—a fact beyond dispute—Mr. Newman takes no pains to discriminate between the marks of an original identity of root, and those words which the Celts of Britain derived from their Roman conquerors."—Donaldson'sVarronianus, p. 64.

"It is to be remarked, that almostall the wordsof the British tongue agree either with the Greek or Latin. It is this strong similarity of features between their own language and those of Greece and Italy, that has induced so many of my countrymen to claim for it the honour of being the mother-tongue of all, and to scorn all examination which did not commence with this confession. Even the late learned Dr. Owen Pugh has, in hisDictionary, by arbitrarily selecting certain syllables as the roots of all Cumrian words, done much to foster this overweening conceit. The system was carried to its extreme point of absurdity by the Rev. Edward Davies, who by the help of such syllables expected to unravel the mysteries of all languages. This failure has I hope paved the way for the more sober consideration of the question, which, if worked out fairly, will in my opinion establish the claim of the Cumrian tongue, if not to be the mother of all tongues, at least to be a valuable branch of the Caucasian tree of languages. Now, had the two races, the Roman and Cumrian, remained always separate, a comparative etymology would have been an easy task; for no more would be necessary than to put the similar roots, having the same meaning, side by side. But, unfortunately for the scholar who undertakes to prove the question, the Romans were in this island four hundred years, colonised it partly, and partly gave it their own form of civilisation. As before mentioned, the inhabitants adopted with avidity the Roman dress, language, and literature. That language must therefore be supposed to have entered deeply into the composition of the present Cumrian tongue. The sceptical examiner may therefore reasonably object, that any similarity between the two languages might have originated in the adoption of that of Rome by the British provincials. In answer to this I refer in the first place to Lloyd's reasoning, quoted in the note," viz. that the same similarity exists between the Latin and the Erse [see Newman, in theClassical Museum, vol. vi.]. "In the second place to the fact, that Wales and Cornwall do not appear to have been occupied, like the rest of England, by the Romans."... "Still, however, the long residence of the Romans in the island, with the known influence always produced by such a state of things, renders every statement grounded on the similarity alone of the languages of the two races, the conquered and the conquerors, liable to suspicion. I have therefore been compelled to enter upon an exceedingly difficult investigation, which, if successful, must prove the radical identity of the Latin and Cumrian tongues. The proof is this: If there are derivative words in the Latin, of which we must seek the primitives in the Cumrian, and if these primitives be shown to furnish an explanation of many words before inexplicable on etymological principles. For example, if the word 'to tread' under various forms be found, with the meaning 'to trample with the feet,' in most of the western languages of Europe, and have no noun to base itself upon in these languages, and yet the noun 'traed the feet' be found in one of them, the inference is irresistible that the verb in all its forms was derived from this root. To deny this would be equivalent to a denial that the Latin verbcalcarecame fromcalx, 'the heel.' In the following list, such words alone, with a few exceptions for the sake of etymological illustration, have been introduced. It might have been indefinitely extended, but the difficulty was to confine the examples within moderate limits."—Williams onOne Source of the Non-Hellenic Portion of the Latin Language.[2]

This eminent scholar supplies sixty-two, with explanatory notes, and subjoins a list of sixty-three. Under the example "Occo, occare,to harrow," he observes:

"Persons who wish to draw subtle inferences say that all the terms of the Romans connected with agriculture may be referred to a Greek source, while the terms expressive of war and hunting are non-Hellenic. The induction fails completely in both parts, as might easily be shown. When Cæsar landed in Britain, the natives were agriculturists, densely planted. And Halley proved, that the harvest which Cæsar's soldiers reaped had ripened at the average period of a Kentish harvest in his days. Assuredly then the Britons had not the agricultural names to learn from the Romans of an after age.""I begin," says Newman, "with the country and domestic animals, which will show how very far from the truth Niebuhr was, when he imagined that in words connected with 'the gentler pursuits of life' the Roman language has peculiarly extensive agreement with the Hellenic."

"Persons who wish to draw subtle inferences say that all the terms of the Romans connected with agriculture may be referred to a Greek source, while the terms expressive of war and hunting are non-Hellenic. The induction fails completely in both parts, as might easily be shown. When Cæsar landed in Britain, the natives were agriculturists, densely planted. And Halley proved, that the harvest which Cæsar's soldiers reaped had ripened at the average period of a Kentish harvest in his days. Assuredly then the Britons had not the agricultural names to learn from the Romans of an after age."

"I begin," says Newman, "with the country and domestic animals, which will show how very far from the truth Niebuhr was, when he imagined that in words connected with 'the gentler pursuits of life' the Roman language has peculiarly extensive agreement with the Hellenic."

When your correspondent T. H. T. says—

"Professor Newman, in hisRegal Rome, has drawn attention to the subject; but his induction does not appear sufficiently extensive to warrant any decisive conclusion respecting the position the Celtic holds as an element of the Latin,"—

"Professor Newman, in hisRegal Rome, has drawn attention to the subject; but his induction does not appear sufficiently extensive to warrant any decisive conclusion respecting the position the Celtic holds as an element of the Latin,"—

he could not have known that the same writer has, in the sixth volume of theClassical Museum, continued the comparison at great length; and as that work falls into the hands of but few, I shall transcribe some passages which may throw light on the subject:

"It has for some years been recognised, at least by several English scholars, that there is a remarkable similarity between the Celtic languages and Latin. In the case of Welsh it was, I believe, at first supposed that the words must have been introduced by the Roman dominion in Britain; but when the likeness was found to exist in the Erse, and that the Erse was even more like to Latin (as regards the consonants) than the Welsh is, this idea of course fell tothe ground. The scholar and physiologist, who pressed into notice the strong similarities of the Celtic to the European languages, and claimed a place for Celtic within that group, Dr. Prichard, has naturally fixed his attention with so much strength on theprimitiverelations of all these tongues, as to be jealous and suspicious of an argument, which alleges that the one has borrowed from the other. Some ten years ago, by his favour, I read a MS. of a vocabulary (the composition of Dr. Stratton, formerly of Aberdeen), which compared the Gaelic with the Latin tongue in alphabetical order without comment or development. From this vocabulary Prichard gives an extract in his chapter on the Italian nations, and finds it entirely to confirm his views that the Roman language has not suffered any larger admixture by a foreign action. What is or was Dr. Stratton's opinion, I never heard. His vocabulary first suggested to me the value of this inquiry, and that is all. Having now been led to a fuller examination of the Welsh and Gaelic dictionaries, I find not only a far greater abundance of material (especially in the Welsh) than I could have imagined; but also, that by grouping words aright, conclusions result such as I had not expected, and adverse to those of Dr. Prichard."

"It has for some years been recognised, at least by several English scholars, that there is a remarkable similarity between the Celtic languages and Latin. In the case of Welsh it was, I believe, at first supposed that the words must have been introduced by the Roman dominion in Britain; but when the likeness was found to exist in the Erse, and that the Erse was even more like to Latin (as regards the consonants) than the Welsh is, this idea of course fell tothe ground. The scholar and physiologist, who pressed into notice the strong similarities of the Celtic to the European languages, and claimed a place for Celtic within that group, Dr. Prichard, has naturally fixed his attention with so much strength on theprimitiverelations of all these tongues, as to be jealous and suspicious of an argument, which alleges that the one has borrowed from the other. Some ten years ago, by his favour, I read a MS. of a vocabulary (the composition of Dr. Stratton, formerly of Aberdeen), which compared the Gaelic with the Latin tongue in alphabetical order without comment or development. From this vocabulary Prichard gives an extract in his chapter on the Italian nations, and finds it entirely to confirm his views that the Roman language has not suffered any larger admixture by a foreign action. What is or was Dr. Stratton's opinion, I never heard. His vocabulary first suggested to me the value of this inquiry, and that is all. Having now been led to a fuller examination of the Welsh and Gaelic dictionaries, I find not only a far greater abundance of material (especially in the Welsh) than I could have imagined; but also, that by grouping words aright, conclusions result such as I had not expected, and adverse to those of Dr. Prichard."

Professor Newman, as T. H. T. has observed, confined himself to a tabular view of Celtic and Latin words; but the grammatical structure and formal development of the two languages have not been overlooked in the philological literature of England. These interesting inquiries have been pursued by Dr. Prichard, in his elaborate treatise on theEastern Origin of the Celtic Nations, and the Rev. W. D. Conybeare, (in hisTheological Lectures delivered in Bristol College in 1831-33) has shown that it is by thus analysing the grammatical structure, which forms the very skeleton of languages, rather than by confining our attention to mere vocabularies, that we may best detect their true affinities, and has illustrated this doctrine by a few Welsh examples. In theWest of England Archæological Journalis exhibited (I believe by the same author) the identity of verbal forms in the Welsh and Latin languages.

Nevertheless, Archdeacon Williams maintains that two languages may have a common vocabulary, but different grammars[3]:

"The Latin language, whether from Pelasgic or Achæan influence, adopted at an early period the Hellenic grammar; and, under the skilful hands of the bilingual Ennius, became that polished interpreter of thought, which yields in regularity and majesty to the Greek alone. The Cumri either retained, which is more probable, a still more ancient, or invented a grammar, now peculiar to themselves. This, although it be simple and scientific in the highest degree, is so completely at variance with all the other grammars of the civilised world, that scholars who have to acquire it late in life feel the strongest repugnance to its forms and principles, and are tempted to regard a language more fixed and unchangeable in its principles than any other existing, as more slippery and grasp-escaping than the Proteus of the Grecian mythology."

"The Latin language, whether from Pelasgic or Achæan influence, adopted at an early period the Hellenic grammar; and, under the skilful hands of the bilingual Ennius, became that polished interpreter of thought, which yields in regularity and majesty to the Greek alone. The Cumri either retained, which is more probable, a still more ancient, or invented a grammar, now peculiar to themselves. This, although it be simple and scientific in the highest degree, is so completely at variance with all the other grammars of the civilised world, that scholars who have to acquire it late in life feel the strongest repugnance to its forms and principles, and are tempted to regard a language more fixed and unchangeable in its principles than any other existing, as more slippery and grasp-escaping than the Proteus of the Grecian mythology."

Since I wrote these extracts, I have been much gratified by the perusal of Archdeacon Williams'sGomer, which I recommend to all interested in this inquiry.

Bibliothecar. Chetham.

Bibliothecar. Chetham.

Bibliothecar. Chetham.

Footnote 2:(return)InTransactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, vol. xiii.Footnote 3:(return)In hisGomerhe shows that the Latin and Cymraeg display great similarity in the tenses of the substantive verb.

InTransactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, vol. xiii.

In hisGomerhe shows that the Latin and Cymraeg display great similarity in the tenses of the substantive verb.

Box Sawdust for Collodion.—The following will be of some use to your photographic readers:

I findthat, by treating box sawdust with nitric and sulphuric acid (in the same manner as cotton), and then dissolving it in ether, it gives a far more sensitive collodion than either cotton or paper, and the pictures produced by it are of unequalled brilliancy.

Can you inform me whether portraits can be takenfor sale, by the collodion process, without infringing upon the patents?

Chas. Whitworth.

Henrietta St., Birmingham.

Proportions of Chlorides and Silver.—I trust you will allow me space in your valuable work for some remarks in reference to an important photographic query, viz. What are the proportions of chlorides and silver uniformly suited to give the best positive pictures?

I am led to propose this subject for the consideration of practical photographists, and, if possible, that amateurs may arrive at something like a rule to guide them in printing positives that will please.

The necessity of these remarks, to me at least, appear very evident from the wide space which stands between the proportions proposed by various operators.Mr. Lyte, "N. & Q.," Vol. ix., p. 158., says 42 grains of chloride and 100 grains of silver to 1 oz. of water.Mr. Pollock, "N. &Q.," Vol. vii., p. 588., says 20 grains chloride, and 90 grains of silver to the ounce.Mr. Hockinhas 10 grains chloride, silver 60.Mr. Delamotte, for albumenized paper, chloride 60 grains, silver 120.Mr. Thornthwaitebegins as low as chloride ½ grain, and silver 30 grains; and lastly, amidst a long range of proportions, from 1 grain of chloride to the ounce, and silver 20 grains to the ounce,Dr. Diamond, a great authority in photography, assures all that the best results can be obtained by using of chloride 5 grains to the ounce, and of silver 40 grains to the ounce. If so, let the photographic world know that the latter proportions are sufficient, and the others needless, wasteful, and expensive without cause. I trust you agree with me in thinking that it would be of use to a large number of beginners to have the proportions best suited for printing positives defined as near as possible, and not be left to guess at proportions varying from ½ grain to 60 grains, and from 20 to 120. I have written hurriedly, and hope you will see the object I aim at.

Amateur.

Photographic Copies of Rembrandt.—The extreme rarity and great pecuniary value of many of Rembrandt's finest etchings are doubtless well known to many of our readers, as being such as to put these master-pieces of art beyond the reach of ordinary purchasers. This series of works, calculated beyond all others of their kind to delight the possessor, will however, thanks to photography, soon be obtainable by all admirers of the great master. Two distinguished French photographers, the brothers MM. Bisson, have succeeded in obtaining, by means of this wonderful art, copies of a fidelity attainable by no other process: so that the wondrous lights, shades, half-tones, and chiaro-obscuro, for which Rembrandt is so remarkable, are preserved in all their original beauty. The plates will be accompanied by descriptive letter-press, and by a Biography of Rembrandt from the pen of M. Charles Blanc. As the works are so numerous, the first series will consist of forty plates, to be issued in ten livraisons, each containing four plates, price twenty francs; a very moderate sum, if we remember that among the works thus to be issued, at a cost of five francs each, will be found copies of such gems as theAvocat Tollingand thePièce de Cent Florins.

Coloured Photographs.—I have lately seen, and very much admired, some specimens of photographic coloured portraits. They have all the broad effect of the great masters perfectly in detail, and none of the niggling effect of many coloured photographs, which are in fact specimens of miniature painting rather than photography—the outline alone being given by the photographic art. The specimens I refer to appear to have been soaked in oil, or some transparent varnish, and then coloured in separate tints, probably from the back; the shadows beingentirelyphotographic. It is evident they are quickly and easily executed; but I am desirous of knowing the exact process, and shall be much obliged for information on the subject.

An Amateur.

Dr. Eleazar Duncon(Vol. ix., pp. 56. 184.).—Dr. Eleazar Duncon, and his brother Mr. John Duncon, are mentioned in Barnabas Oley's Preface to George Herbert'sCountry Parson, as having "died before the miracle of our happy Restoration." There was another brother, Mr. Edmund Duncon, rector of Fryarn Barnet, in the county of Middlesex; sent by Mr. Farrer to visit George Herbert, during his last illness.

E. H. A.

Christian Names(Vol. vii., pp. 406. 488. 626.).—The earliest instance I have yet met with, of an individual with two Christian names, occurs in the compulsory cession of the Abbey of Vale Royal to King Henry VIII.; the deed conveying which is still extant in the Augmentation Office. It is in Latin, and signed by John Harwood the Abbot, Alexander Sedon the Prior,William Brenck Harrysun, and twelve other monks of the Abbey. Vale Royal Abbey is now the seat of Lord Delamere, into whose family it came by purchase in 1616, from the descendant of Sir Thomas Holcroft, the original grantee from the crown.

T. Hughes.

Chester.

I send you a much earlier instance of two Christian names than any that has hitherto been given in your pages. Henry Prince of Wales, son of King Henry IV., was baptized by the names Henry Frederick. Vide Camden'sRemains, 4to., 1605. I have not a reference to the page.

C. de D.

Abigail(Vol. iv., pp. 424., &c.; Vol. viii., p. 653.).—Your recent correspondents on this subject do not appear to have met with the passage in which I mentioned, that since putting the question, I had found that a waiting-maid in Beaumont and Fletcher's comedy ofThe Scornful Ladywas named Abigail; and that, as the play appeared to have been a favourite one, the application of the name to the class generally was probably owing to it. In the absence of any proof of its having been previously used in this sense, I still continue to think that this conjecture was well founded. Considering the terms on which Dean Swift was with the Mashams, he was the last person in the world to have used such a term, unless it had been so long in familiar use as to be deprived of all appearance of personal allusion to them.

J. S. Warden.

"Begging the question" (Vol. viii., p. 640.).—This phrase is identical with that of "petitio principii," a figure of speech well known both to logicians and mathematicians,i. e.assuming a point as proved, and reasoning upon it as such, which has in fact not been proved.

J. S. Warden.

Russian Emperors(Vol. ix., p. 222.).—I am informed by a late resident in Russia that the rumour to whichMr. Crosfieldrefers has no foundation. I am farther informed, however, that after a twenty-five years' reign the monarch has even more absolute and despotic authority than before the lapse of that time. I hope this subject may be well ventilated, as considerable misapprehension exists about it.

John Scribe.

Garble(Vol. ix., p. 243.).—Your correspondent E. S. T. T. was mistaken when he said that the "corrupt" meaning of the wordgarbleis now the only one ever used. In proof of this I would give one instance, familiar to me, in which it still retains its "good" signification. In "working" cochineal, spices, and other similar merchandise at the warehouse in which they are stored upon their arrival in this country, the operation ofsifting and separating the good from the bad is termedgarbling: the word being here employed in the very same sense as in the examples quoted by E. S. T. T., illustrative of its original meaning, and which sense he erroneously stated it no longer possessed.

R. V. T.

Mincing Lane.

I cannot agree with your correspondent E. S. T. T., that a corruption of meaning has taken place in this word; and that whereas it originally meant a selection of the good and a discarding of the bad parts of anything, its present meaning, is exactly the reverse of this. Its original signification is correctly stated: the garbling of spices, drugs, &c., meant the selection of the good and the rejection of the bad. But the garbling of a passage cited as a testimony is a precisely analogous process. The person who garbles the passage omits those parts which can be used against his view, and adduces only those parts which support his conclusion. He selects the parts which are good, and rejects those which are bad,for his purpose. When a passage is said to be garbled, it is always implied that the person who quotes it has suppressed a portion which tells against himself; but that portion is, so far as he is concerned, thebad, not thegoodportion. The secondary and metaphorical is therefore precisely analogous to the primary and literal sense of the word, and not the reverse of it.

L.

Electric Telegraph(Vol. ix., p. 270.).—As every new attempt to improve this invaluable invention, and to extend its use, is of world-wide importance, the following extract fromLa Presse, a French newspaper of March 23rd, will excite inquiry:

"On écrit de Berne, le 17 Mars, MM. Brunner et Hipp, directeurs des télégraphes électriques de la Suisse, viennent d'inventer un appareil portatif à l'aide duquel, en l'appliquant à un point quelconque des fils télégraphiques, on peut transmettre une dépêche. L'essai de cet appareil a été fait à deux lieues de Berne, dans un lieu où il n'existe aucune section de télégraphie."

"On écrit de Berne, le 17 Mars, MM. Brunner et Hipp, directeurs des télégraphes électriques de la Suisse, viennent d'inventer un appareil portatif à l'aide duquel, en l'appliquant à un point quelconque des fils télégraphiques, on peut transmettre une dépêche. L'essai de cet appareil a été fait à deux lieues de Berne, dans un lieu où il n'existe aucune section de télégraphie."

The writer goes on to say that the experiment had been tested with success on the lines to Zurich, Basle, Geneva, &c.

J. Macray.

Oxford.

Butler's "Lives of the Saints"(Vol. viii., p.387.).—The inquiry respecting the various editions of this valuable work not having yet received any answer, the following information may in some degree satisfy the inquirer. The first edition of the Rev. Alban Butler'sLives of the Saintswas published in the author's lifetime, at various intervals from 1754 to 1759, when the last of the four volumes appeared, of which the edition was composed. Part II. of vol. iii. is now before me, with the date 1758. No other edition appeared till after the death of the learned and pious author, which took place in 1773.

The second edition was undertaken by the most Rev. Dr. Carpenter, Roman Catholic Archbishop of Dublin, and appeared in 12 vols. in 1779. It is stated in the title-page to be "corrected and enlarged from the author's own MS." It did contain all the notes omitted in the previous edition, and other matter prepared by the author. The third edition was published in Scotland, and other editions followed; but I am unable to give any particulars of them. But the splendid stereotype edition, published in London by Murphy, in 1812, in 12 vols., is by far the best ever produced, or ever likely to appear. Since this there have been other editions; one in 2 vols., published in Ireland, and a cheap edition in 12 small vols., printed at Derby; but they deserve little notice.

F. C. H.

Anticipatory Use of the Cross(Vol. viii.passim).—In answer to particular inquiry, I have been furnished by a resident in Macao with an answer, of which the following is the substance:—The cross is commonly used in China, and consists of any flat boards of sufficient size, the upright shaft being usually eight to ten feet high. The transverse bar is fixed by a single nail or rivet, and is therefore often loose, and may be made sometimes to traverse a complete circle. It is not so much an instrument of punishment in itself, as it is an operation-board whereon to confine the criminal, not with nails, but ropes, to undergo—as in the case of a woman taken in adultery—the cutting away of the flesh from the bosom. He adds, that he has witnessed such punishment, and he has no doubt that the cross has been used in this way in China immemorially. Any of your correspondents will much oblige me by correcting or confirming this statement from positive testimony.

T. J. Buckton.

Lichfield.

The Marquis of Granby(Vol. ix., p. 127.).—A portrait of this nobleman constitutes the sign of a public-house at Doncaster, and of another at Bawtry, nine miles from that town. His lordship, it is said, occasionally occupied Carr House, near the former place, as a hunting-box in the middle of the last century. As an instance of his lordship's popularity, I may here add, that out of compliment to him, and for his greater convenience in hunting, at a period when there was a considerable extent of uninclosed and undrained country around Doncaster, the corporation directed several banks and passages to be made on their estate at Rossington; and in 1752, that body likewise presented the Marquis with the freedom of the borough.

C. J.

Irish Letters(Vol. ix., p. 246).—The following inscription on the monument of Lugnathan, nephew of St. Patrick, at Inchaguile, in Lough Corrib, co. Galway, is supposed to be the most ancient in Ireland:

"LIE LUGNAEDON MACC LMENUEH.""The stone of Lugnaodon, son of Limenueh."

The oldest Irish manuscript is the Book of Armagh, which contains a copy of the Gospels, and some very old lives of St. Patrick. (See O'Donovan'sIrish Grammar, Dublin, 1845, p. lii.)

Thompson Cooper.

Cambridge.

Rev. John Cawley(Vol. ix., p. 247.).—In reply to the inquiry of C. T. R., What is the authority for stating that the Rev. John Cawley, rector of Didcot, was a son of Cawley the regicide? I send you the following extract from Wood'sAthenæ(Bliss's edition), vol. iv. col. 580.:

"John Cawley, son of Will. Cawley of the city of Chichester, gent., was, by the endeavours of his father, made Fellow of All Souls' College (from that of Magdalen) by the visitors appointed by Parliament, anno 1649; took the degrees in arts, that of Master being completed in 1654; and whether he became a preacher soon after, without any orders conferred on him by a bishop, I cannot tell. Sure I am, that after his Majesty's restoration, he became a great loyalist, disowned the former actions of his father, who had been one of the judges of King Charles I.; when he was tryed for his life by a pretended court of justice, rayled at him (being then living in a skulking condition beyond sea); and took all opportunities to free himself from having any hand or anything to do in the times of usurpation. About which time, having married one of the daughters of Mr. Pollard of Newnham Courtney, he became rector of Dedcot, or Dudcot, in Berkshire; rector of Henley in Oxfordshire; and in the beginning of March, 1666, Archdeacon of Lincoln."

"John Cawley, son of Will. Cawley of the city of Chichester, gent., was, by the endeavours of his father, made Fellow of All Souls' College (from that of Magdalen) by the visitors appointed by Parliament, anno 1649; took the degrees in arts, that of Master being completed in 1654; and whether he became a preacher soon after, without any orders conferred on him by a bishop, I cannot tell. Sure I am, that after his Majesty's restoration, he became a great loyalist, disowned the former actions of his father, who had been one of the judges of King Charles I.; when he was tryed for his life by a pretended court of justice, rayled at him (being then living in a skulking condition beyond sea); and took all opportunities to free himself from having any hand or anything to do in the times of usurpation. About which time, having married one of the daughters of Mr. Pollard of Newnham Courtney, he became rector of Dedcot, or Dudcot, in Berkshire; rector of Henley in Oxfordshire; and in the beginning of March, 1666, Archdeacon of Lincoln."

Ἁλιεύς.

Dublin.

New Zealander and Westminster Bridge(Vol. ix., pp. 74. 159.).—Your correspondents have traced this celebrated passage to a letter from Horace Walpole to Sir H. Mann, and to passages in poems by Mrs. Barbauld and Kirke White. It appears to me that the following extract from the Preface to P. B. Shelley'sPeter Bell the Third, has more resemblance to it. It is addressed to Moore:

"Hoping that the immortality which you have given to the Fudges you will receive from them; and in the firm expectation, that when London shall be an habitation of bitterns, when St. Paul's and Westminster Abbey shall stand shapeless and nameless ruins, in the midst of an unpeopled marsh; when the piers of Westminster Bridge shall become the nuclei of islets of reeds and osiers, and cast the jagged shadows of their broken arches on the solitary stream; some transatlantic commentator will be weighing in the scales of some new and now unimaginedsystemof criticism, the respective merits of the Bells, and the Fudges, and their historians."

"Hoping that the immortality which you have given to the Fudges you will receive from them; and in the firm expectation, that when London shall be an habitation of bitterns, when St. Paul's and Westminster Abbey shall stand shapeless and nameless ruins, in the midst of an unpeopled marsh; when the piers of Westminster Bridge shall become the nuclei of islets of reeds and osiers, and cast the jagged shadows of their broken arches on the solitary stream; some transatlantic commentator will be weighing in the scales of some new and now unimaginedsystemof criticism, the respective merits of the Bells, and the Fudges, and their historians."

John Thrupp.

10. York Gate.

Several passages from different writers having been mentioned in your columns as likely to have suggested to our brilliant essayist and historian his celebrated graphic sketch of the New Zealander meditating over the ruins of London, I would beg leave to hint the probability that not one of those many passages were present to his mind or memory at the moment he wrote. The fact is that the picture is so true to nature, and has been so often sketched, and the associations and reflections arising from it so often felt and described, that I cannot for a moment admit the insinuation of a charge of plagiarism, or even unconscious adaptation of another's thoughts in one so abundantly stored with imagery of his own, that the very overflowings of his own wealth would enrich a generation of writers. It has however occurred to me that his classic mind might have remembered the picture of Marius amid the ruins of Carthage, or, more probably, the still more striking passage in the celebrated letter of Sulpicius to Cicero, on the death of his daughter Tullia, in which he describes himself, on his return from Asia, as sailing from Ægina towards Megara, and contemplating the surrounding countries:

"Behind me lay Ægina, before me Megara; on my right I saw Piræus, and on my left Corinth. These cities, once so flourishing and magnificent, now presented nothing to my view but a sad spectacle of desolation."

"Behind me lay Ægina, before me Megara; on my right I saw Piræus, and on my left Corinth. These cities, once so flourishing and magnificent, now presented nothing to my view but a sad spectacle of desolation."

And he then proceeds with his melancholy reflections on so many perishing memorials of human glory and grandeur in so small a compass.

G. W. T.

Volney wrote thus:

"Qui sait si sur les rives de la Seine, de la Tamise ... dans le tourbillon de tant de jouissances ... un voyageur, comme moi, ne s'asseoira pas un jour sur de muettes ruines, et ne pleurera pas solitaire sur la cendre des peuples et la mémoire de leur grandeur?"—Les Ruines, chap. ii. p. 11.

"Qui sait si sur les rives de la Seine, de la Tamise ... dans le tourbillon de tant de jouissances ... un voyageur, comme moi, ne s'asseoira pas un jour sur de muettes ruines, et ne pleurera pas solitaire sur la cendre des peuples et la mémoire de leur grandeur?"—Les Ruines, chap. ii. p. 11.

Mackenzie Walcott, M.A.

Misapplication of Terms(Vol. ix., p. 44.).—I cannot pretend to set up my judgment against that ofMr. Squeers, who has in his favour the proverbial wisdom of the Schools. Riddle, however, who I believe is an authority, gives the wordLegono such meaning as "to hearken." If Plautus uses the word in that sense, as it is an uncommon one, the passage should have been quoted, or a reference given. The meaning ofthe word appears to be "to collect, run over, see, read, choose." In justification of my criticism, and in reply toMr. Squeers, I shall quote Horne Tooke's remark, in speaking of "τα δεοντα, or things which ought to be done;"Div. Purley, Pt. II. ch. viii. (vol. ii. pp. 499-501., edit. 1849):

"The first of these,Legend, which meansThat which ought to be read, is, from the early misapplication of the term by impostors, now used by us as if it meant,That which ought to be laughed at. And so it is explained in our Dictionaries."

"The first of these,Legend, which meansThat which ought to be read, is, from the early misapplication of the term by impostors, now used by us as if it meant,That which ought to be laughed at. And so it is explained in our Dictionaries."

At the hazard of being again deemed hypercritical, while on this subject,the misapplication of terms, I must question the correctness of the phrase "Underthecircumstance." A thing must beinoramidstitscircum-stances; it cannot beunderthem. I admit the commonness of the expression, but it is not the less a solecism. Can you inform me when it was introduced? I hope it is not old enough to be considered inveterate. The best authors write "in the circumstances;" and yet so prevalent is the anomaly, that in a very respectable periodical, not long since, the French "dansles circonstances présentes," given as a quotation, is rendered "Underthe present circumstances."

J. W. Thomas.

Dewsbury.

Hoglandia(Vol. viii., p. 151.).—In reply to an inquiry for the full title of a book from which a quotation is given inPugna Porcorum, the full title isΧοιρόχωρογραφία,sive Hoglandiæ descriptio, published anonymously in 1709, in retaliation of Edward Holdsworth'sMuscipula. "Hoglandia" is Hampshire, and Holdsworth probably was a Hampshire man, for he was educated at Winchester, and we may presume the anonymous author to have been a Cambro-Briton.

H. L.

Lingard's England.Foolscap 8vo. 1844. Vols. I. to V., and X. and XI.

The Works of Dr. Jonathan Swift.London, printed for C. Bathurst, in Fleet Street, 1768. Vol. VII. (Vol. VI. ending with "Verses on the Death of Dr. Swift," written in Nov. 1731.)

Byron's Works.Vol. VI. of Murray's Edition. 1829.

The Volume of theLondon Polyglottwhich contains the Prophets. Imperfection in other parts of no consequence.

Carlisle on Grammar Schools.

The Circle of the Seasons.London, 1828. 12mo. Two copies.

*** Letters, stating particulars and lowest price,carriage free, to be sent toMr. Bell, Publisher of "NOTES AND QUERIES," 186. Fleet Street.

Particulars of Price, &c. of the following Books to be sent direct to the gentlemen by whom they are required, and whose names and addresses are given for that purpose:

Latimer's Sermons.Published by the Parker Society. Vol. I.


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