Chapter 9

[248]Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, Año 1686, p. 287.[249]Jedediah Morse, Rep. on Ind. Affairs, App. p. 93, Archæol-Amer., Vol. I., p. 273, and others.[250]Other forms of the same are Little St. Johns, Little Savanna, Seguano, Suannee, Swannee. It was also called the Carolinian river.[251]H. R. Schoolcraft, Notes on the Iroquois, p. 161. Adair, however, says they recorded themselves to beterræ filii. (Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 257, but compare p. 195.)[252]For the individual nations composing the confederacy see Romans, Hist. of Fla., p. 90; Roberts, Hist. of Fla., p. 13, and Adair, p. 257.[253]Giddings (Exiles of Florida, p. 3) gives the incorrect translation “runaways,” and adds, “it was originally used in reference to the Exiles long before the Seminole Indians separated from the Creeks.” The Upper Creeks called them Aulochawan. (American State Papers, Vol. V., p. 813.)[254]Establishment of the Colony of Georgia, pp. 10, 12, in Peter Force’s Historical Tracts, Vol. I.[255]Major C. Swan, in Schoolcraft’s Hist. of the Indian Tribes. Vol. V., pp. 260, 272.[256]Smilax,China, andZamia pumila.[257]On the civilization of the Seminoles, consult Wm. Bartram, Travels, pp. 192-3, 304, the American Jour. of Science, Vol. IX., pp. 133, 135, and XXXV., pp. 58-9; Notices of E. Fla., by a recent Traveller, and the works on the Florida War.[258]Narrative of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 75. The author supposed this was to receive the injunctions of the dying mother, but more probably it sprang from that belief in ametasomatosiswhich prevailed, and produced analogous customs in other tribes. See La Hontan, Voiages, Tome I., p. 232; “Brebeuf, Relation de la Nouv. France pour l’an 1636, ch. IX.” Pedro de Cieza, Travs. in Peru, ch. XXXII., p. 86 in Steven’s Collection.[259]Notices of East Fla., by a recent traveller, p. 79. For the extent and meaning of this singular superstition, see Schoolcraft, Oneota, pp. 331, 456; Algic Researches, Vol. I., p. 149, note; Hist. of the Indian Tribes, Vol. III., p. 66; Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, Vol. II., p. 271; Bradford, American Antiquities, p. 415; Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol. I., p. 146, and note15.[260]Narrative of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 77.[261]C. Swan in Schooloraft’s His. Ind. Tribes, Vol. V., p. 260.[262]By the whites I refer to the descendants of the English of the northern states. While under the Spanish government, up to the first Seminole war, their nation was said to be “numerous, proud and wealthy.” (Vignoles, Obs. on the Floridas, App., p. 215.) This was owing to the Spanish laws which gave them equal privileges with white and free colored persons, and drew the important distinction that they could hold landindividually, but notnationally. How different these beneficent regulations from the decree of the Florida Legislature in 1827, that any male Indian found out of the reservation “shall receive not exceeding thirty-nine stripes on his bare back, and his gun be taken away from him.” (Laws relating to Inds. and Ind. Affairs, p. 247, Washington, 1832,) and similar enactments.[263]Roberts, First Disc. of Fla., p. 90.[264]Collections of Georgia Hist. Soc. Vol. II., p. 318.[265]Ibid., p. 73.[266]Travels, p. 211.[267]Nat. History, p. 91.[268]Report on Indian Affairs, p. 33.[269]Cohen, Notices of Florida, p. 48.[270]Sprague, Hist. of the Fla. War, p. 19.[271]American State Papers, Vol. VI., p. 439.[272]Hist. of the Fla. War, p. 97.[273]Ibid., p. 409.[274]Ibid., p. 512.[275]Ibid.[276]Relation de la Floride apportée par Frère Gregorio de Beteta, in Ternaux’sRecueil. They did not touch the coast beyond the Bay of Apalache nor much south of Tampa Bay. Both Barcia (En. Cron. Año 1549) and Herrera (Dec. VIII., Lib. V., cap. XIV., XV.) say they entered the latter, but this cannot be, as the supposed description is entirely inapplicable. For other particulars see Eden’s translation of Peter Martyr, (fol. 319, Londini, 1555.)[277]The authority for this, as well as most of the facts in this chapter where other references are not given, is Barcia’s Ensayo Cronologico.[278]Sometimes called Santa Maria or St. Marys; now Amelia Island, so named, from the beauty of its shores, by Gov. Oglethorpe in 1736. (Francis Moore, Voyage to Georgia, in Ga. Hist. Soc.’s Colls. Vol. I., p. 124)[279]Called by the natives Ylacco or Walaka, the river of many lakes; by the French Rivière Mai, as Ribaut entered it on the first of that month; by the Spaniards Rio Matheo, Rio Picolato, on some charts by mistake Rio San Augustin, Rio Matanca and Rio Caouita, and not till much later Rio San Juan, which the English changed to St. Johns, and St. Whan.[280]Barcia, p. 123, and cf., p. 128.[281]Williams, Florida, p. 175.[282]Though Drake left nothing but the fort, and the dwellings were a second time destroyed by Col. Palmer, in 1727, yet Stoddard (Sketches of Louisiana, p. 120) says houses were standing in his time bearing the date 1571![283]Hackluyt, Vol. III., p. 432. Pedro Morales adds, “The greatest number of Spanyards that have beene in Florida these sixe yeeres, was 300.”[284]Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. XIX., cap. XX., p. 350.[285]Nat. and Civ. Hist. of Fla., p. 175.[286]Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. XIX., cap. XX., p. 350; Barcia, Años 1603 and 1612.[287]L’interieur, non plus que les parties de l’ouest et du Nord n’est pas en notre pouvoir. Voiages aux Indes Occidentales, T. I., p. 27.[288]He published two Cedulas Reales for this purpose, bearing the dates Oct. 20, 1680, and Sept. 30, 1687.[289]Barcia, p. 317; Careri, Voyage round the World, in Churchill’s Coll., Vol. IV., p. 537.[290]God’s Protecting Providence, pp. 77-8.[291]Maintenant ils sont presque touts Chrètiens. Louys Morery, Le Grand Dictionnaire Historique, ou le Melange Curieux, Vol. I., Art.Apalaches. (Amsterdam and La Haye, 1702.)[292]See the Report on Oglethorpe’s Expedition, and Col. Moore’s Letter to the Governor, in Carroll’s Hist. Colls. of S. C., Vol. II.[293]Williams, View of W. Fla., p. 107.[294]Alcedo, Dict. of America, Vol. I., p. 81.[295]God’s Protecting Providence, pp. 68-9.[296]Herman Moll, Thesaurus Geographus, Pt. II, p. 211, 4th ed. London, 1722.[297]Dickinson, God’s Protecting Prov., p. 63.[298]Roberts, Hist, of Fla., p. 15, and Francis Moore’s Voyage to Georgia.[299]Travels, p. 233.[300]Travels in E. Fla., p. 32, Darlington, Mems. of Bartram and Marshall, p. 284.[301]Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., pp. 277-8.[302]Nat. and Civil Hist. Fla. Preface and p. 175.[303]See his letter on the Antiquities of the State in Williams’ View of W. Fla., pp. 105-110.[304]The War in Fla., by a late Staff Officer, p. 5; see also, the account of Black Hoof in Morse’s Rep. on Ind. Affairs, App. p. 98, and cf. Archæol. Am., Vol. I. p. 273.[305]Dr. Stork, Des. of E. Fla., p. 8.[306]Capt. Robinson, in Roberts, p. 97.[307]Roberts, Hist. of Fla., p. 5.[308]Parliamentary History, Vol. XV., Col. 1301, Art. XX.[309]Travels, p. 65.[310]Jour. of Travels in E. Fla., p. 25.[311]Travels, p. 99.[312]Ibid., p. 521.[313]Travels, p. 99.[314]Au sorty du village d’Edelano, pour venir au port de la rivière il faut passer par une allée, longue environ de trois cens pas et large de quinze, aux deux costez de laquelle sont plantez de grands arbres, &c. Hist. Notable, p. 138.[315]Il y a au sortir du village une grande allée de trois à quatre cens pas, laquelle et recouverte de grands arbres des deux costez. Hist. Not. pp. 164-5.[316]Conq. de la Florida, Lib. II., P. I, cap. ult.[317]La Vega, Ibid., Lib. I., cap. V., pp. 30-1.[318]Lafitau in Baumgarten, Geschichte von Amerika, B. I., s. 71; Schoolcraft, Algic Researches, Vol. II., pp. 52, 190.[319]Knight, Anc. Art. sect. 162; Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol I., p. 198, note28; Montfaucon, Antiquities, Vol. II, p. 235; Görres, Mythengeschichte, B. I., s. 171.[320]Real Cedula que contiene el asiento capitulado con Lucas Vasquez de Aillon, in Navarrete Viages, Tom. III. p. 153; Basanier, Hist. Notable, p. 29, and comp, p. 78.[321]Real cedula dando facultad à Francisco de Garay para poblar la Provincia de Amichel, in Navarrete, Tom. III., p. 148. The account says they were “de diez à once palmos en alto.”[322]Histoire de la Virginie, Liv. III., p. 259, (Orleans, 1707.)[323]Notes on the Iroquois, p. 482.[324]Letters from the Allegheny Mountains, Let. XX. p. 162.[325]Archæologia Americana, Vol. I.[326]On therôleof trees in primitive religions consult Guigniaut, Religions de l’Antiquitè, T. I., pp. 81, 150, note, 391, 406.[327]La Vega, Conq. de la Florida, Lib. I., cap. IV., p. 5.[328]Ibid. Lib. III., cap. XIV., p. 129. cap. XV., p. 131, et sq.[329]For descriptions of this mode of interment, essentially the same in most of the tribes from the Mississippi to the St. Lawrence, and very widely prevalent in South America, consult Wm. Bartram, Travels, p. 516; Romans, Nat. Hist. Fla., pp. 88-90; Adair, Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 183; Lawson, New Account of Carolina, p. 182, in Stevens’ Collection; Beverly, Hist. de la Virginie, pp. 259-62; Baumgarten, Ges. von Amerika, B. I., s. 470; Colden, Hist. of the Five Nations, p. 16, and many others.[330]See an instructive notice from Pere le Petit in the Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, T. IV., pp. 261-2, and the Inca, Lib. II., pp. 69-70; Lib. IV., p. 188; Lib. V., pp. 202, 231, &c.[331]Port. Gent, in Hackluyt, V., p. 489.[332]Nar. of Oceola Nikkanoche, pp. 71-2. The author speaks of one “that must have covered two acres of ground,” but this is probably a misapprehension.[333]I am aware that Mr. Schoolcraft places the pottery of Florida intermediate between the coarse work of the northern hunter tribes, and the almost artistic manufactures of Yucatan and Mexico, (see an article on the Antiquities of Florida, in the Hist. of the Ind. Tribes, Vol. III.;) but the numerous specimens obtained in various parts of the peninsula that I had opportunities to examine, never seemed to indicate a civilization so advanced.[334]There is an excellent paper on this topic by the well-known geologist, Lardner Vanuxem, in the Trans. Am. Assoc. Geol. and Naturalists, for 1840-42, p. 21. sq.[335]This is not an invariable proof however; see Tuomey, Geol. Survey of S. Car., p. 199, note.[336]Second Visit to the United States, Vol. I., p. 252.[337]Am. Jour. of Science, Vol. XI., (2 ser.) pp. 164-74.[338]Le case loro sono edificate di stuore sopra scorze d’ostriche, e sopra di esse dormono sopra cuoi d’animali. Relatione que fece Alvaro Nunez, detto Capo di Vaca, Ramusio, Viaggi, T. III., fol. 317., E.[339]On the geology of these bluffs, see the articles by Mr. Allen, in the first, and Mr. Conrad in the second volume of the Am. Jour. Science. (Second series.)[340]Travels, p. 198.[341]The peculiar hue of the whole St. Johns system of streams has been termed by various travellers a light brown, light red, coffee color, rich umber, and beer color. In the sun it is that of a weak lye, but in the shade often looks as black as ink. The water is quite translucent and deposits no sediment. The same phenomenon is observed in the low country of Carolina, New Jersey, and Lake Superior, and on a large scale in the Rio Negro, Atababo, Temi, and others of South America. In the latter, Humboldt (Ansichten der Natur, B. I., p. 263-4) ascribes it “to a solution of carburetted hydrogen, to the luxuriance of a tropical vegetation, and to the quantity of plants and herbs on the ground on which they flow.” In Florida, the vast marshes and hammocks, covered the year round with water from a few inches to two feet in depth, yet producing such rank vegetation as to block up the rivers with floating islands, are doubtless the main cause. The Hillsboro, Suwannee, and others, flowing through the limestone lands into the Gulf, are on the other hand remarkable for the clarity of their streams. I have drank this natural decoction when it tasted and smelt so strongly of decayed vegetable matter as almost to induce nausea. A fact not readily explained is that while the dark waters of other regions are marked by a lack of fish and crocodiles, a freedom from stinging musquitoes, a cooler atmosphere and greater salubrity, nothing of the kind occurs on these streams.[342]For particulars concerning some of these, see Wm. Bartram, Travels, pp. 145, 165, 206, 230; Notices of E. Florida, by a recent Trav., pp. 28, 44; American Journal of Science, Vol. XXV., p. 165, I., (2 ser.) p. 39.[343]Flint, (Travels, Let. XVI., p. 172,) says that neither of those found in 1810 measured more than four feet. This is an error. He only saw the female, whose age was not over fourteen, and the squatting position in which the body was, deceived him.[344]Conq. de la Florida, Lib. V., P. II., cap. VIII.[345]In French’s Hist. Coll. of La., Pt. I., p. 61.[346]Mems. Hist. sur la Louisiane, T. I., pp. 154-5.[347]Hist. of Louisiana, Vol. II., p. 230.[348]A New Account of Carolina, p. 191.[349]Joutel, Jour. Hist., p. 218; Mems. of Sieur de Tonty, p. 61; Dupratz, V. II., p. 22; Cabeza de Vaca. in Ramusio, T. III., fol. 317, E.[350]Lawson, ubi suprà, p. 180.[351]It was remarked of the mummy found in the Mammoth cave, “In the making of her dress there is no evidence of the use of any other machinery than bone and horn needles.” (Collin’s Kentucky, p. 257.)[352]Archæologia Americana, Vol. I., p. 230.[353]Whence the French verbboucaner, and the Englishbuccaneer. Possibly the custom may have been introduced among the tribes of the northern shore of the Gulf by the Caribs.[354]Dumont, Mems., Hist. sur la Louisiane, T. I, p. 240.[355]De Bry, Peregrinationes in America, P. I., Tab. XXII.; Beverly, Hist. de la Virginie, Liv. III., pp. 285-6; Lawson, Acc’t of Carolina, p. 182; Schoolcraft, Hist. Ind. Tribes, Vol. V., p. 693.[356]See the Inca, Lib. IV., caps. VIII., IX.[357]See the Am. Jour. of Science, Vol. I., p. 429; Vol. XXII., p. 124; Collin’s Kentucky, pp. 177, 448, 520, 541; Bradford, Am. Antiqs., Pt. I., p. 29.[358]Dumont, Mems. Hist. T. II., pp. 178, 238; Dupratz, Vol. II., p. 221, and for the latter fact, Mems. of the Sieur de Tonty, p. 61.[359]Medical Repository, Vol. XVI., p. 148. This opinion is endorsed by Bradford, Am. Antiqs., p. 31.[360]Humboldt, Krit. Untersuch. ueber die Hist. Entwickelung der Geog. Kentnisse der neuen Welt, B. I., s. 322; the same reason is given by De Laet, Descrip. Ind. Occident. Lib. IV., cap. XIV.[361]“Guañines de oro,” Navarrete, Viages, Tom. III., p. 52; Herrera, Dec. I., Lib. IX., cap. XI.[362]Mais on n’y trouve pas d’or, parce qu’elle est eloignè des mines d’Onagatono, situées dans les montagnes neigeuses d’Onagatono dernieres possessions d’Abolachi, Memoire, p. 32.[363]Pedro Morales, in Hackluyt, Vol. III., p. 432.[364]See Lanman’s Letters from the Allegheny Mountains, pp. 9, 26, 27; White, Hist. Coll. of Georgia, pp. 487-8.[365]Humboldt, Island of Cuba, p. 131, note.

[248]Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, Año 1686, p. 287.

[249]Jedediah Morse, Rep. on Ind. Affairs, App. p. 93, Archæol-Amer., Vol. I., p. 273, and others.

[250]Other forms of the same are Little St. Johns, Little Savanna, Seguano, Suannee, Swannee. It was also called the Carolinian river.

[251]H. R. Schoolcraft, Notes on the Iroquois, p. 161. Adair, however, says they recorded themselves to beterræ filii. (Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 257, but compare p. 195.)

[252]For the individual nations composing the confederacy see Romans, Hist. of Fla., p. 90; Roberts, Hist. of Fla., p. 13, and Adair, p. 257.

[253]Giddings (Exiles of Florida, p. 3) gives the incorrect translation “runaways,” and adds, “it was originally used in reference to the Exiles long before the Seminole Indians separated from the Creeks.” The Upper Creeks called them Aulochawan. (American State Papers, Vol. V., p. 813.)

[254]Establishment of the Colony of Georgia, pp. 10, 12, in Peter Force’s Historical Tracts, Vol. I.

[255]Major C. Swan, in Schoolcraft’s Hist. of the Indian Tribes. Vol. V., pp. 260, 272.

[256]Smilax,China, andZamia pumila.

[257]On the civilization of the Seminoles, consult Wm. Bartram, Travels, pp. 192-3, 304, the American Jour. of Science, Vol. IX., pp. 133, 135, and XXXV., pp. 58-9; Notices of E. Fla., by a recent Traveller, and the works on the Florida War.

[258]Narrative of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 75. The author supposed this was to receive the injunctions of the dying mother, but more probably it sprang from that belief in ametasomatosiswhich prevailed, and produced analogous customs in other tribes. See La Hontan, Voiages, Tome I., p. 232; “Brebeuf, Relation de la Nouv. France pour l’an 1636, ch. IX.” Pedro de Cieza, Travs. in Peru, ch. XXXII., p. 86 in Steven’s Collection.

[259]Notices of East Fla., by a recent traveller, p. 79. For the extent and meaning of this singular superstition, see Schoolcraft, Oneota, pp. 331, 456; Algic Researches, Vol. I., p. 149, note; Hist. of the Indian Tribes, Vol. III., p. 66; Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, Vol. II., p. 271; Bradford, American Antiquities, p. 415; Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol. I., p. 146, and note15.

[260]Narrative of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 77.

[261]C. Swan in Schooloraft’s His. Ind. Tribes, Vol. V., p. 260.

[262]By the whites I refer to the descendants of the English of the northern states. While under the Spanish government, up to the first Seminole war, their nation was said to be “numerous, proud and wealthy.” (Vignoles, Obs. on the Floridas, App., p. 215.) This was owing to the Spanish laws which gave them equal privileges with white and free colored persons, and drew the important distinction that they could hold landindividually, but notnationally. How different these beneficent regulations from the decree of the Florida Legislature in 1827, that any male Indian found out of the reservation “shall receive not exceeding thirty-nine stripes on his bare back, and his gun be taken away from him.” (Laws relating to Inds. and Ind. Affairs, p. 247, Washington, 1832,) and similar enactments.

[263]Roberts, First Disc. of Fla., p. 90.

[264]Collections of Georgia Hist. Soc. Vol. II., p. 318.

[265]Ibid., p. 73.

[266]Travels, p. 211.

[267]Nat. History, p. 91.

[268]Report on Indian Affairs, p. 33.

[269]Cohen, Notices of Florida, p. 48.

[270]Sprague, Hist. of the Fla. War, p. 19.

[271]American State Papers, Vol. VI., p. 439.

[272]Hist. of the Fla. War, p. 97.

[273]Ibid., p. 409.

[274]Ibid., p. 512.

[275]Ibid.

[276]Relation de la Floride apportée par Frère Gregorio de Beteta, in Ternaux’sRecueil. They did not touch the coast beyond the Bay of Apalache nor much south of Tampa Bay. Both Barcia (En. Cron. Año 1549) and Herrera (Dec. VIII., Lib. V., cap. XIV., XV.) say they entered the latter, but this cannot be, as the supposed description is entirely inapplicable. For other particulars see Eden’s translation of Peter Martyr, (fol. 319, Londini, 1555.)

[277]The authority for this, as well as most of the facts in this chapter where other references are not given, is Barcia’s Ensayo Cronologico.

[278]Sometimes called Santa Maria or St. Marys; now Amelia Island, so named, from the beauty of its shores, by Gov. Oglethorpe in 1736. (Francis Moore, Voyage to Georgia, in Ga. Hist. Soc.’s Colls. Vol. I., p. 124)

[279]Called by the natives Ylacco or Walaka, the river of many lakes; by the French Rivière Mai, as Ribaut entered it on the first of that month; by the Spaniards Rio Matheo, Rio Picolato, on some charts by mistake Rio San Augustin, Rio Matanca and Rio Caouita, and not till much later Rio San Juan, which the English changed to St. Johns, and St. Whan.

[280]Barcia, p. 123, and cf., p. 128.

[281]Williams, Florida, p. 175.

[282]Though Drake left nothing but the fort, and the dwellings were a second time destroyed by Col. Palmer, in 1727, yet Stoddard (Sketches of Louisiana, p. 120) says houses were standing in his time bearing the date 1571!

[283]Hackluyt, Vol. III., p. 432. Pedro Morales adds, “The greatest number of Spanyards that have beene in Florida these sixe yeeres, was 300.”

[284]Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. XIX., cap. XX., p. 350.

[285]Nat. and Civ. Hist. of Fla., p. 175.

[286]Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. XIX., cap. XX., p. 350; Barcia, Años 1603 and 1612.

[287]L’interieur, non plus que les parties de l’ouest et du Nord n’est pas en notre pouvoir. Voiages aux Indes Occidentales, T. I., p. 27.

[288]He published two Cedulas Reales for this purpose, bearing the dates Oct. 20, 1680, and Sept. 30, 1687.

[289]Barcia, p. 317; Careri, Voyage round the World, in Churchill’s Coll., Vol. IV., p. 537.

[290]God’s Protecting Providence, pp. 77-8.

[291]Maintenant ils sont presque touts Chrètiens. Louys Morery, Le Grand Dictionnaire Historique, ou le Melange Curieux, Vol. I., Art.Apalaches. (Amsterdam and La Haye, 1702.)

[292]See the Report on Oglethorpe’s Expedition, and Col. Moore’s Letter to the Governor, in Carroll’s Hist. Colls. of S. C., Vol. II.

[293]Williams, View of W. Fla., p. 107.

[294]Alcedo, Dict. of America, Vol. I., p. 81.

[295]God’s Protecting Providence, pp. 68-9.

[296]Herman Moll, Thesaurus Geographus, Pt. II, p. 211, 4th ed. London, 1722.

[297]Dickinson, God’s Protecting Prov., p. 63.

[298]Roberts, Hist, of Fla., p. 15, and Francis Moore’s Voyage to Georgia.

[299]Travels, p. 233.

[300]Travels in E. Fla., p. 32, Darlington, Mems. of Bartram and Marshall, p. 284.

[301]Nat. Hist. E. and W. Fla., pp. 277-8.

[302]Nat. and Civil Hist. Fla. Preface and p. 175.

[303]See his letter on the Antiquities of the State in Williams’ View of W. Fla., pp. 105-110.

[304]The War in Fla., by a late Staff Officer, p. 5; see also, the account of Black Hoof in Morse’s Rep. on Ind. Affairs, App. p. 98, and cf. Archæol. Am., Vol. I. p. 273.

[305]Dr. Stork, Des. of E. Fla., p. 8.

[306]Capt. Robinson, in Roberts, p. 97.

[307]Roberts, Hist. of Fla., p. 5.

[308]Parliamentary History, Vol. XV., Col. 1301, Art. XX.

[309]Travels, p. 65.

[310]Jour. of Travels in E. Fla., p. 25.

[311]Travels, p. 99.

[312]Ibid., p. 521.

[313]Travels, p. 99.

[314]Au sorty du village d’Edelano, pour venir au port de la rivière il faut passer par une allée, longue environ de trois cens pas et large de quinze, aux deux costez de laquelle sont plantez de grands arbres, &c. Hist. Notable, p. 138.

[315]Il y a au sortir du village une grande allée de trois à quatre cens pas, laquelle et recouverte de grands arbres des deux costez. Hist. Not. pp. 164-5.

[316]Conq. de la Florida, Lib. II., P. I, cap. ult.

[317]La Vega, Ibid., Lib. I., cap. V., pp. 30-1.

[318]Lafitau in Baumgarten, Geschichte von Amerika, B. I., s. 71; Schoolcraft, Algic Researches, Vol. II., pp. 52, 190.

[319]Knight, Anc. Art. sect. 162; Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol I., p. 198, note28; Montfaucon, Antiquities, Vol. II, p. 235; Görres, Mythengeschichte, B. I., s. 171.

[320]Real Cedula que contiene el asiento capitulado con Lucas Vasquez de Aillon, in Navarrete Viages, Tom. III. p. 153; Basanier, Hist. Notable, p. 29, and comp, p. 78.

[321]Real cedula dando facultad à Francisco de Garay para poblar la Provincia de Amichel, in Navarrete, Tom. III., p. 148. The account says they were “de diez à once palmos en alto.”

[322]Histoire de la Virginie, Liv. III., p. 259, (Orleans, 1707.)

[323]Notes on the Iroquois, p. 482.

[324]Letters from the Allegheny Mountains, Let. XX. p. 162.

[325]Archæologia Americana, Vol. I.

[326]On therôleof trees in primitive religions consult Guigniaut, Religions de l’Antiquitè, T. I., pp. 81, 150, note, 391, 406.

[327]La Vega, Conq. de la Florida, Lib. I., cap. IV., p. 5.

[328]Ibid. Lib. III., cap. XIV., p. 129. cap. XV., p. 131, et sq.

[329]For descriptions of this mode of interment, essentially the same in most of the tribes from the Mississippi to the St. Lawrence, and very widely prevalent in South America, consult Wm. Bartram, Travels, p. 516; Romans, Nat. Hist. Fla., pp. 88-90; Adair, Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 183; Lawson, New Account of Carolina, p. 182, in Stevens’ Collection; Beverly, Hist. de la Virginie, pp. 259-62; Baumgarten, Ges. von Amerika, B. I., s. 470; Colden, Hist. of the Five Nations, p. 16, and many others.

[330]See an instructive notice from Pere le Petit in the Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses, T. IV., pp. 261-2, and the Inca, Lib. II., pp. 69-70; Lib. IV., p. 188; Lib. V., pp. 202, 231, &c.

[331]Port. Gent, in Hackluyt, V., p. 489.

[332]Nar. of Oceola Nikkanoche, pp. 71-2. The author speaks of one “that must have covered two acres of ground,” but this is probably a misapprehension.

[333]I am aware that Mr. Schoolcraft places the pottery of Florida intermediate between the coarse work of the northern hunter tribes, and the almost artistic manufactures of Yucatan and Mexico, (see an article on the Antiquities of Florida, in the Hist. of the Ind. Tribes, Vol. III.;) but the numerous specimens obtained in various parts of the peninsula that I had opportunities to examine, never seemed to indicate a civilization so advanced.

[334]There is an excellent paper on this topic by the well-known geologist, Lardner Vanuxem, in the Trans. Am. Assoc. Geol. and Naturalists, for 1840-42, p. 21. sq.

[335]This is not an invariable proof however; see Tuomey, Geol. Survey of S. Car., p. 199, note.

[336]Second Visit to the United States, Vol. I., p. 252.

[337]Am. Jour. of Science, Vol. XI., (2 ser.) pp. 164-74.

[338]Le case loro sono edificate di stuore sopra scorze d’ostriche, e sopra di esse dormono sopra cuoi d’animali. Relatione que fece Alvaro Nunez, detto Capo di Vaca, Ramusio, Viaggi, T. III., fol. 317., E.

[339]On the geology of these bluffs, see the articles by Mr. Allen, in the first, and Mr. Conrad in the second volume of the Am. Jour. Science. (Second series.)

[340]Travels, p. 198.

[341]The peculiar hue of the whole St. Johns system of streams has been termed by various travellers a light brown, light red, coffee color, rich umber, and beer color. In the sun it is that of a weak lye, but in the shade often looks as black as ink. The water is quite translucent and deposits no sediment. The same phenomenon is observed in the low country of Carolina, New Jersey, and Lake Superior, and on a large scale in the Rio Negro, Atababo, Temi, and others of South America. In the latter, Humboldt (Ansichten der Natur, B. I., p. 263-4) ascribes it “to a solution of carburetted hydrogen, to the luxuriance of a tropical vegetation, and to the quantity of plants and herbs on the ground on which they flow.” In Florida, the vast marshes and hammocks, covered the year round with water from a few inches to two feet in depth, yet producing such rank vegetation as to block up the rivers with floating islands, are doubtless the main cause. The Hillsboro, Suwannee, and others, flowing through the limestone lands into the Gulf, are on the other hand remarkable for the clarity of their streams. I have drank this natural decoction when it tasted and smelt so strongly of decayed vegetable matter as almost to induce nausea. A fact not readily explained is that while the dark waters of other regions are marked by a lack of fish and crocodiles, a freedom from stinging musquitoes, a cooler atmosphere and greater salubrity, nothing of the kind occurs on these streams.

[342]For particulars concerning some of these, see Wm. Bartram, Travels, pp. 145, 165, 206, 230; Notices of E. Florida, by a recent Trav., pp. 28, 44; American Journal of Science, Vol. XXV., p. 165, I., (2 ser.) p. 39.

[343]Flint, (Travels, Let. XVI., p. 172,) says that neither of those found in 1810 measured more than four feet. This is an error. He only saw the female, whose age was not over fourteen, and the squatting position in which the body was, deceived him.

[344]Conq. de la Florida, Lib. V., P. II., cap. VIII.

[345]In French’s Hist. Coll. of La., Pt. I., p. 61.

[346]Mems. Hist. sur la Louisiane, T. I., pp. 154-5.

[347]Hist. of Louisiana, Vol. II., p. 230.

[348]A New Account of Carolina, p. 191.

[349]Joutel, Jour. Hist., p. 218; Mems. of Sieur de Tonty, p. 61; Dupratz, V. II., p. 22; Cabeza de Vaca. in Ramusio, T. III., fol. 317, E.

[350]Lawson, ubi suprà, p. 180.

[351]It was remarked of the mummy found in the Mammoth cave, “In the making of her dress there is no evidence of the use of any other machinery than bone and horn needles.” (Collin’s Kentucky, p. 257.)

[352]Archæologia Americana, Vol. I., p. 230.

[353]Whence the French verbboucaner, and the Englishbuccaneer. Possibly the custom may have been introduced among the tribes of the northern shore of the Gulf by the Caribs.

[354]Dumont, Mems., Hist. sur la Louisiane, T. I, p. 240.

[355]De Bry, Peregrinationes in America, P. I., Tab. XXII.; Beverly, Hist. de la Virginie, Liv. III., pp. 285-6; Lawson, Acc’t of Carolina, p. 182; Schoolcraft, Hist. Ind. Tribes, Vol. V., p. 693.

[356]See the Inca, Lib. IV., caps. VIII., IX.

[357]See the Am. Jour. of Science, Vol. I., p. 429; Vol. XXII., p. 124; Collin’s Kentucky, pp. 177, 448, 520, 541; Bradford, Am. Antiqs., Pt. I., p. 29.

[358]Dumont, Mems. Hist. T. II., pp. 178, 238; Dupratz, Vol. II., p. 221, and for the latter fact, Mems. of the Sieur de Tonty, p. 61.

[359]Medical Repository, Vol. XVI., p. 148. This opinion is endorsed by Bradford, Am. Antiqs., p. 31.

[360]Humboldt, Krit. Untersuch. ueber die Hist. Entwickelung der Geog. Kentnisse der neuen Welt, B. I., s. 322; the same reason is given by De Laet, Descrip. Ind. Occident. Lib. IV., cap. XIV.

[361]“Guañines de oro,” Navarrete, Viages, Tom. III., p. 52; Herrera, Dec. I., Lib. IX., cap. XI.

[362]Mais on n’y trouve pas d’or, parce qu’elle est eloignè des mines d’Onagatono, situées dans les montagnes neigeuses d’Onagatono dernieres possessions d’Abolachi, Memoire, p. 32.

[363]Pedro Morales, in Hackluyt, Vol. III., p. 432.

[364]See Lanman’s Letters from the Allegheny Mountains, pp. 9, 26, 27; White, Hist. Coll. of Georgia, pp. 487-8.

[365]Humboldt, Island of Cuba, p. 131, note.

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