Chapter 19

FOOTNOTES:[1]Healy, 46.[2]Healy, 50.[3]Sandys, i. 245.[4]On the connection between Eastern and Celtic monachism, see Stokes (G.T.).[5]Stokes (W.),T. L., i. 30; ii. 446.[6]Ib.ii. 421; ii 475.[7]D. N. B., xliv. 39; Stokes (W.),T. L., i. 191.[8]Abgitorium, abgatorium; elementa, elimenta.Stokes (W.),T. L., i. cliii.; also i. 111, 113, 139, 191, 308, 320, 322, 326, 327, 328.[9]In 536, fifty monks from the Continent landed at Cork.—Montalembert, ii. 248n. Migrations from Gaul were frequent about this time.[10]Bury, 217; cp. 220.[11]Joyce, i. 478.[12]Adamnan, lib. ii. c. 29, iii. c. 15 and c. 23.[13]Dr. Skene says the Psalter incident “bears the stamp of spurious tradition”; so does the Longarad story; but it is curious how often sacred books play a part in these tales.[14]Henderson,Norse Influence on Celtic Scotland, 5-6.[15]Moore,Hist. of Ireland, i. 266.[16]Healy, 379; Stokes (M.)2, 118. Ergo quotidie jejunandum est, sicut quotidie orandum est, quotidie laborandum, quotidie est legendum.[17]A ninth century catalogue of St. Gall mentions thirty-one volumes and pamphlets in the Irish tongue—Prof. Pflugk-Harttung, inR. H. S.(N. S.), v. 92. Becker names only thirty, p. 43. At Reichenau, a monastery near St. Gall, also famous for its library, there were “Irish education, manuscripts, and occasionally also Irish monks.” “One of the most ancient monuments of the German tongue, the vocabulary of St. Gall, dating from about 780, is written in the Irish character.”[18]D.C.B.sub nom.[19]Stokes (G. T.), 221.[20]Ib.220.[21]Haddan, 267.[22]Hyde, 221.[23]Joyce,Short Hist. of I., 165.[24]Bede,H. E., iii. 27; Healy, 101; Stokes (G. T.), 230.[25]Camb. Lit., i. 66.[26]Healy, 272.[27]Alcuin,Willibrord, c. 4.[28]See full account,R. H. S.(N. S.), v. 75.[29]Sandys, i. 480.[30]R. H. S.(N. S.), v. 90.[31]Sandys, i. 480; Stokes (M.)2, 210.[32]“Sancte Columba tibi Scotto tuus incola DungalTradidit hunc librum, quo fratrum corda beentur.Qui leges ergo Deus pretium sit muneris, oro.”—Healy, 392.[33]Stokes (M.)2, 206-7, 247.[34]Sandys, i. 463.[35]Moore,Hist. of I., i. 299;Boll. Iul.t.vii. 222.[36]The following, among others, are still on the Continent: Gospels of Willibrord (Bibl. Nat. Lat. 9389, 739), Gospel of St. John (Cod. 60 St. Gallc.750-800); Book of Fragments (No. 1395, St. Gall,c.750-800); The Golden Gospels (Royal library, Stockholm, 871); Gospels of St. Arnoul, Metz (Nuremberg Museum, 7th c.).—Cp. Maclean, 207-8; Hyde, 267.[37]Adamnan, 365n.[38]Hyde, 220; Stokes (M.), 10, “Connachtach, an Abbot of Iona who died in 802, is called in the Irish annals ‘a scribe most choice.’ ”—Trenholme,Iona, 32.[39]Tech-screptra; domus scripturarum.[40]Leabhar coimedach.Adamnan, 359, note m.[41]Joyce, i. 483.[42]At vero hoc audiens Colcius tempus et horamin tabuladescribens.—Adamnan, 66. Columba is said to have blessed one hundred pólaires or tablets (Leabhar Breac, fo. 16-60; Stokes (M.), 51). The boy Benen, who followed Patrick, bore tablets on his back (folaire, corrupt forpólaire).—Stokes (W.),T. L., 47. Patrick gave to Fiacc a case containing a tablet.Ib.344. An example of a waxed tablet, with a case for it, is in the Museum of the Royal Irish Academy. The case is a wooden cover, divided into hollowed-out compartments for holding the styles. This specimen dates from the thirteenth or fourteenth century. Slates and pencils were also in use for temporary purposes.—Joyce, i. 483.[43]See Thompson, 236, where Irish calligraphy is fully dealt with;Camb. Lit., i. 13.[44]Trans. R. I. Acad., vol. xviii. 1838.[45]Stokes (W.),T. L., 75. The terms used for satchels aresacculi(Lat.), andtiag, ortiag liubhairorteig liubair(Ir.). There has been some confusion betweenpólaireandtiag, the former being regarded as a leather case for a single book, the latter a satchel for several books. This distinction is made in connection with the ancient Irish life of Columba, which is therefore made to read that the saint used to makecasesandsatchelsfor books (pólaire ocus tiaga),v.Adamnan, 115. Cf. Petrie,Round Towers, 336-7. But the late Dr. Whitley Stokes makespólaireorpōlire, or the corruptionfolaire, derive frompugillares= writing tablets.—Stokes (W.),T. L., cliii. and 655. This interpretation of the word gives us the much more likely reading that Columba madetablets, andsatchelsfor books.[46]Stokes (M.), 50.[47]Curzon,Monasteries of the Levant, 66.[48]Mr. Allen, in his admirable volume onCeltic Art, p. 208, in this series, says cumdachs were peculiar to Ireland. But they were made and used elsewhere, and were variously known ascapsae,librorum coopertoria(e.g.... librorumque coopertoria; quædam horum nuda, quædam vero alia auro atque argento gemmisque pretiosis circumtecta.—Acta SS.,Aug.iii. 659c), andthecae. Some of these cases were no doubt as beautifully decorated as the Irish cumdachs. William of Malmesbury asserts that twenty pounds and sixty marks of gold were used to make the coopertoria librorum Evangelii for King Ina’s chapel. At the Abbey of St. Riquier was an “Evangelium auro Scriptum unum, cum capsa argentea gemmis et lapidibus fabricata. Aliae capsae evangeliorum duae ex auro et argento paratae.”—Maitland, 212. In 1295 St. Paul’s Cathedral possessed a copy of the Gospels in a case (capsa) adorned with gilding and relics.—Putnam, i. 105-6.[49]Leborchometa chethrochori, andbibliothecae quadratae.—Stokes (W.),T. L., 96 and 313.[50]Stokes (M.), 90.[51]Stokes (M.), 92-3.[52]SeeLa Bibliofilia, xi. 165.[53]Acta SS. Ap., iii. 581c.[54]Healy, 524.[55]Other instances are cited in Adamnan, book ii., chap. 8.[56]Hist. mon. S. Augustini, Cant., 96-99, “Et haec sunt primitiae librorum totius ecclesiae Anglicanae,” 99.[57]H. E., i. 29.[58]Stanley,Hist. Mem. of C.(1868), 42.[59]Hist. mon. S. Aug., xxv.[60]B. M. Reg. I. E. vi. may be a part of the Gregorian Bible, or the second copy of the Gospels mentioned above, if this second copy is not Corpus Christi, Camb. 286. Corpus C. 286 is a seventh century book, certainly from St. Augustine’s; it was probably brought to England in the time of Theodore, and though it may be one of the books referred to above, is, therefore, not Augustinian. The Psalter bearing the silver images is “most likely” Cott. Vesp. A. 1, an eighth century manuscript; it is, therefore, not Augustinian, although it may be a copy of the original Psalter given by Gregory.—James, lxvi.[61]Known as Codex E, or the Laudian Acts (Laud. Gr. 35). Bede refers to a Greek manuscript of the Acts in hisRetractationes; possibly this is the actual copy. The last page of the book bears the signature “Theodore”; did Archbishop Theodore bring the volume to England? “It is at least safe to say that the presence of such a book in England in Bede’s time can hardly be entirely independent of the influence of Theodore or of Abbot Hadrian.”—James (M. R.), xxiii.[62]H. E., iv. 2,tr.Sellar.[63]Ib.v. 20.[64]Ib.v. 23.[65]This copy was still at Malmesbury in the twelfth century.—W. of Malmesbury,Ang. Sacr., ii. 21.[66]Sandys, i. 466;Camb. Eng. Lit., i. 75.[67]Camb. Eng. Lit., i. 45.[68]These foundations were regarded as one house, the inmates being bound together by “a common and perpetual affection and intimacy.”[69]“Innumerabilem librorum omnis generis copiam apportavit.”—Vitae Abbatum, § 4.[70]“Copiosissima et nobilissima bibliotheca.”—Ib.§ 11.[71]Lanciani,Anc. Rome, 201.[72]Ceolfrid, Benedict Biscop’s successor, added a number of books to the library, among them three copies of the Vulgate, and one of the older version. One copy of the Vulgate Ceolfrid took with him to Rome (716) to give to the Pope. He died on the way. The codex did not go to Rome; now, it is in the Laurentian Library, Florence, where it is known as the Codex Amiatinus. The writing is Italian, or at any rate foreign, so it must have been imported, or written at Jarrow by foreign scribes. This volume is the chief authority for the text of Jerome’s translation of the Scriptures.[73]H. E., v. 24.[74]Bede frequently quotes Cicero, Virgil, and Horace; usually selecting some telling phrase,e.g.“caeco carpitur igni” (H. E.ii. 12). In hisDe Natura rerumhe owes a good deal to Pliny and Isidore. In his commentaries on the Scriptures he displays an extent of reading which we have no space to give any idea of. His chronologies were based on Jerome’s edition of Eusebius, on Augustine and Isidore. In hisH. E.he uses “Pliny, Solinus, Orosius, Eutropius, Marcellinus Comes, Gildas, probably theHistoria Brittonum, aPassion of St. Alban, and theLife of Germanus of Auxerreby Constantius”; while he refers to lives of St. Fursa, St. Ethelburg, and to Adamnan’s work on the Holy Places. Cf. Sandys, i. 468;Camb. Lit., i. 80-81. Bede also got first-hand knowledge: the Lindisfarne records provided him with material on Cuthbert; information came to him from Canterbury about Southern affairs and from Lastingham about Mercian affairs. Nothelm got material from the archives at Rome for him.[75]Tr. in Morley,Eng. Writers, ii. 160.[76]Tr. in West,Alcuin, 34-35.[77]Tr. inKing’s Letters, ed. Steele (1903), 1. Cf. Bodl.MS. Hatton, 20;Cott. MS. OthoB 2; Corpus C. C., Camb. MS. 12.[78]MS. Cott. Tib.B xi.—a copy of Alfred’s version of theCura, or what is left of it—has been connected with Archbishop Plegmund, the evidence being a Saxon inscription on the manuscript. Wanley, however, doubted the conclusiveness of this evidence, which, together with most of the text, was lost in the fire of 1731.—James, xxiii-iv.[79]Sandys, i. 484.[80]Hunt,Hist. of Eng. Church, i. 326.[81]Strutt,Saxon Antiq., i. 105, pl. xviii. The picture is in a large volume containing part of a grammar and certain other pieces used at Glastonbury.—MS. Auct.F. iv. 32. Over the picture is the inscription:Pictura et scriptura hujus paginae subtus visa est de propria manu Sci. Dunstani.[82]Stubbs,Mem. of Dunstan, cx.-cxii.[83]Chron. Mon. de Abingdon, ii. 263.[84]Ibid., ii. 265.[85]Archaeologia, xxiv. 19.[86]B. M. Cott. Vesp., A. viii., written 966.[87]Hook,Archbishops, i. 453 (1st ed.).[88]Chron. Abb. de E., 83.[89]James1, 5-6.[90]Most old English poems are preserved in unique manuscripts, sometimes not complete, but in fragments; two fragments, for example, were found in the bindings of other books.—Warton, ii. 7. In 1248, only four books in English were at Glastonbury, and they are described as old and useless.—John of G., 435; Ritson, i. 43. About fifty years later only seventeen such books were in the big library at Canterbury.—James (M. R.), 51. A striking illustration of the disuse of the vernacular among the religious is found in an Anglo-Saxon Gregory’sPastoral Care, which is copiously glossed in Latin, in two or three hands. This manuscript, now in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, No. 12, came from Worcester Priory.—James17, 33.[91]Becker, 199, 257.[92]In an eleventh century manuscript in Trinity College Library, Cambridge (MS. B. 16, 44), is an inscription, perhaps by Lanfranc himself, recording that he brought it from Bec and gave it to Christ Church.[93]At the end of the manuscript of Cassian is written: “Hucusque ego Lanfrancus correxi.”—Hist. Litt. de la France, vii. 117. At the end of the Ambrose (Hexaemeron) the note reads, “Lanfrancus ego correxi.”[94]James (M. R.), xxx.[95]Chron. Abb. de Evesham, 97.[96]Library of Ste. Geneviève, Paris, MS. E. l. 17, in 40, fol. 61. The note reads: Quia autem apud Bequefort victualium copia erat, scriptores etiam ibi habebantur quorum opera ad nos in Normaniam mittebantur.—Library, v. 2 (1893).[97]Stevenson,Grosseteste, 149.[98]Gesta R. Angl., lib. v.;Camb. Lit., i. 159-60.[99]Surtees S., lxix. 341.[100]Merryweather, 96-7.[101]Joh. Glaston,Chronica, ed. Hearne (1726), ii. 423-44; Merryweather, 140.[102]Librariam fecit optimum pulcherrimum et copiosum.—Holmes,Wells and Glastonbury, 229.[103]MS. Twyne, Bodl. L., 8, 272.[104]James, and James1.[105]In the fine MS. Cott. Claud. E. iv. (Gesta Abbatum) is a series of portrait miniatures of the abbots, and in most cases they are represented as reading or carrying books, or with books about them.[106]Fecit etiam scribi libros plurimos, quos longum esset enarrare.[107]Some of the books were restored, others were resold to the abbey.[108]A lot of forty-nine, with prices attached, is given inAnnales a J. Amund., ii. 268et seq.[109]Gloucester House, now Worcester College.[110]Dugdale, iv. 405.[111]For St. Albans seeGesta Abbatum, i. 58, 70, 94, 106, 179, 184; ii. 200, 306, 363; iii. 389, 393.[112]Mon. Fr., ii. lviii.[113]Bryce, i. 440 n., 29.[114]Clark, 62.[115]These works would be Latin translations based upon Arabic versions.Opus Majus, iii. 66;Camb. Lit., i. 199; Gasquet3, 156.[116]Close roll, 10 Hen.III, m. 6 (3rd Sep.); Trivet,Annales, 243;Mon. Fr., i. 185; Stevenson, 76;O. H. S., Little, 57.[117]Wood,Hist. Ant. U. Ox.(1792), i. 329.[118]There is an imperfect catalogue of their library in Leland, iii. 57.[119]Leland3, 286.[120]Oliver,Mon. Dioc. Exon., 332, 333.[121]Sussex Archaeol. Collections, i. (1848), 168-187.[122]Mon. Fr., ii. 18.[123]Cal. of Pap. Letters, iv. 42-43.[124]Leland, iii. 53.[125]Camb. Mod. Hist., i., 597.[126]For date see Stow (Kingsford’s ed.), i. 108; i. 318;Mon. Fr.i. 519.[127]Stow, i. 318.[128]Camb. Mod. Hist., i. 591[129]The catalogue is edited by Dr. M. R. James inFasciculus Ioanni Willis Clark dicatus, 2-96.[130]Bryce, i. 369.[131]Mon. Fr., i. 391.[132]Ibid.i. 366.[133]But seeO. H. S., Little, 56;Mon. Fr., ii. 91—Libri fratrum decedentium....[134]Mon. Fr., i. 114.[135]Bodl. MS. Twyne, xxiii. 488;O. H. S., Little, 60.[136]R. Armachanus,Defensorium Curatorum; cf. Wyclif’ EnglishWorks, ed. Matthew, 128, 221.[137]R. de B., Thomas’ ed. 203.[138]Stevenson, 87.[139]Gasquet3, 140,q.v.for full description of theseCorrectoria.[140]MS. Bodl.Tanner, 165.[141]Camb. Mod. Hist., i. 592; James, xlix.[142]Hist. et Cart. Mon. Glouc., iii. lxxiv.[143]R. de B.,c. v.183.[144]Whitaker,Hist. of Craven, (1805), 330; another computus, discovered later, does not refer to books (ed. 1878).[145]Morris,Chester during Plantagenet and Tudor Reigns, 128-129.[146]James, M. R.1, 109-110.[147]Bateson,Med. Eng., 339.

FOOTNOTES:

[1]Healy, 46.

[2]Healy, 50.

[3]Sandys, i. 245.

[4]On the connection between Eastern and Celtic monachism, see Stokes (G.T.).

[5]Stokes (W.),T. L., i. 30; ii. 446.

[6]Ib.ii. 421; ii 475.

[7]D. N. B., xliv. 39; Stokes (W.),T. L., i. 191.

[8]Abgitorium, abgatorium; elementa, elimenta.Stokes (W.),T. L., i. cliii.; also i. 111, 113, 139, 191, 308, 320, 322, 326, 327, 328.

[9]In 536, fifty monks from the Continent landed at Cork.—Montalembert, ii. 248n. Migrations from Gaul were frequent about this time.

[10]Bury, 217; cp. 220.

[11]Joyce, i. 478.

[12]Adamnan, lib. ii. c. 29, iii. c. 15 and c. 23.

[13]Dr. Skene says the Psalter incident “bears the stamp of spurious tradition”; so does the Longarad story; but it is curious how often sacred books play a part in these tales.

[14]Henderson,Norse Influence on Celtic Scotland, 5-6.

[15]Moore,Hist. of Ireland, i. 266.

[16]Healy, 379; Stokes (M.)2, 118. Ergo quotidie jejunandum est, sicut quotidie orandum est, quotidie laborandum, quotidie est legendum.

[17]A ninth century catalogue of St. Gall mentions thirty-one volumes and pamphlets in the Irish tongue—Prof. Pflugk-Harttung, inR. H. S.(N. S.), v. 92. Becker names only thirty, p. 43. At Reichenau, a monastery near St. Gall, also famous for its library, there were “Irish education, manuscripts, and occasionally also Irish monks.” “One of the most ancient monuments of the German tongue, the vocabulary of St. Gall, dating from about 780, is written in the Irish character.”

[18]D.C.B.sub nom.

[19]Stokes (G. T.), 221.

[20]Ib.220.

[21]Haddan, 267.

[22]Hyde, 221.

[23]Joyce,Short Hist. of I., 165.

[24]Bede,H. E., iii. 27; Healy, 101; Stokes (G. T.), 230.

[25]Camb. Lit., i. 66.

[26]Healy, 272.

[27]Alcuin,Willibrord, c. 4.

[28]See full account,R. H. S.(N. S.), v. 75.

[29]Sandys, i. 480.

[30]R. H. S.(N. S.), v. 90.

[31]Sandys, i. 480; Stokes (M.)2, 210.

[32]“Sancte Columba tibi Scotto tuus incola DungalTradidit hunc librum, quo fratrum corda beentur.Qui leges ergo Deus pretium sit muneris, oro.”—Healy, 392.

[32]

“Sancte Columba tibi Scotto tuus incola DungalTradidit hunc librum, quo fratrum corda beentur.Qui leges ergo Deus pretium sit muneris, oro.”—Healy, 392.

[33]Stokes (M.)2, 206-7, 247.

[34]Sandys, i. 463.

[35]Moore,Hist. of I., i. 299;Boll. Iul.t.vii. 222.

[36]The following, among others, are still on the Continent: Gospels of Willibrord (Bibl. Nat. Lat. 9389, 739), Gospel of St. John (Cod. 60 St. Gallc.750-800); Book of Fragments (No. 1395, St. Gall,c.750-800); The Golden Gospels (Royal library, Stockholm, 871); Gospels of St. Arnoul, Metz (Nuremberg Museum, 7th c.).—Cp. Maclean, 207-8; Hyde, 267.

[37]Adamnan, 365n.

[38]Hyde, 220; Stokes (M.), 10, “Connachtach, an Abbot of Iona who died in 802, is called in the Irish annals ‘a scribe most choice.’ ”—Trenholme,Iona, 32.

[39]Tech-screptra; domus scripturarum.

[40]Leabhar coimedach.Adamnan, 359, note m.

[41]Joyce, i. 483.

[42]At vero hoc audiens Colcius tempus et horamin tabuladescribens.—Adamnan, 66. Columba is said to have blessed one hundred pólaires or tablets (Leabhar Breac, fo. 16-60; Stokes (M.), 51). The boy Benen, who followed Patrick, bore tablets on his back (folaire, corrupt forpólaire).—Stokes (W.),T. L., 47. Patrick gave to Fiacc a case containing a tablet.Ib.344. An example of a waxed tablet, with a case for it, is in the Museum of the Royal Irish Academy. The case is a wooden cover, divided into hollowed-out compartments for holding the styles. This specimen dates from the thirteenth or fourteenth century. Slates and pencils were also in use for temporary purposes.—Joyce, i. 483.

[43]See Thompson, 236, where Irish calligraphy is fully dealt with;Camb. Lit., i. 13.

[44]Trans. R. I. Acad., vol. xviii. 1838.

[45]Stokes (W.),T. L., 75. The terms used for satchels aresacculi(Lat.), andtiag, ortiag liubhairorteig liubair(Ir.). There has been some confusion betweenpólaireandtiag, the former being regarded as a leather case for a single book, the latter a satchel for several books. This distinction is made in connection with the ancient Irish life of Columba, which is therefore made to read that the saint used to makecasesandsatchelsfor books (pólaire ocus tiaga),v.Adamnan, 115. Cf. Petrie,Round Towers, 336-7. But the late Dr. Whitley Stokes makespólaireorpōlire, or the corruptionfolaire, derive frompugillares= writing tablets.—Stokes (W.),T. L., cliii. and 655. This interpretation of the word gives us the much more likely reading that Columba madetablets, andsatchelsfor books.

[46]Stokes (M.), 50.

[47]Curzon,Monasteries of the Levant, 66.

[48]Mr. Allen, in his admirable volume onCeltic Art, p. 208, in this series, says cumdachs were peculiar to Ireland. But they were made and used elsewhere, and were variously known ascapsae,librorum coopertoria(e.g.... librorumque coopertoria; quædam horum nuda, quædam vero alia auro atque argento gemmisque pretiosis circumtecta.—Acta SS.,Aug.iii. 659c), andthecae. Some of these cases were no doubt as beautifully decorated as the Irish cumdachs. William of Malmesbury asserts that twenty pounds and sixty marks of gold were used to make the coopertoria librorum Evangelii for King Ina’s chapel. At the Abbey of St. Riquier was an “Evangelium auro Scriptum unum, cum capsa argentea gemmis et lapidibus fabricata. Aliae capsae evangeliorum duae ex auro et argento paratae.”—Maitland, 212. In 1295 St. Paul’s Cathedral possessed a copy of the Gospels in a case (capsa) adorned with gilding and relics.—Putnam, i. 105-6.

[49]Leborchometa chethrochori, andbibliothecae quadratae.—Stokes (W.),T. L., 96 and 313.

[50]Stokes (M.), 90.

[51]Stokes (M.), 92-3.

[52]SeeLa Bibliofilia, xi. 165.

[53]Acta SS. Ap., iii. 581c.

[54]Healy, 524.

[55]Other instances are cited in Adamnan, book ii., chap. 8.

[56]Hist. mon. S. Augustini, Cant., 96-99, “Et haec sunt primitiae librorum totius ecclesiae Anglicanae,” 99.

[57]H. E., i. 29.

[58]Stanley,Hist. Mem. of C.(1868), 42.

[59]Hist. mon. S. Aug., xxv.

[60]B. M. Reg. I. E. vi. may be a part of the Gregorian Bible, or the second copy of the Gospels mentioned above, if this second copy is not Corpus Christi, Camb. 286. Corpus C. 286 is a seventh century book, certainly from St. Augustine’s; it was probably brought to England in the time of Theodore, and though it may be one of the books referred to above, is, therefore, not Augustinian. The Psalter bearing the silver images is “most likely” Cott. Vesp. A. 1, an eighth century manuscript; it is, therefore, not Augustinian, although it may be a copy of the original Psalter given by Gregory.—James, lxvi.

[61]Known as Codex E, or the Laudian Acts (Laud. Gr. 35). Bede refers to a Greek manuscript of the Acts in hisRetractationes; possibly this is the actual copy. The last page of the book bears the signature “Theodore”; did Archbishop Theodore bring the volume to England? “It is at least safe to say that the presence of such a book in England in Bede’s time can hardly be entirely independent of the influence of Theodore or of Abbot Hadrian.”—James (M. R.), xxiii.

[62]H. E., iv. 2,tr.Sellar.

[63]Ib.v. 20.

[64]Ib.v. 23.

[65]This copy was still at Malmesbury in the twelfth century.—W. of Malmesbury,Ang. Sacr., ii. 21.

[66]Sandys, i. 466;Camb. Eng. Lit., i. 75.

[67]Camb. Eng. Lit., i. 45.

[68]These foundations were regarded as one house, the inmates being bound together by “a common and perpetual affection and intimacy.”

[69]“Innumerabilem librorum omnis generis copiam apportavit.”—Vitae Abbatum, § 4.

[70]“Copiosissima et nobilissima bibliotheca.”—Ib.§ 11.

[71]Lanciani,Anc. Rome, 201.

[72]Ceolfrid, Benedict Biscop’s successor, added a number of books to the library, among them three copies of the Vulgate, and one of the older version. One copy of the Vulgate Ceolfrid took with him to Rome (716) to give to the Pope. He died on the way. The codex did not go to Rome; now, it is in the Laurentian Library, Florence, where it is known as the Codex Amiatinus. The writing is Italian, or at any rate foreign, so it must have been imported, or written at Jarrow by foreign scribes. This volume is the chief authority for the text of Jerome’s translation of the Scriptures.

[73]H. E., v. 24.

[74]Bede frequently quotes Cicero, Virgil, and Horace; usually selecting some telling phrase,e.g.“caeco carpitur igni” (H. E.ii. 12). In hisDe Natura rerumhe owes a good deal to Pliny and Isidore. In his commentaries on the Scriptures he displays an extent of reading which we have no space to give any idea of. His chronologies were based on Jerome’s edition of Eusebius, on Augustine and Isidore. In hisH. E.he uses “Pliny, Solinus, Orosius, Eutropius, Marcellinus Comes, Gildas, probably theHistoria Brittonum, aPassion of St. Alban, and theLife of Germanus of Auxerreby Constantius”; while he refers to lives of St. Fursa, St. Ethelburg, and to Adamnan’s work on the Holy Places. Cf. Sandys, i. 468;Camb. Lit., i. 80-81. Bede also got first-hand knowledge: the Lindisfarne records provided him with material on Cuthbert; information came to him from Canterbury about Southern affairs and from Lastingham about Mercian affairs. Nothelm got material from the archives at Rome for him.

[75]Tr. in Morley,Eng. Writers, ii. 160.

[76]Tr. in West,Alcuin, 34-35.

[77]Tr. inKing’s Letters, ed. Steele (1903), 1. Cf. Bodl.MS. Hatton, 20;Cott. MS. OthoB 2; Corpus C. C., Camb. MS. 12.

[78]MS. Cott. Tib.B xi.—a copy of Alfred’s version of theCura, or what is left of it—has been connected with Archbishop Plegmund, the evidence being a Saxon inscription on the manuscript. Wanley, however, doubted the conclusiveness of this evidence, which, together with most of the text, was lost in the fire of 1731.—James, xxiii-iv.

[79]Sandys, i. 484.

[80]Hunt,Hist. of Eng. Church, i. 326.

[81]Strutt,Saxon Antiq., i. 105, pl. xviii. The picture is in a large volume containing part of a grammar and certain other pieces used at Glastonbury.—MS. Auct.F. iv. 32. Over the picture is the inscription:Pictura et scriptura hujus paginae subtus visa est de propria manu Sci. Dunstani.

[82]Stubbs,Mem. of Dunstan, cx.-cxii.

[83]Chron. Mon. de Abingdon, ii. 263.

[84]Ibid., ii. 265.

[85]Archaeologia, xxiv. 19.

[86]B. M. Cott. Vesp., A. viii., written 966.

[87]Hook,Archbishops, i. 453 (1st ed.).

[88]Chron. Abb. de E., 83.

[89]James1, 5-6.

[90]Most old English poems are preserved in unique manuscripts, sometimes not complete, but in fragments; two fragments, for example, were found in the bindings of other books.—Warton, ii. 7. In 1248, only four books in English were at Glastonbury, and they are described as old and useless.—John of G., 435; Ritson, i. 43. About fifty years later only seventeen such books were in the big library at Canterbury.—James (M. R.), 51. A striking illustration of the disuse of the vernacular among the religious is found in an Anglo-Saxon Gregory’sPastoral Care, which is copiously glossed in Latin, in two or three hands. This manuscript, now in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, No. 12, came from Worcester Priory.—James17, 33.

[91]Becker, 199, 257.

[92]In an eleventh century manuscript in Trinity College Library, Cambridge (MS. B. 16, 44), is an inscription, perhaps by Lanfranc himself, recording that he brought it from Bec and gave it to Christ Church.

[93]At the end of the manuscript of Cassian is written: “Hucusque ego Lanfrancus correxi.”—Hist. Litt. de la France, vii. 117. At the end of the Ambrose (Hexaemeron) the note reads, “Lanfrancus ego correxi.”

[94]James (M. R.), xxx.

[95]Chron. Abb. de Evesham, 97.

[96]Library of Ste. Geneviève, Paris, MS. E. l. 17, in 40, fol. 61. The note reads: Quia autem apud Bequefort victualium copia erat, scriptores etiam ibi habebantur quorum opera ad nos in Normaniam mittebantur.—Library, v. 2 (1893).

[97]Stevenson,Grosseteste, 149.

[98]Gesta R. Angl., lib. v.;Camb. Lit., i. 159-60.

[99]Surtees S., lxix. 341.

[100]Merryweather, 96-7.

[101]Joh. Glaston,Chronica, ed. Hearne (1726), ii. 423-44; Merryweather, 140.

[102]Librariam fecit optimum pulcherrimum et copiosum.—Holmes,Wells and Glastonbury, 229.

[103]MS. Twyne, Bodl. L., 8, 272.

[104]James, and James1.

[105]In the fine MS. Cott. Claud. E. iv. (Gesta Abbatum) is a series of portrait miniatures of the abbots, and in most cases they are represented as reading or carrying books, or with books about them.

[106]Fecit etiam scribi libros plurimos, quos longum esset enarrare.

[107]Some of the books were restored, others were resold to the abbey.

[108]A lot of forty-nine, with prices attached, is given inAnnales a J. Amund., ii. 268et seq.

[109]Gloucester House, now Worcester College.

[110]Dugdale, iv. 405.

[111]For St. Albans seeGesta Abbatum, i. 58, 70, 94, 106, 179, 184; ii. 200, 306, 363; iii. 389, 393.

[112]Mon. Fr., ii. lviii.

[113]Bryce, i. 440 n., 29.

[114]Clark, 62.

[115]These works would be Latin translations based upon Arabic versions.Opus Majus, iii. 66;Camb. Lit., i. 199; Gasquet3, 156.

[116]Close roll, 10 Hen.III, m. 6 (3rd Sep.); Trivet,Annales, 243;Mon. Fr., i. 185; Stevenson, 76;O. H. S., Little, 57.

[117]Wood,Hist. Ant. U. Ox.(1792), i. 329.

[118]There is an imperfect catalogue of their library in Leland, iii. 57.

[119]Leland3, 286.

[120]Oliver,Mon. Dioc. Exon., 332, 333.

[121]Sussex Archaeol. Collections, i. (1848), 168-187.

[122]Mon. Fr., ii. 18.

[123]Cal. of Pap. Letters, iv. 42-43.

[124]Leland, iii. 53.

[125]Camb. Mod. Hist., i., 597.

[126]For date see Stow (Kingsford’s ed.), i. 108; i. 318;Mon. Fr.i. 519.

[127]Stow, i. 318.

[128]Camb. Mod. Hist., i. 591

[129]The catalogue is edited by Dr. M. R. James inFasciculus Ioanni Willis Clark dicatus, 2-96.

[130]Bryce, i. 369.

[131]Mon. Fr., i. 391.

[132]Ibid.i. 366.

[133]But seeO. H. S., Little, 56;Mon. Fr., ii. 91—Libri fratrum decedentium....

[134]Mon. Fr., i. 114.

[135]Bodl. MS. Twyne, xxiii. 488;O. H. S., Little, 60.

[136]R. Armachanus,Defensorium Curatorum; cf. Wyclif’ EnglishWorks, ed. Matthew, 128, 221.

[137]R. de B., Thomas’ ed. 203.

[138]Stevenson, 87.

[139]Gasquet3, 140,q.v.for full description of theseCorrectoria.

[140]MS. Bodl.Tanner, 165.

[141]Camb. Mod. Hist., i. 592; James, xlix.

[142]Hist. et Cart. Mon. Glouc., iii. lxxiv.

[143]R. de B.,c. v.183.

[144]Whitaker,Hist. of Craven, (1805), 330; another computus, discovered later, does not refer to books (ed. 1878).

[145]Morris,Chester during Plantagenet and Tudor Reigns, 128-129.

[146]James, M. R.1, 109-110.

[147]Bateson,Med. Eng., 339.

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