Fig. 25.—Showing positions of the long tent, the pole, and rows of "ʇa" within the tribal circle.Legend.—1, The tent; 2, The pole; 3, The rows of ʇa.
Fig. 25.—Showing positions of the long tent, the pole, and rows of "ʇa" within the tribal circle.
Legend.—1, The tent; 2, The pole; 3, The rows of ʇa.
According to some, the keeper of one of the Hañga sacred tents prayed over the sacred object which was tied upon the pole, extending the palms of his hands towards it. Then every one had to be silent and keep at a certain distance from the long tent. Inside that tent were seated twelve men in a row. (The writer suspects that ten chiefs, one from each gens, and the two keepers of the Hañga sacred tents were the occupants of the long tent. See below.) When the presents were made to the sacred pole, young girls led horses and brought blankets to the two sacred men, and were allowed to touch the sacred pole. The wife of a former trader at the Omaha Agency, when very sick, was taken in a wagon to witness the praying before the sacred pole, in hope that it might cause her recovery.
§ 152.The sham fight.—After the pole was anointed, the chiefs spoke of pretending to engage with enemies. So a member of the [K]anze gens (in modern times Mitcáqpe-jiñga or Majan´ha-¢inheld this office) was ordered by the keeper of the pole to summon the stout-hearted young men to engage in the combat. Mitcaqpe-jiñga used to go to each brave man and tell him quietly to come to take part in the fight. According to some he proclaimed thus: "Ye young men, decorate yourselves and come to play. Come and show yourselves." Then the young men assembled. Some put on head-dresses of eagles' feathers, others wore ornaments of crow feathers (and skins of coyotes) in their belts. Somedecorated their horses. Some were armed with guns; others with bows and arrows. The former loaded their weapons with powder alone; the latter pulled their bow-strings, as if against foes, but did not shoot the arrows.
The flaps of the skins in front of the long tent were raised from the ground and kept up by means of the isag¢e or forked sticks. Within the long tent were seated the chiefs (ten of them?—see above) and the two keepers of the sacred tents. The chiefs had made four grass figures in the shape of men, which they set up in front of the long tent.
After the young men assembled they rode out of the circle and went back towards a hill. Then they used to send some one on foot to give the alarm. This man ran very swiftly, waving his blanket, and saying, "We are attacked!" All at once the horsemen appeared and came to the tribal circle, around which they rode once. When they reached the Wejincte and Ictasanda tents they dispersed, each one going wherever he pleased. Then the occupants of the long tent took the places of the horsemen, being thenceforth regarded as Dakotas. As soon as the horsemen dispersed the pursuers of the foe started out from all parts of the tribal circle, hastening towards the front of the long tent to attack the supposed Dakotas. These pursuers evidently included many of the horsemen. They shot first at the grass figures, taking close aim at them, and knocking them down each time that they fired. Having shot four times at them, they dismounted and pretended to be cutting up the bodies. This also was done four times. Next the pursuers passed between the grass figures and the place where the "ʇa" had been, in order to attack the occupants of the long tent. Four times did they fire at one another, and then the shooting ceased. Then followed the smoking of the two sacred pipes as tokens of peace. These were filled by a member of the Hañga gens and lighted by some one else. (See Sacred Pipes, §17.) They were carried first to the chiefs in the long tent, and then over to the young men representing the pursuers. Here and there were those who smoked them. The pipes were taken around four times. Then they were consigned by the keeper of the pole to one of the men of his sub-gens, who took them back to their own tent. When he departed he wrapped around them one of the offerings made by the brave men to the sacred pole. He returned the bundle to the keeper of the pipes without saying a word.
The writer has not been able to learn whether the ʇe-san-ha was ever exposed to public gaze during this ceremony or at any other time. Frank La Flèche does not know.
After the anointing of the pole (and the conclusion of the sham fight) its keeper took it back to its tent. This was probably at or after the time that the sacred pipes were returned to the Iñke-sabě tent.
The tent skins used for the covering of the long tent consisted of those belonging to the two sacred tents of the Hañga, and of as many others as were required.
§ 153.The Hede-watci.—Sometimes the ceremonies ended with the sham fight, in which event the people started homeward, especially when they were in a great hurry. But when time allowed the sham fight was followed by a dance, called the Héde-watci[´]. When it occurred it was not under the control of the keepers of the two sacred tents, but of the Iñke-sabe keeper of the two sacred pipes.
On the evening of the day when the sham fight took place, the chiefs generally assembled, and consulted together about having the dance. But the proposition came from the keeper of the pipes. Then the chiefs said, "It is good to dance." The dance was appointed for the following day. On the morrow five, six, or seven of the Iñke-sabě men, accompanied by one of their women, went in search of a suitable tree. According to La Flèche and Two Crows, when the tree was found, the woman felled it with her ax, and the men carried it on their shoulders back to the camp, marching in Indian file. Frank La Flèche says that the tree was cut during the evening previous to the dance; and early the next morning, all the young men of the tribe ran a race to see who could reach the tree first. (With this compare the tradition of the race for the sacred pole, §36, and the race for the tree, which is to be used for the sun-dance, as practiced among the Dakotas). He also says that when the sham fight ended early in the afternoon, the Hede-watci could follow the same day. (In that event, the tree had to be found and cut on the preceding day, and the race for it was held early in the morning before the anointing of the sacred pole.) In the race for the tree, the first young man who reached it and touched it, could carry the larger end on his shoulder; the next one who reached it walked behind the first as they bore the tree on their shoulders; and so on with the others, as many as were needed to carry the tree, the last one of whom had to touch the extreme end with the tips of his fingers. The rest of the young men walked in single file after those who bore the tree. Frank La Flèche never heard of the practice of any sacred rites previous to the felling of the tree. Nothing was prepared for the tree to fall on, nor did they cause the tree to fall in any particular direction, as was the case when the Dakotas procured the tree for the sun-dance.14
In the sun-dance, the man who dug the "ujéʇi" in the middle of the tribal circle for the sun-pole had to be a brave man, and he was obliged to pay for the privilege. Frank La Flèche could not tell whether there were similar requirements in the case of him who dug the ujéʇi for the pole in the Hede-watci; nor could he tell whether the man was always chosen from the Iñke-sabě gens.
When the men who bore the tree reached the camp they planted itin the ujeʇi,15or hole in the ground, which had been dug in the center of the tribal circle. After the planting of the tree, from which the topmost branches had not been cut, an old man of the gens was sent around the tribal circle as crier. According to Big Elk, he said, "You are to dance! You are to keep yourselves awake by using your feet!" This implied that the dance was held at night; but Frank La Flèche says that none of the regular dancing of the Hede-watci occurred at night, though there might be other dancing then, as a sort of preparation for the Hede-watci. In like manner, Miss Fletcher told of numerous songs and dances, not part of the sun-dance, which preceded that ceremony among the Dakotas.
The Iñke-sabě men cut some sticks in the neighborhood of their tents and sent them around the camp, one being given to the chief of each gens. Then the latter said to his kinsmen, "They have come to give us the stick because they wish us to take part in the dance." Then all the people assembled for the dance. In modern times, those who thought much of themselves (chiefs and others) did not go to witness this dance, but staid at home, as did Joseph La Flèche. Nearly all the young men and boys wore nothing but their breech-cloths, and their bodies were smeared over with white clay. Here and there were young men who wore gay clothing. The women and girls wore good dresses, and painted the partings of their hair and large round spots on their cheeks with red paint. Near the pole were the elder men of the Iñke-sabě gens, wearing robes with the hair outside; some of them acted as singers and others beat the drums and rattles; they never used more than one or two drums and four gourd rattles. It is not certain which Iñke-sabě men acted as singers, and which ones beat the drums and rattles. When Frank La Flèche witnessed this dance he says that the singers and other musicians sat on the west side of the pole and outside the circle of the dancers; but Joseph La Flèche, Two Crows, and Big Elk agreed in saying that their place was within the circle of the dancers and near the pole. This was probably the ancient rule, from which deviations have been made in recent times. The two sacred pipes occupied important places in this dance; each one was carried on the arm of a young man of the gens, but it was not filled.16These two young men were the leaders of the dance, and from this circumstance originated the ancient proper name, [T]an¢in-nanba, Two Running. According to Frank La Flèche, these two young men began the dance on the west side of the pole, standing between the pole and the singers. The songs of this dancewere sacred, and so they are never sung except during this ceremony. Of the members of the tribe, those on foot danced around the pole, while those who wished to make presents were mounted and rode round and round the circle of the dancers. The men and boys danced in a peculiar course, going from west to south, thence east and north, but the women and girls followed the course of the sun, dancing from the east to the south, thence by the west to the north. The male dancers were nearer the pole, while the females danced in an outer circle. When a horseman wished to make a present he went to one of the bearers of the sacred pipes, and, having taken the pipe by the stem, he held it toward the man to whom he desired to give his horse. The man thus favored, took the end of the stem into his mouth without touching it with his hand and pretended to be smoking, while the other man held the pipe for him ("ui¢an"). The recipient of the gift then expressed his thanks by extending his hands, with the palms towards the donor, saying, "Hau, kageha!"Thanks, my friend!Each male dancer carried a stick of hard willow trimmed at the bottom, but having the branches left at the top (in imitation of the cottonwood pole). Each stick was about five feet high, and was used as a staff or support by the dancers. After all had danced four times around the circle, all the males threw their sticks toward the pole; the young men threw theirs forcibly in sport, and covered the heads of the singers and musicians, who tried to avoid the missiles; This ended the ceremony, when all the people went to their respective tents. Those who received the horses went through the camp, yelling the praises of the donors.
§ 154.Division of the tribe into two hunting parties during the summer hunt.—Sometimes the tribe divided, each party taking in a different route in search of the buffalo. In such cases each party made its camping circle, but without pitching the tents according to the gentes; all consanguinities and affinities tried to get together. Those who belonged to the party that did not have the two sacred Hañga tents could not perform any of the ceremonies which have been described in §§143and151. All that they could do was to prepare the hides and meat for future use. They had nothing to do with the anointing of the sacred pole, sham fight, and Hede-watci, which ceremonies could not be performed twice during the year.
§ 155. When the two parties came together again, if any person in either party had been killed, some one would throw himself on the ground as soon as they got in sight, as a token to the others of what had occurred.
§ 156.Two tribes hunting together.—Occasionally two tribes hunted together, as was often the case with the Omahas and Ponkas. Frank La Flèche says that when this was done some of the Ponkas joined the Omahas in the sham fight; but he does not know whether the Ponkas have similar ceremonies. They have no sacred pole, ʇe-san-ha, nor sacredtents, though they claim a share in the sacred pole of the Omahas, and they have sacred pipes.
§ 157.Hunting party attacked by foes.—When a hunting party was suddenly attacked by an enemy the women used to dig pits with their knives or hoes, and stoop down in them in company with the children, to avoid the missiles of the combatants. If the tribe was encamped at the time, the pits were dug inside the tribal circle. Sometimes the children were placed in such pits and covered with skins, over which a quantity of loose earth was quickly thrown; and they remained concealed till it was safe for them to come forth. On one occasion, when the Dakotas had attacked the camp, an Omaha woman had not time to cover the children with a skin and earth, so she threw herself over them and pretended to be dead. The Dakotas on coming up thought that she was dead, so they contented themselves with scalping her, to which she submitted without a cry, and thus saved herself as well as the children.
When there was danger of such attacks the people continued their journey throughout the night. So the members of the different households were constantly getting separated. Mothers were calling out in the darkness for their little ones, and the young men replied in sport, "Here am I, mother," imitating the voices of the children.
§ 158.Return of the tribe from the summer hunt.—The people started homeward immediately after the sham fight and the Hede-watci. But there were always four runners who were sent about five or six days in advance of the main body. These runners were always volunteers. They traveled all the time, each one carrying his own food. Not one waited for the others. They never pitched a tent, but simply lay down and slept. Whenever one waked, even though it was still night, he started again, without disturbing the others if they were asleep. They always brought pieces of meat to those who had remained at home. Their approach was the signal for the cry, "Ikiman´¢inag¢íi, hŭn+!"—The messengers have come back, halloo!In the course of a few days all of the people reached home; but there were no religious ceremonies that ensued. They always brought tongues to those who had staid at home.
§ 159.Abae, or hunting the larger animals.—No religious ceremonies were observed when a man went from home for a few days in order to procure game. The principal animals hunted by the Omahas and Ponkas were the elk, deer, black bear, grizzly bear, and rabbit.
When a deer was killed it was generally divided into four parts. Two parts were called the "ʇe-¢íʇin" or ribs, with which were given the fore legs and the "ʇe-nan´qa" or hump. Two parts were the "ʇe-jéga" or thighs,i. e., the hind quarters. When the party consisted of five men the ʇe-nanqa was made the share of the fifth; and when there were more persons present the fore legs were cut off as shares. When an elk was killed it was generally divided into five parts. The "ʇe-ju" or fore quarters were two parts, with which went the fore legs. Theʇe-jega or hind quarters made two more parts, with one of which went the paunch, and with the other the entrails. The ʇe-nanqa was the fifth part; and when the elk was large a sixth share was formed by cutting off the "ʇe-mañge" or chest.
Frank La Flèche does not know how the black bears used to be divided, as there have been none found on the Omaha reservation for the past fourteen years.
§ 160. If one shoots a wild turkey or goose (minxa), another person standing near may run up and take the bird if he can get there first, without saying anything. The slayer cannot say, "Give it to me." He thinks that he can get the next one which he kills. The same rule applies to a raccoon. But when one catches a beaver in a trap he does not give it away.
§ 161.Trapping.—Since the coming of the white men the Omahas have been making small houses or traps of sticks about a yard long, for catching the miʞasi (prairie wolves), big wolves, gray foxes, and even the wild cat.
§ 162. Before the advent of the white man the Omahas used to fish in two ways. Sometimes they made wooden darts by sharpening long sticks at one end, and with these they speared the fish. When the fish appeared on the surface of the water they used to shoot them with a certain kind of arrows, which they also used for killing deer and small game. They spoke of the arrows as "násize gáxe," because of the way in which they were prepared. No arrowheads were used. They cut the ends of the shafts to points; then about four inches of the end of each arrow next the point was held close to a fire, and it was turned round and round till it was hardened by the heat.
Since the coming of the whites, the Omahas have learned to make fishing-lines of twisted horsehair, and these last a long time. They do not use sinkers and floats, and they never resort to poison for securing the fish. Both Ponkas and Omahas have been accustomed to fish as follows in the Missouri River: A man would fasten some bait to a hook at the end of a line, which he threw out into the stream, after securing the other end to a stake next the shore; but he took care to conceal the place by not allowing the top of the stick to appear above the surface of the water. Early the next morning he would go to examine his line, and if he went soon enough he was apt to find he had caught a fish. But others were on the watch, and very often they would go along the bank of the river and feel under the water for the hidden sticks, from which they would remove the fish before the arrival of the owner of the lines.
Hú-bigide, weirs or traps for catching fish.—La Flèche and Two Crows do not think that this was an ancient practice. Children now catch fish in this manner. They take a number of young willows of the species called "¢íxe-sagi," or hard willow, and having bent them down, they interlace them beneath the surface of the water. When the fish attempt to force their way through they are often caught in the interstices, which serve as meshes. But if the fish are large and swim on the surface they can leap over and escape.
The Omahas eat the following varieties of fishes: ʇúzě, or Missouri catfish; hu-í-buʇa, "round-mouthed-fish," or buffalo-fish; hu-hin´pa, or sturgeon; hú-[p]a-[s]néde, "long-nosed fish," or gar; and the hu-g¢éje, or "spotted fish." The last abounds in lakes, and is generally from 21/2to 3 feet long. It has a long nose.
§ 163. This is regulated by the Hañga gens, as corn and the buffalo meat are both of great importance, and they are celebrated in the sacred songs of the Hañga when the feast is made after the offering of the buffalo hearts and tongues. (§143.)
Corn is regarded as a "mother" and the buffalo as a "grandfather." In the Osage tradition corn was bestowed on the people by four buffalo bulls. (See Calumet dance, §123, and several myths, in Part I, Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. VI.)
At harvest one of the keepers of the Hañga sacred tents (Frank La Flèche thinks it is the Wacabe or [T]e-san-ha keeper) selects a number of ears of red corn, which he lays by for the next planting season. All the ears must be perfect ones. (See Calumet dance, §123.)
In the spring, when the grass comes up, there is a council or tribal assembly held, to which a feast is given by the head of the Hañga gens. After they decide that planting time has come, and at the command of the Hañga man, a crier is sent through the village. He wears a robe with the hair outside, and cries as he goes, "Wa¢a`e te, ai a¢á u+!"—They do indeed say that you will dig the ground! Halloo!He carries the sacred corn, which has been shelled, and to each household he gives two or three grains, which are mixed with the ordinary seed-corn of that household. After this it is lawful for the people to plant their corn. Some of the Iñke-sabě people cannot eat red corn. This may have some connection with the consecration of the seed-corn.
§ 164.Meat.—They ate the "ʇa," or dried meat of the buffalo, elk, deer, but seldom tasted that of the beaver. They cut the meat in slices (wága), which they cut thin (máb¢eʞa), that it might soon dry. It was then dried as explained in §150. Before drying it is "ʇa-núʞa," wet or fresh meat. The dried meat used to be cooked on glowing coals. When the meat was dried in the summer it lasted for the winter's use, but by the next summer it was all consumed. In the [T]a[p]a and Wejincte gentes venison and elk meat could not be eaten, and certain parts of the buffalo could not be eaten or touched by the Iñke-sabě, Hañga, [T]e-[p]a-it`ajĭ, [T]e-sĭnde, and Iñg¢e-jide. (See §§31,37,49,50, and67.)
The marrow, wajíbe, was taken from the thigh bones by means of narrow scoops, or wébagude, which were made out of any kind of stick, being blunt at one end. They were often thrown away after being used.
The vertebræ and all the larger bones of the buffalo and other animals are used for making wahi-weg¢i,bone grease, which serves as butter and lard. In recent times hatchets have been used to crush the bones, but formerly stone axes (in´-igaganor in´-igacíje) were employed, and some of these may still be found among the Omahas. Now the Omahas use the in´-wate, a large round stone, for that purpose. The fragments of the bones are boiled, and very soon grease arises to the surface. This is skimmed off and placed in sacks for future use. Then the bones are thrown out and others are put in to boil. The sacks into which the grease is put are made of the muscular coating of the stomach of a buffalo, which has been dried, and is known as "ínijeha."
They ate the entrails of the buffalo and the elk. Both the small and large intestines were boiled, then turned inside out and scraped to get off the remains of the dung which might be adhering to them. Then they were dried. According to Two Crows, the iñg¢e, or dung of the buffalo, is not "b¢an-píäjĭ,"offensive, like that of the domestic cow. Though the buffalo cow gives a rich milk, the Indians do not make use of that of such as they kill in hunting.
§ 165. La Flèche and Two Crows never heard of any Omahas that ate lice, but the writer saw an aged Ponka woman eat some that she took from the head of her grandson. The following objects are not eaten by any of the gentes: Dried fish, slugs, dried crickets, grasshoppers,or other insects, and dried fish-spawn. Nor do they ever use as drinks fish-oil or other oils.
§ 166.Corn, Watanzi—La Flèche and Two Crows mention the following varieties as found among the Omahas: 1. Watan´zi skă, white corn, of two sorts, one of which, watan´zi-kúg¢i, is hard; the other, watan´zi skă proper, is wat'éga, or tender. 2. Watan´zi ʇu, blue corn; one sort is hard and translucent, the other is wat'ega. 3. Watan´zi zi, yellow corn; one sort is hard and translucent, the other is wat'ega. 4. Watan´zi g¢ejé, spotted corn; both sorts are wat'ega; one is covered with gray spots, the other with red spots. 5. Watan´zi ʇú-jide, a "a reddish-blue corn." 6. Watan´zi jíděqti, "very red corn." 7. Watan´zi ígaxúxu, zí kĭ jíde iháhai, ugáai égan,figured corn, on which are yellow and red lines, as if painted. 8. Wa¢ástage, of three sorts, which are the "sweet corn" of the white people; wa¢ástage skă, which is translucent, but not very white; wa¢astage zi, which is wat'ega and yellow, and wa¢astage ʇu, which is wat'ega and blue. All of the above varieties mature in August. Besides these is the Wajút`an-kú¢ě, "that which matures soon," the squaw corn, which first ripens in July.
§ 167.Modes of cooking the corn.—Before corn is boiled the men call it watan´zi sáka, raw corn; the women call all corn that is not boiled "sa¢áge." Watanzi skí¢veě sweet corn, is prepared in the following ways: When the corn is yet in the milk or soft state it is collected and boiled on the cob. This is called "wab¢úga" or "wab¢úga ʇañga," because the corn ear (wahába) is put whole (b¢uga) into the kettle. It is boiled with beans alone, with dried meat alone, with beans and dried meat, or with a buffalo paunch and beans.
Sometimes the sweet corn is simply roasted before it is eaten; then it is known as "watan´zi skí¢ě úhan-bájĭ,sweet corn that is not boiled." Sometimes it is roasted on the ear with the husks on, being placed in the hot embers, then boiled, shelled, and dried in the sun, and afterwards packed away for keeping inparflèchecases. The grain prepared in this manner has a shriveled appearance and a sweet taste, from which the name is derived. It may be boiled for consumption at any time of the year with but little trouble, and its taste closely resembles that of new corn. Sometimes it is boiled, shelled, and dried without being roasted; in this case, as in the preceding one, it is called "watan´zi skí¢ě uhaní,boiled sweet corn." This sweet corn may be boiled with beans alone, or with beans, a buffalo paunch, pumpkins, and dried meat; or with one or more of these articles, when all cannot be had.
They used to make "wa¢ískiskída, corn tied up." When the corn was still juicy they pushed off the grains having milk in them. These were put into a lot of husks, which were tied in a bundle, and that was placed in a kettle to boil. Beans were often mixed with the grains of corn before the whole was placed in the husks. In either case wa¢iskiskida was considered very good food.
Dougherty said, "They also pound the sweet corn into a kind ofsmall hominy, which when boiled into a thick mush, with a proper proportion of the smaller entrails and jerked meat, is held in much estimation." The writer never heard of this.
The corn which is fully ripe is sometimes gathered, shelled, dried, and packed away for future use.
Hominy, wabi´ᴐnude or wanáᴐnudé¢ě, is prepared from hard corn by boiling it in a lye of wood ashes for an hour or two, when the hard exterior skin nearly slips off (náᴐnude). Then it is well washed to get rid of the ashes, and rinsed, by which time the bran is rubbed off (biᴐnúde). When needed for a meal it may be boiled alone or with one or more of the following: Pumpkins, beans, or dried meat. Sometimes an ear of corn is laid before the fire to roast (jé`anhe), instead of being covered with the hot ashes.
Wanin´de or mush is made from the hard ripe corn by beating a few grains at a time between two stones, making a coarse meal. The larger stone is placed on a skin or blanket that the flying fragments may not be lost. This meal is always boiled in water with beans, to which may be added pumpkins, a buffalo paunch, or dried meat.
When they wish to make wanin´de-gáskě, or ash-cake, beans are put on to boil, while the corn is pounded in a mortar that is stuck into the ground. When the beans have begun to fall to pieces, but before they are done, they are mixed with the pounded corn, and made into a large cake, which is sometimes over two feet in diameter and four inches thick. This cake is baked in the ashes. Occasionally corn-husks are opened and moistened, and put over the cake before the hot ashes are put on.
At times the cake is made of mush alone, and baked in the ashes with or without the corn husks.
₵ib¢úb¢uga, corn dumplings, are made thus: When the corn has been pounded in a mortar, some of it is mixed with water, and beans are added if any can be had. This is put in a kettle to boil, having been made into round balls or dumplings, which do not fall to pieces after boiling. The rest of the pounded corn is mixed with plenty of water, being "nig¢uze,"very watery, and is eaten as soup with the dumplings.
Another dish is called "An´bag¢e." When this is needed, they first boil beans. Then, having pounded corn very fine in a mortar, they pour the meal into the kettle with the beans. This mixture is allowed to boil down and dry, and is not disturbed that night. The next day when it is cold and stiff the kettle is overturned, and the anbag¢e is pushed out.
Wacañ´ge is made by parching corn, which is then pounded in a mortar; after which the meal is mixed with grease, soup made from meat, and pumpkins. Sometimes it is mixed, instead with honey. Then it is made up into hard masses (¢iskíski) with the hands. Dougherty says that with wacañge and waninde "portions of the ʇe-cibe, or smaller intestines of the buffalo are boiled, to render the food more sapid."
Fig. 26.—Figures of pumpkins.The waʇanqti is at the top; the next is the waʇanmuxa; the third is the waʇan-jide; and the bottom one, the waʇanninde bazu.
Fig. 26.—Figures of pumpkins.
The waʇanqti is at the top; the next is the waʇanmuxa; the third is the waʇan-jide; and the bottom one, the waʇanninde bazu.
§ 168.Melons, pumpkins, etc., Saka¢ide uke¢in, the common watermelon, was known to the Omahas before the coming of the white men. It has a green rind, which is generally striped, and the seeds are black. It is never dried, but is always eaten raw, hence the name. They had no yellow saka¢ide till the whites came; but they do not eat them.
Waʇan´,Pumpkins—The native kinds are three: waʇan´-qti, waʇan´-kukúge, and waʇan´-múxa. Waʇan-qti, the real pumpkins are generally greenish, and "bícka," round but slightly flattened on sides like turnips. They are usually dried, and are called "waʇan´-gazan´de," because they are cut in circular slices and hung together, as it were, in festoons (gazande).
The second variety is large, white, and striped; it is not good for drying. The waʇan-muxa are never dried. Some are white, others are "sábě ʇu égan, a sort of black or dark blue," and small. Others, the waʇan´-múxa g¢ejé, are spotted, and are eaten before they become too ripe. In former days, these were the only sweet articles of food. Sometimes pumpkins are baked on coals (jég¢an).
Modern varieties are two: The watan-nin´de bazú and the watan´-jíde. The Omahas never plant the latter, as they do not regard it as desirable. They plant the former, which is from 2 to 21/2feet long, and covered with knots or lumps. The native pumpkins are frequently steamed, as the kettle is filled with them cut in slices with a very small quantity of water added. Pumpkins are never boiled with ʇe-cibe or buffalo entrails; but they can be boiled with a buffalo paunch, beans, dried meat, and with any preparation of corn.
§ 169.Fruits and berries.—Taspan´, red haws, are seldom eaten; and then are taken raw, not over two or three at a time. Clumps of the hawthorn abound on Logan Creek, near the Omaha reserve, and furnish the Omaha name for that stream, Taspan´-hi báʇe.
Wajíde-níka, which are about the size of haws, grow on low bushes in Northwest Nebraska. They are edible in the autumn.
Buffalo berries, the wajídě-qti, or real wajide, are eaten raw, or they are dried and then boiled before eating.
[K]añde, plums, though dried by the Dakotas, are not dried by the ₵egiha and [T]ᴐiwere, who eat them raw.
Nan´pa, choke-cherries, are of two kinds. The larger ones or nan´pa-ʇañ´ga, abound in a region known as [P]izábahehe, in Northwest Nebraska, where they are very thick, as many as two hundred being found on a single bush. Some of the bushes are a foot high, others are about two feet in height. The choke-cherries are first pounded between two stones, and then dried. The smaller variety, or nan´pa-jiñ´ga, grow on tall bushes. These cherries are dried.
Gube, hackberries, are the size of black peppers or the smaller cherries (nanpa-jiñga). They are fine, sweet, and black. They grow on large trees (Celtis occidentalis), the bark of which is rough and inclined to curl up.
Ag¢añkamañge, raspberries, are dried and boiled. Bacte, strawberries, are not dried. They are eaten raw.
Jan-qude-ju are berries that grow near the Niobrara River; they are black and sweet, about the size of buffalo berries. They are dried.
Nacamanis the name of a species of berry or persimmon (?), which ripens in the later fall. It hangs in clusters on a small stalk, which is bent over by the weight of the fruit. The nacamanis seldom eaten by the Omahas. It is black, not quite the size of a hazel nut; and its seed resemble watermelon seed.
Hazi, grapes—one kind, the fox grape, is eaten raw, or dried and boiled.
§ 170.Nuts.—The "búde" is like the acorn, but it grows on a different tree, the trunk of which is red (the red oak?). These nuts are ripe in the fall. They are boiled till the water has nearly boiled away, when the latter is poured out, and fresh water and good ashes are put in. Then the nuts are boiled a long time till they become black. The water and ashes are thrown out, fresh water is put in the kettle, and the nuts are washed till they are clean, when they are found to be "náʇube," cooked till ready to fall to pieces. Then they are mixed with wild honey, and are ready for one to eat. They are "íb¢anqtiwá¢ě," capable of satisfying hunger to the utmost, but a handful being necessary for that end.
An´jiñga, hazel nuts, are neither boiled nor dried; they are eaten raw The same may be said of "ʇáge," black walnuts.
§ 171. Fruits were preserved in wild honey alone, according to J. La Flèche. Since the arrival of the white people a few of the Omahas have cultivated sorghum; but in former days the only sugars and sirups were those manufactured from the sugar maple and box elder or ash-leaved maple.
The Omahas know nothing about pulse, mesquite, and screw-beans. Nor do they use seeds of grasses and weeds for food.
Previous to the arrival of the whites they did not cultivate any garden vegetables; but now many of the Omahas and Ponkas have raised many varieties in their gardens.
§ 172.Roots used for food.—The núg¢e or Indian turnip is sometimesround, and at others elliptical. When the Omahas wish to dry it, they pull off the skin. Then they cut off pieces about two inches long, and throw away the hard interior. Then they place these pieces in a mortar and pound them, after which they dry them. When they are dried they are frequently mixed with grease. Occasionally they are boiled with dried meat without being pounded. The soup is very good.
Nú uké¢in, orPomme de terre, the native potato, is dug in the winter by the women. There are different kinds of this root, some of which have good skins. Several grow on a common root, thus:These potatoes are boiled; then the skins are pulled off, and they are dried.
The "sin" is an aquatic plant, resembling the water-lily. It is also called the "sin´-uké¢in," being the wild rice. In order to prepare it as food it is roasted under hot ashes.
The other rice is the "sin´-wanin´de"; the stalk on which it grows is the "sin´-wanin´de-hi," a species of rush which grows with rice in swamps. The grain is translucent, and is the principal article of diet for those Indians who reside in very cold regions north of the Ponkas.
Sin´-skuskúba, which some Ponkas said was the calamus, is now very rare. Few of the Omahas know it at present. They used to eat it after boiling it. Frank La Flèche said that this could not be calamus, as the Omahas called that makan-ninida, and still eat it.
§ 173.Beans.—Beans, hinb¢iñ´ge or hanb¢iñ´ge, are planted by the Indians. They dry them before using them. Some are large, others are small, being of different sizes. The Indians speak of them thus: "búʇa-hnani, b¢áska égan,"they are generally curvilinear, and are some what flat.
La Flèche and Two Crows speak of many varieties, which are probably of one and the same species: "Hinb¢iñge sábě g¢ejé, beans that have black spots. 2. Skă g¢ejé, those with white spots. 3. Zi´g¢ejé, those with yellow spots. 4. Jíde g¢ejé, those with red spots. 5. Qúde g¢ejé, those with gray spots. 6. Jíděqti, very red ones. 7. Sáběqti, very black ones. 8. Jíde cábe égan, those that are a sort of dark red. 9. Skă, white. 10. [T]u égansábě, dark blue. 11. Ji´ égansábě, dark orange red. 12. Skă, ug¢e tě jide, white, with red on the "ug¢e" or part that is united to the vine. 13. Hi-ug¢é tě sabě, those that are black on the "ug¢e." 14. [T]u g¢eje egan, blue, with white spots. 15. Anpanhinegan, qude zi egan, like the hair of an elk, a sort of grayish yellow.
The hinb¢in´`abe, or hinb¢iñge mantanaha, wild beans, are not planted. They come up of their own accord. They are flat and curvilinear, and abound under trees. The field-mice hoard them in their winter retreats, which the Indians seek to rob. They cook them by putting them in hot ashes.
§ 174.[T]e¢aweis the name given to the seeds and root of theNelumbium luteum, and is thus described by an Omaha: The ʇe¢awe is the root of an aquatic plant, which is not very abundant. It has a leaf like that of a lily, but about two feet in diameter, lying on the surfaceof the water. The stalk comes up through the middle of the leaf, and projects about two feet above the water. On top is a seed-pod. The seed are elliptical, almost shaped like bullets, and they are black and very hard. When the ice is firm or the water shallow, the Indians go for the seed, which they parch by a fire, and beat open, then eat. They also eat the roots. If they wish to keep them for a long time, they cut off the roots in pieces about six inches long, and dry them; if not, they boil them.
§ 175. Hin´qa is the root of a sahi or water grass which grows beneath the surface of Lake Nik'umi, near the Omaha Agency, Nebraska. This root, which is about the size of the first joint of one's forefinger, is bulbous and black. When the Omaha boys go into bathe they frequently eat it in sport, after pulling off the skin. Two Crows says that adults never eat it. J. La Flèche never ate it, but he has heard of it.
§ 176.Savors, flavors, etc.—Salt, ni-skí¢ě, was used before the advent of the whites. One place known to the Omahas was on Salt River, near Lincoln, Nebr., which city is now called by them "Ni-ski¢ě." At that place the salt collected on top of the sand and dried. Then the Omahas used to brush it together with feathers and take it up for use. What was on the surface was very white, and fit for use; but that beneath was mixed with sand and was not disturbed. Rock salt was found at the head of a stream, southwest of the Republican, which flowed into the northwest part of the Indian Territory, and they gave the place the name, "Ni-skí¢ě sagí ¢an,Where the hard salt is." In order to get this salt, they broke into the mass by punching with sticks, and the detached fragments were broken up by pounding.
Peppers, aromatic herbs, spices, etc., were not known in former days. Clay was never used as food nor as a savor.
§ 177.Drinks.—The only drinks used were soups and water. Teas, beer, wine, or other fermented juices, and distilled liquors, were unknown. (See §109.)
§ 178.Narcotics.—Native tobacco, or niní. The plant, niní-hi was the only narcotic known previous to the coming of our race. It differs from the common tobacco plant; none of it has been planted in modern times. J. La Flèche saw some of it when he was small. Its leaves were "ʇúqude égan," a sort of a blue color, and were about the size of a man's hand, and shaped somewhat like a tobacco leaf. Mr. H. W. Henshaw, of the United States Geological Survey, has been making some investigations concerning the narcotics used by many of the Indian tribes. He finds that the Rees and other tribes did have a native tobacco, and that some of it is still cultivated. This strengthens the probability that the niní of the Omahas and Ponkas was a native plant.
Mixed tobacco or killickinnick is called ninígahi by the Omahas and Ponkas. This name implies that native or common, tobacco (niní) has been mixed (igahi) with some other ingredient. "This latter is generally the inner bark of the red willow (Cornus sericea), and occasionallyit is composed of sumac leaves (Rhus glabrum). When neither of these can be had the inner bark of the arrow wood (Viburnum) or man´sa-hi is substituted for them. The two ingredients are well dried over a fire, and rubbed together between the hands." (Dougherty, inLong's Expedition, I.)
"In making ninígahi, the inner bark of the dogwood, to which are sometimes added sumac leaves, is mixed with the tobacco. Sometimes they add wajide-hi ha, the inner bark of rose-bushes. When they cannot get dogwood or sumac they may use the bark of the manśa hi or arrow-wood. The bark of the ¢ixe sagi, or hard willow, is not used by the Omahas." (Frank La Flèche.)
§ 179. Garments were usually made by the women, while men made their weapons. Some of the Omahas have adopted the clothing of the white man. There is no distinction between the attire of dignitaries and that of the common people.
§ 180. There were no out-buildings, public granaries, etc. Each household stored away its own grain and other provisions. There were no special tribal or communal dwellings, but sometimes two or more families occupied one earth lodge. When a tribal council was held, it was in the earth lodge of one of the principal chiefs, or else two or three common tents were thrown into one, making a long tent.
There were no public baths, as the Missouri River was near, and they could resort to it when they desired. Dances were held in earth lodges, or else in large skin tents, when not out of doors.
§ 181.Dressing hides.—The hides were stretched and dried as soon as possible after they were taken from the animals. When a hide was stretched on the ground, pins were driven through holes along the border of the hide. These holes had been cut with a knife. While the hide was still green, the woman scraped it on the under side by pushing a wébajábe over its surface, thus removing the superfluous flesh, etc. The wébajábe was formed from the lower bone of an elk's leg, which had been made thin by scraping or striking ("gab¢eʞa"). The lower end was sharpened by striking, having several teeth-like projections, as in the accompanying figure (B). A withe (A) was tied to the upper end, and this was secured to the arm of the woman just above the wrist.