CHAPTER XXXVII.The journey is over—Declaration of war—Her Majesty's Government—An iniquitous and unnecessary step on the part of the Tzar—The Treaty of Paris—Its infringement—Impossible to foresee the consequences of such an act—Russia's contempt for England—England allied with Turkey—Applying the rod—A Conference might be held at St. Petersburg—The solemn assurances of the Emperor—Samarcand—Khiva—The Black Sea Convention—Let the Russians go to Constantinople—People who believe in Russian promises—A non-military power like England—England ought to join Turkey.My journey was over. A few weeks after my return to London, war was declared by Russia against Turkey. In the opinion of her Majesty's Government, this was a most iniquitous and unnecessary step on the part of the Tzar. Her Majesty's Government did not conceal its views about the matter. The Earl of Derby, in a despatch to Lord A. Loftus, dated May 1st, 1877, made use of the following expressions:—"They (i.e. her Majesty's Government) have not concealed their feeling that the presence of large Russian forces on the frontiers of Turkey, menacing its safety, rendering disarmament impossible, and exciting a feeling of apprehension and fanaticism among the Mussulman population, constituted a material obstacle to internal pacification and reform. They cannot believe that the entrance of these armies on Turkish soil will alleviate the difficulty, or improve the condition of the Christian population throughout the Sultan's dominions. But the course on which the Russian Government has entered involves graver and more serious considerations. It is in contravention of the stipulations of the Treaty of Paris of March 30, 1856, by which Russia and the other signatory Powers engaged, each on its own part, to respect the independence and the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire. In the Conferences of London of 1871, at the close of which the above stipulation, with others, was again confirmed, the Russian Plenipotentiary, in common with those of the other Powers, signed a declaration affirming it to be an essential principle of the law of nations, that no Power can liberate itself from the engagements of a Treaty, nor modify the stipulations thereof, unless with the consent ofthe contracting parties by means of an amicable arrangement. In taking action against Turkey on his own part, and having recourse to arms without further consultation with his allies, the Emperor of Russia has separated himself from the European concert hitherto maintained, and has at the same time departed from the rule to which he himself had solemnly recorded his consent. It is impossible to foresee the consequences of such an act. Her Majesty's Government would willingly have refrained from making any observations in regard to it; but Prince Gortschakoff seems to assume, in a declaration addressed to all the Governments of Europe, that Russia is acting in the interest of Great Britain and that of the other Powers; they feel bound to state, in a manner equally formal and public, that the decision of the Russian Government is not one which can have their concurrence or approval."It is very clear, from this despatch, what the opinion of her Majesty's Government was about the matter. However, neither Prince Gortschakoff nor his august master are easily affected by verbal remonstrances.They had shown how little they cared for treaties by their conduct after the battle of Sedan."France is beaten, and who cares for England?" thought Prince Gortschakoff: he tore up the Black Sea Convention.His august master, animated of course with the most peaceful intentions, wishes to destroy the Turkish Empire. Verbal remonstrances are of no use if applied to a semi-barbarous nation. Some people can be appealed to through their sense of right and wrong, others only through their skins. The Russian nation has a peculiarly thick skin; for this reason the rod ought to be a heavy one. England, allied with Turkey, and before the latter power is crippled, could easily apply it. The Tzar might be compelled to fulfil his solemn assurance about Khiva; Russia could be driven out of Central Asia, and forced to relinquish her hold on the Caucasus.A Conference might then be held at St. Petersburg to arrange about the conditions of peace, and to inquire into the treatment of the United Greek Christians. Lord Salisbury could inform Prince Gortschakoff that some of the British nation do not approve of the Russian authorities ordering soldiers to flog Christian women and children,[26]by way of making them change their religion;and that others object to the Tzar's troops killing Circassian women in the family-way.[27]We have been told that these last-mentioned individuals were Mohammedans, and that Prince Gortschakoff's master would have liked to Christianize and civilize them; but at the same time, and in spite of the assertion of a member of the late Liberal Government, that Russia is the protector of the unprotected, our plenipotentiary might be instructed to tell the Tzar that his soldiers should have shown their amiable qualities in some other manner. The subject of the Teke Turkomans, and how they were massacred—men, women, and children—during the Khivan campaign, could also afford our representative an opportunity for remonstrating with the Imperial Chancellor.The latter should finally be distinctly given to understand that Englishmen do not look upon the establishment of a Constitution and a Parliament by the Turkish Government as an insult and defiance to Russia, whatever the Russians may do.[28]In the mean time, and while I pen these lines, the Tzar's armies have crossed the Danube. They are quartered on Turkish soil. The Treaty of Paris has been once more broken by the RussianGovernment. The solemn assurances made by the Emperor have been cast to the four winds. A climax has been put to the breaches of good faith; displayed first of all about Samarcand; secondly, Khiva; thirdly, the Black Sea Convention and immediately after the battle of Sedan. England has not declared war with Russia. There are still some people amongst us who place credence in the Russian Emperor's statement that he has no intention to interfere with British interests. "Let the Russians go to Constantinople," is the remark, "they will not stop there. The Tzar will dictate terms of peace in the Sultan's capital. The Muscovite armies will return to their own country. If the worst comes to the worst, England with her fleet could drive out the invader." Men who argue like this do not care to remember that Russia has broken faith with England four times in the last ten years. Should the Sultan be forced to succumb to his foe, and the Emperor's troops be once established in Constantinople, it would be almost impossible for a non-military power like England to dislodge them from the position. Whatever we might be able to do by sea would be counter-balanced by our inability to follow up the advantage by land. It must not be forgotten thatTurkey is fighting not only for herself, but also for the security of our Indian Empire.[29]A few millions sterling would enable the Turkish Government to supply its soldiers with the munitions of war.An English contingent force of fifty thousand men could defend Constantinople against all the Russian armies. It is to be hoped that the Ottoman troops will do more than hold their own. But this is doubtful. The Tzar has thrown down the gauntlet to England by taking action on his own part against the Sultan. We should accept the challenge, and draw our swords for Turkey.A SKETCHOF THE PROPOSEDDEFENCES OF CONSTANTINOPLEON THE EUROPEAN SIDE OFTHE BOSPHORUSStanford's GeoglEstabt, London.London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle & Rivington.View larger image
The journey is over—Declaration of war—Her Majesty's Government—An iniquitous and unnecessary step on the part of the Tzar—The Treaty of Paris—Its infringement—Impossible to foresee the consequences of such an act—Russia's contempt for England—England allied with Turkey—Applying the rod—A Conference might be held at St. Petersburg—The solemn assurances of the Emperor—Samarcand—Khiva—The Black Sea Convention—Let the Russians go to Constantinople—People who believe in Russian promises—A non-military power like England—England ought to join Turkey.
My journey was over. A few weeks after my return to London, war was declared by Russia against Turkey. In the opinion of her Majesty's Government, this was a most iniquitous and unnecessary step on the part of the Tzar. Her Majesty's Government did not conceal its views about the matter. The Earl of Derby, in a despatch to Lord A. Loftus, dated May 1st, 1877, made use of the following expressions:—
"They (i.e. her Majesty's Government) have not concealed their feeling that the presence of large Russian forces on the frontiers of Turkey, menacing its safety, rendering disarmament impossible, and exciting a feeling of apprehension and fanaticism among the Mussulman population, constituted a material obstacle to internal pacification and reform. They cannot believe that the entrance of these armies on Turkish soil will alleviate the difficulty, or improve the condition of the Christian population throughout the Sultan's dominions. But the course on which the Russian Government has entered involves graver and more serious considerations. It is in contravention of the stipulations of the Treaty of Paris of March 30, 1856, by which Russia and the other signatory Powers engaged, each on its own part, to respect the independence and the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire. In the Conferences of London of 1871, at the close of which the above stipulation, with others, was again confirmed, the Russian Plenipotentiary, in common with those of the other Powers, signed a declaration affirming it to be an essential principle of the law of nations, that no Power can liberate itself from the engagements of a Treaty, nor modify the stipulations thereof, unless with the consent ofthe contracting parties by means of an amicable arrangement. In taking action against Turkey on his own part, and having recourse to arms without further consultation with his allies, the Emperor of Russia has separated himself from the European concert hitherto maintained, and has at the same time departed from the rule to which he himself had solemnly recorded his consent. It is impossible to foresee the consequences of such an act. Her Majesty's Government would willingly have refrained from making any observations in regard to it; but Prince Gortschakoff seems to assume, in a declaration addressed to all the Governments of Europe, that Russia is acting in the interest of Great Britain and that of the other Powers; they feel bound to state, in a manner equally formal and public, that the decision of the Russian Government is not one which can have their concurrence or approval."
It is very clear, from this despatch, what the opinion of her Majesty's Government was about the matter. However, neither Prince Gortschakoff nor his august master are easily affected by verbal remonstrances.
They had shown how little they cared for treaties by their conduct after the battle of Sedan.
"France is beaten, and who cares for England?" thought Prince Gortschakoff: he tore up the Black Sea Convention.
His august master, animated of course with the most peaceful intentions, wishes to destroy the Turkish Empire. Verbal remonstrances are of no use if applied to a semi-barbarous nation. Some people can be appealed to through their sense of right and wrong, others only through their skins. The Russian nation has a peculiarly thick skin; for this reason the rod ought to be a heavy one. England, allied with Turkey, and before the latter power is crippled, could easily apply it. The Tzar might be compelled to fulfil his solemn assurance about Khiva; Russia could be driven out of Central Asia, and forced to relinquish her hold on the Caucasus.
A Conference might then be held at St. Petersburg to arrange about the conditions of peace, and to inquire into the treatment of the United Greek Christians. Lord Salisbury could inform Prince Gortschakoff that some of the British nation do not approve of the Russian authorities ordering soldiers to flog Christian women and children,[26]by way of making them change their religion;and that others object to the Tzar's troops killing Circassian women in the family-way.[27]
We have been told that these last-mentioned individuals were Mohammedans, and that Prince Gortschakoff's master would have liked to Christianize and civilize them; but at the same time, and in spite of the assertion of a member of the late Liberal Government, that Russia is the protector of the unprotected, our plenipotentiary might be instructed to tell the Tzar that his soldiers should have shown their amiable qualities in some other manner. The subject of the Teke Turkomans, and how they were massacred—men, women, and children—during the Khivan campaign, could also afford our representative an opportunity for remonstrating with the Imperial Chancellor.
The latter should finally be distinctly given to understand that Englishmen do not look upon the establishment of a Constitution and a Parliament by the Turkish Government as an insult and defiance to Russia, whatever the Russians may do.[28]
In the mean time, and while I pen these lines, the Tzar's armies have crossed the Danube. They are quartered on Turkish soil. The Treaty of Paris has been once more broken by the RussianGovernment. The solemn assurances made by the Emperor have been cast to the four winds. A climax has been put to the breaches of good faith; displayed first of all about Samarcand; secondly, Khiva; thirdly, the Black Sea Convention and immediately after the battle of Sedan. England has not declared war with Russia. There are still some people amongst us who place credence in the Russian Emperor's statement that he has no intention to interfere with British interests. "Let the Russians go to Constantinople," is the remark, "they will not stop there. The Tzar will dictate terms of peace in the Sultan's capital. The Muscovite armies will return to their own country. If the worst comes to the worst, England with her fleet could drive out the invader." Men who argue like this do not care to remember that Russia has broken faith with England four times in the last ten years. Should the Sultan be forced to succumb to his foe, and the Emperor's troops be once established in Constantinople, it would be almost impossible for a non-military power like England to dislodge them from the position. Whatever we might be able to do by sea would be counter-balanced by our inability to follow up the advantage by land. It must not be forgotten thatTurkey is fighting not only for herself, but also for the security of our Indian Empire.[29]A few millions sterling would enable the Turkish Government to supply its soldiers with the munitions of war.
An English contingent force of fifty thousand men could defend Constantinople against all the Russian armies. It is to be hoped that the Ottoman troops will do more than hold their own. But this is doubtful. The Tzar has thrown down the gauntlet to England by taking action on his own part against the Sultan. We should accept the challenge, and draw our swords for Turkey.
A SKETCHOF THE PROPOSEDDEFENCES OF CONSTANTINOPLEON THE EUROPEAN SIDE OFTHE BOSPHORUSStanford's GeoglEstabt, London.London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle & Rivington.View larger image
A SKETCHOF THE PROPOSEDDEFENCES OF CONSTANTINOPLEON THE EUROPEAN SIDE OFTHE BOSPHORUSStanford's GeoglEstabt, London.London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle & Rivington.
View larger image