CONCERNING OUR MARINE, &c.
Can we consider the Briton sane who speaks of bounding this country to her home resources? Can any one doubt that our name, our wealth, our power, are not wholly attributable to ourMarine? Can any one be ignorant that the superiority of our marine is wholly dependant on ourforeign trade, particularly the bulkier part of it, onforeign supply? Does any one dread the necessity offoreign supply, from the foolish fear that it may be cut off by war? Keeping out of view the argument, that ere the British pride would sufferother domination on the waters, our numbers would be well thinned away, they know little of the influence of circumstance on man, who do not perceive that, in the event of free trade, and of the population of Britain increasing beyond what the country, under the best possible culture, could support, the very necessity of being mistress of the seas would make her so. They know little of what Britain is, country and people, who doubt of her continued supremacy, should she not be ruined, indeed, by following the narrow selfish{131}views of a party—a party alike ungrateful29for the past, and blind to, or heedless of, their own ultimate good. The position of Britain,—her stretch of sea-coast, serrated with harbours,—her minerals, the principle of mechanical motion, so necessary in the arts,—her navy, docks, canals, roads, implements, and machinery, so superior to those of the whole world beside,—her fertile soil,—her capital,—her protection of property,—her insular situation,—her steady government and consequent ingress of capital from the continent on any commotion,—her habits of industry,—her knowledge of trade,—her sciences,—her arts,—her free press,—her{132}religion30,—and the stamina and indomitable spirit of her people. All these, causes and effects combined, brought into action under a climate the most favourable for developing the moral and physical energies of man, where the extremes of temperature neither relax nor chill, where the human muscle and human mind are more capable of continued strong exertion, and machinery less influenced by hygrometric and calorific change, than on any other spot of earth. When all these are condensed into a nucleus of power of so small compass that one spirit, one interest, may pervade all, but drawing support by ramifications from every nook of the habitable world, should an infatuated party not render unavailable these unmatched advantages, cowardice could not even dream of peril to the supremacy of British naval power.
Let us continue to extend our foreign intercourse and home cultivation—let the merchant legislate in affairs of trade—the landholder in country matters; each in that in which his judgment has been formed by experience, acting always on the principle that the general prosperity of the country is the interest{133}of every class—that, like the branch and the root, their prosperity is indissolubly combined.
When we view the advantages of Britain—almost to a wish,—when we view her able and ready to supply the necessities of man in every clime, in exchange for his superfluities, and to scatter science, morality, the arts of life, all that conduces to happiness and improvement over the nations,—when we view all this, being blasted by an exclusive system of monopoly, of very doubtful advantage to one party of the nation, and tyrannically oppressive upon all others, can we refrain from execration? We would desire the casuist to draw a distinction between the criminality of preventing the operative from exchanging the produce of his labour (otherwise unsaleable) for cheap food31, when his family is famishing; and compelling the labour of the Negro (whom you support with food) with the whip. Men will be found of a virtue sufficiently easy to advocate either system. We only wish that the supporters of{134}monopoly and their abettors were sent off to some separate quarter of the world with all their beloved restrictions, duties, tariffs, passports, revenue officers, blockade men, with the innumerable petty interfering vexatious regulations, and all the contrivances which surely the devil has invented to repress industry and promote misery, where they might form an Elysium of their own.
There is nothing more certain, should we by restrictions continue to banish knowledge, capital, and industry from our shores32, than that the Genius of Improvement will fix upon some other place for the seat of her throne.Maritime dominionwill follow in her train; and on the first war, all exportation of the products of our manufacturers being at an end, unexampled misery will involve four-fifths of our population, and an explosion will ensue, from its origin and character of unparalleled fury, which will sweep to destruction the insane authors of the calamity—tear to shreds the whole fabric of society—and give to the winds all the institutions which man has been accustomed to revere.{135}
It is disgraceful that ourMARINEis not directly represented in the British Parliament. Is it possible that every clown in England, who is owner of a few acres or miserable hovel, is carried to the poll,—and that our shipping interest, and brave seamen, to whom the rest of the nation is indebted “for all they have, and almost all they know,” are passed over—have not one direct representative—have not even one direct vote, and that their interest is totally neglected33? Will it be credited that our most sage legislators, as if on purpose to ruin our marine, have laid on a tax of L. 4 per load (above 1s. 7d. per solid foot) on oak-plank, and L. 2, 15s. per load on rough oak-timber, imported from other nations; which, as only a small part of what is (not of what would be) used, is so derived, at the same time that it raises the price of the whole34nearly 100 per cent., tends comparatively little to swell the revenue,—nearly the whole of the high monopoly price reverting to our landholders and our grateful Canadian{136}colony? As about a load (50 solid feet) of timber is required for the construction of a ton of trading shipping, this duty, together with the high duty on hemp, increases the cost of our vessels nearly L. 4 per register ton, independent of the higher price of building and sailing them, from other monopolies; and it is only from the very superior skill, honesty and industry of our seamen35, that our shipping, since the peace, under this very great disadvantage, has been at all enabled to compete with foreign. At Shields and Newcastle a new merchant-vessel of oak, rigged and ready for sea, uncoppered, can be purchased for L. 10 per register ton. Were the price, by the removal of monopoly, reduced to L. 6 per ton, scarcely a foreign bottom, American excepted, would compete with British, in the carrying trade, or would enter a British port. Can it be believed that our very liberal late minister (Mr Huskisson), and our very non-liberal member for Newark (Mr Sadler), have both made afullexposè of the distresses of our shipping interest, and not once have adverted to thecauseof this, and of the comparative decline of our naval preponderance—the very high duty on the{137}material? Does our Government perceive the rapid strides which our rival brothers in America are making to surpass us in marine—and will it be so besotted as continue laws to the speedy fulfilment of this?
May we hope that, through the energy ofOURSAILORKING, Britain will lead the van in the disenfranchisement of man from the old bondage of monopoly and restriction—that a more sane system of taxation (a tax on property) will be adopted, as well as a necessary retrenchment—that the true interest of Britain will be understood and followed, and a new era begin. We are sick of the drivelling nonsense of our closet economists about loss by colonies and foreign connexion. Bonaparte well knew the value ofSHIPS,COLONIESandCOMMERCE, and dreaded the power which eventually wrought his fall. The existence of China depends upon her Agriculture, and the sovereign devotes a part of his time annually to the plough. The existence of Britain depends upon her Marine, and the king should always be bred a sailor—the heir-apparent and presumptive being always sent to sea. In the case of a female, if she did not take kindly to the sea-service, a dispensation might be allowed, on her marrying a sailor, and the foolish law prohibiting our Royal Family from marrying a Briton be put aside.