FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:1Metaph.xii. 4.2Diog. Laert.Vit. Plat.3T. ii. p. 16, c, d. ed. Bekker, t. v. p. 437.4See the remarks on this phrase in the next chapter.5Hist. Ind. Sc.b. iii. c. ii.6This matter is further discussed in the Appendix, Essay A.7These matters are further discussed in the Appendix, Essay B.8See Appendix, Essay B.9Hist. Ind. Sc.b. ii. Additions to 3rd Ed.10See these views further discussed in the Appendix, Essay C.11Metaph.xii. 4.12Hist. Ind. Sc.b. i. c. iii. sect. 2.13Analyt. Prior.i. 30.14Analyt. Post.i. 18.15Analyt. Prior.ii. 23, περι της επαγωγης.16Analyt. Post.ii. 19.17But the best reading seems to be not ἔν τι but ἔτι: and the clause must be rendered "both to perceive and to retain the perception in the mind." This correction does not disturb the general sense of the passage, that the first principles of science are obtained by finding the One in the Many.18Analyt. Post.i. 34.19Ibid.ii. 19.20Analyt. Prior.ii. 25.21See on this subject Appendix, Essay D.22See the chapter on Certain Characteristics of Scientific Induction in thePhil. Ind. Sc.or in theNov. Org. Renov.23Phil. Ind. Sc.b. viii. c. i. art. 11, orHist. Sc. Id.b. viii.24B. i. c. xi. sect. 2.25B. iii. c. i. sect. 9.26De Cælo, ii. 13.27Ibid.ii. 10.28xii. 8.29B. xvi. c. vi.30On the Classification of Mammalia, &c.: a Lecture delivered at Cambridge, May 10, 1859, p. 3.31B. i. c. xi.32History of Scientific Ideas, andNovum Organum Renovatum.33The remainder of this chapter is new in the present edition.34Hist. of Greece, Part ii. chap. 68.35De Antiqua Medicina, c. 20.36Lib. i. c. 9.37De Elem.i. 6.38In former editions I have not done justice to this passage.39Hist. Ind. Sc.Addition to Introduction in Third Edition.40Lib. i.Fast.41Hist. Nat.i. 75.42Quæst. Nat.vii. 25.43Quæst. Nat.vii. 30, 31.44Ibid.iii. 7.45Hist. Ind. Sc.b. iii. c. iv. sect. 8.46Ibid.b. ix. c. ii.47SeeHist. Ind. Sc.b. iv. c. i.48See the opinion of Aquinas, in Degerando,Hist. Com. des Syst.iv. 499; of Duns Scotus,ibid.iv. 523.49Liber Excerptionum, Lib. i. c. i.50Tr. Ex.Lib. i. c. vii.51Tenneman, viii. 461.52Mores Catholici, or Ages of Faith, viii. p. 247.53Tenneman, viii. 460.54If there were any doubt on this subject, we might refer to the writers who afterwards questioned the supremacy of Aristotle, and who with one voice assert that an infallible authority had been claimed for him. Thus Laurentius Valla: "Quo minus ferendi sunt recentes Peripatetici, qui nullius sectæ hominibus interdicunt libertate ab Aristotele dissentiendi, quasi sophos hic, non philosophus."Pref. in Dial.(Tenneman, ix. 29.) So Ludovicus Vives: "Sunt ex philosophis et ex theologis qui non solum quo Aristoteles pervenit extremum esse aiunt naturæ, sed quâ pervenit eam rectissimam esse omnium et certissimam in natura viam." (Tenneman, ix. 43.) We might urge too, the evasions practised by philosophical Reformers, through fear of the dogmatism to which they had to submit; for example, the protestation of Telesius at the end of the Proem to his work,De Rerum Natura: "Nec tamen, si quid eorum quæ nobis posita sunt, sacris literis, Catholicæve ecclesiæ decretis non cohæreat, tenendum id, quin penitus rejiciendum asseveramus contendimusque. Neque enimhumanamodoratioquævis, sedipseetiamsensusillisposthabendus, et si illis non congruat, abnegandus omnino et ipse etiam est sensus."55Ages of Faith, viii. 247: to the author of which I am obliged for this quotation.56Algazel. SeeHist. Ind. Sc.b. iv. c. i.57Tenneman, viii. 830.58Degerando, iv. 535.59Leibnitz's expressions are, (Op.t. vi. p. 16): "Quand j'étais jeune, je prenois quelque a l'Artde Lulle, mais je crus y entrevoir bien des défectuosités, dont j'ai dit quelque chose dans un petit Essai d'écolier intituléDe Arte Combinatoria, publié en 1666, et qui a été réimprimé après malgré moi. Mais comme je ne méprise rien facilement, excepté les arts divinatoires que ne sont que des tromperies toutes pures, j'ai trouvé quelque chose d'estimable encore dans l'Artde Lulle."60Works, vii. 296.61Fratris Rogeri Bacon, Ordinis Minorum, Opus Majus,ad Clementem Quartum, Pontificem Romanum, ex MS. Codice Dubliniensi cum aliis quibusdam collato, nunc primum ediditS. Jebb, M.D. Londini, 1733.62Opus Majus, Præf.63Contents of Roger Bacon'sOpus Majus.Part I. On the four causes of human ignorance:—Authority, Custom, Popular Opinion, and the Pride of supposed Knowledge.Part II. On the source of perfect wisdom in the Sacred Scripture.Part III. On the Usefulness of Grammar.Part IV. On the Usefulness of Mathematics.(1) The necessity of Mathematics in Human Things (published separately as theSpecula Mathematica).(2) The necessity of Mathematics in Divine Things.—1o. This study has occupied holy men: 2o. Geography: 3o. Chronology: 4o. Cycles; the Golden Number, &c.: 5o. Natural Phenomena, as the Rainbow: 6o. Arithmetic: 7o. Music.(3) The necessity of Mathematics in Ecclesiastical Things. 1o. The Certification of Faith: 2o. The Correction of the Calendar.(4) The necessity of Mathematics in the State.—1o. Of Climates: 2o. Hydrography: 3o. Geography: 4o. Astrology.Part V. On Perspective (published separately asPerspectiva).(1) The organs of vision.(2) Vision in straight lines.(3) Vision reflected and refracted.(4) De multiplicatione specierum (on the propagation of the impressions of light, heat, &c.)Part VI. On Experimental Science.64Op. Maj.p. 1.65Ibid.p. 2.66Ibid.p. 10.67I will give a specimen.Opus Majus, c. viii. p. 35: "These two kinds of philosophers, the Ionic and Italic, ramified through many sects and various successors, till they came to the doctrine of Aristotle, who corrected and changed the propositions of all his predecessors, and attempted to perfect philosophy. In the [Italic] succession, Pythagoras, Archytas Tarentinus and Timæus are most prominently mentioned. But the principal philosophers, as Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, did not descend from this line, but were Ionics and true Greeks, of whom the first was Thales Milesius.... Socrates, according to Augustine in his 8th book, is related to have been a disciple of Archelaus. This Socrates is called the father of the great philosophers, since he was the master of Plato and Aristotle, from whom all the sects of philosophers descended.... Plato, first learning what Socrates and Greece could teach, made a laborious voyage to Egypt, to Archytas of Tarentum and Timæus, as says Jerome to Paulinus. And this Plato is, according to holy men, preferred to all philosophers, because he has written many excellent things concerning God, and morality, and a future life, which agree with the divine wisdom of God. And Aristotle was born before the death of Socrates, since he was his hearer for three years, as we read in the life of Aristotle.... This Aristotle, being made the master of Alexander the Great, sent two thousand men into all regions of the earth, to search out the nature of things, as Pliny relates in the 8th book of hisNaturalia, and composed a thousand books, as we read in his life."68Ibid.p. 36.69Autonomaticè.70Op. Maj.p. 46.71SeePref.to Jebb's edition. The passages, there quoted, however, are not extracts from theOpus Majus, but (apparently) from theOpus Minus(MS. Cott.Tib. c. 5.) "Si haberem potestatem supra libros Aristotelis, ego facerem omnes cremari; quia non est nisi temporis amissio studere in illis, et causa erroris, et multiplicatio ignorantiæ ultra id quod valeat explicari.... Vulgus studentum cum capitibus suis non habet unde excitetur ad aliquid dignum, et ideo languet etasininatcirca male translata, et tempus et studium amittit in omnibus et expensas."72Part ii.73Parts iv. v. and vi.74Op. Maj.p. 476.75Op. Maj.p. 15.76Ibid.p. 445, see also p. 448. "Scientiæ aliæ sciunt sua principia invenire per experimenta, sed conclusiones per argumenta facta ex principiis inventis. Si vero debeant habere experientiam conclusionum suarum particularem et completam, tunc oportet quod habeant per adjutorium istius scientiæ nobilis (experimentalis)."77Op. Maj.p. 60.78Ibid.p. 64.79"Veritates magnificas in terminis aliarum scientiarum in quas per nullam viam possunt illæ scientiæ, hæc sola scientiarum domina speculativarum, potest dare."Op. Maj.p. 465.80One of the ingredients of a preparation here mentioned, is the flesh of a dragon, which it appears is used as food by the Ethiopians. The mode of preparing this food cannot fail to amuse the reader. "Where there are good flying dragons, by the art which they possess, they draw them out of their dens, and have bridles and saddles in readiness, and they ride upon them, and make them bound about in the air in a violent manner, that the hardness and toughness of the flesh may be reduced, as boars are hunted and bulls are baited before they are killed for eating."Op. Maj.p. 470.81Op. Maj.p. 473.82Quoted by Jebb,Pref.toOp. Maj.83Mosheim,Hist.iii. 161.84Op. Maj.p. 57.85Mosheim, iii. 161.86Gratian published theDecretalsin the twelfth century; and the Canon and Civil Law became a regular study in the universities soon afterwards.87Tenneman, ix. 4.88Tenneman, ix. 25.89"Jam nobis manifestum est terram istam in veritate moveri," &c.—De Doctâ Ignorantiâ, lib. ii. c. xii.90De Doct. Ignor.lib. i. c. i.91De Conjecturis, lib. i. c. iii. iv.92Born in 1433.93Born 1529, died 1597.94Aristoteles Exotericus, p. 50.95Tiraboschi, t. vii. pt. ii. p. 411.96"Franciscus Patricius, novam veram integram de universis conditurus philosophiam, sequentia uti verissima prænuntiare est ausus. Prænunciata ordine persecutus, divinis oraculis, geometricis rationibus, clarissimisque experimentis comprobavit.Ante primum nihil,Post primum omnia,A principio omnia," &c.His other works arePanaugia,Pancosmia,Dissertations Peripateticæ.97Tiraboschi, t. vii. pt. ii. p. 411.98Dissert. Perip.t. ii. lib. v. sub fin.99Tenneman, ix. 148.100Tenneman, ix. 167.101Ibid.158.102Agrippa,De Occult. Phil.lib. i. c. l.103Written in 1526.104Philip Aurelius Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim, also called Paracelsus Eremita, born at Einsiedlen in Switzerland, in 1493.105Hist. Sc. Id.b. ix. c. 2. sect. 1. The Mystical School of Biology.106Tenneman, ix. 221.107Tenneman, ix. 265.108Bernardini Telesii ConsentiniDe Rerum Natura juxta propria Principia.109I take this account from Tenneman: this Proem was omitted in subsequent editions of Telesius, and is not in the one which I have consulted. Tenneman,Gesch. d. Phil.ix. 280.110Proem.111"De Principiis atque Originibus secundum fabulas Cupidinis et Cœli: sive Parmenidis et Telesii et præcipuè Democriti Philosophia tractata in Fabula de Cupidine."112"Talia sunt qualia possunt esse ea quæ ab intellectu sibi permisso, nec ab experimentis continenter et gradatim sublevato, profecta videntur."113Thom. Campanellade Libris propriis, as quoted in Tenneman, ix. 291.114Economisti Italiani, t. i. p. xxxiii.115Tenneman, ix. 305.116Hist. Ind. Sc.b. xvi. c. iii. sect. 2.117Ibid.b. xvii. c. ii. sect. 1.118Quæst. Peripat.i. 1.119Tenneman, ix. 108.120Hist. Ind. Sc.b. v. c. iii. sect. 2.121Tenneman, ix. 420. "Quæcunque ab Aristotele dicta essent commenticia esse." Freigius,Vita Petri Rami, p. 10.122Rami,Animadv. Aristot.i. iv.123SeeHist. Ind. Sc.b. iv. c. iv. sect. 4.124Tenneman, ix. 230.125Ibid.108.126Tenneman, ix. 246.127Melancthon,De Anima, p. 207, quoted in Tenneman, ix. 121.128His works have never been published, and exist in manuscript in the library of the Institute at Paris. Some extracts were published by Venturi,Essai sur les Ouvrages de Leonard da Vinci. Paris, 1797.129Leonardo died in 1520, at the age of 78.130Paul III. in 1543.131Hist. Ind. Sc.b. v. c. ii.132Born 1537, died 1619.133Hist. Ind. Sc.b. xvii. c. ii. sect. 1.134Fabricius,De Motu Locali, p. 182.135p. 199.136Speculationum Liber, p. 195.137Ibid.p. 169.138Gulielmi Gilberti,Colcestriensis, Medici Londinensis, De Magnete, Magneticisque Corporibus, et de Magno Magnete Tellure, Physiologia Nova, plurimis et Argumentis et Experimentis demonstrata.139Hist. Ind. Sc.b. xii. c. i.140Pref.141De Magnete, lib. vi. c. 3, 4.142Nov. Org.b. i.143B. i. Aph. 64.144Vol. ix. 185.145De Magnete, p. 60.146B. iii. c. 4.147Nov. Org.b. ii. Aph. 48.148Drinkwater'sLife of Galileo, p. 18.149Life of Galileo, p. 9.150Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vi. c. ii. sect. 5.151Life of Galileo, p. 29.152Ibid.p. 33.153Il Saggiatore, ii. 247.154Il Saggiatore, ii. 200.155Ibid.i. 501.156Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vi. c. ii. sect. 2.157Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vi. c. ii. sect. 4.158Ibid.b. v. c. iv. sect. 1.159De Stell. Mart.p. iv. c. 51 (1609); Drinkwater'sKepler, p. 33.160Published 1604.Hist. Ind. Sc.b. ix. c. ii.161Hist. Ind. Sc.b. v. c. iv. sect. i.162Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vii. c. vi. sect 1.163De Stell. Mart.p. 11. c. 19.164Hist. Ind. Sc.b. ii. c. iv. sect. 6.165Ibid.sect. 8.166Montucla, i. 566.167De Augm.lib. iv. c. 1.168And in other passages: thus, "Ego enim buccinator tantum pugnam non ineo."Nov. Org.lib. iv. c. i.169Lib. 1. Aphor. 78et seq.170Aug. Sc.Lib. iii. c. 4. p. 194. So in other places, asNov. Org.i. Aph. 104. "De scientiis tum demum bene sperandum est quando per scalam veram et per gradus continuos, et non intermissos aut hiulcos a particularibus ascendetur ad axiomata minora, et deinde ad media, alia aliis superiora, et postremo demum ad generalissima."171Nov. Org.1. Aph. 22.172Ib.Aph. 20.1731 Ax. 15.174Nov. Org.lib. ii. Aph. 19.175Inst. Mag.par. iii. (vol. viii. p. 244).176Hist. Ind. Sc.b. x. c. i.177Ib.c. iv.178Nov. Org.lib. i. Aph. 61.179Nov. Org.lib. ii. Aph. 10.180Aph. 11.181Aph. 15, p. 105.182Page 110.183Herschel,On the Study of Nat. Phil.Art. 192.184Nov. Org.lib. i. Aph. 40.185Nov. Org.lib. i. Ax. 103.186Edinb. Rev.No. cxxxii. p. 65.187Ib.188Pref. to theNat. Hist.i. 243.189Nov. Org.lib. i. Aph. 19.190Ibid.lib. i. Aph. 20.191Aph. 27.192Ib.28.193Aph. 104. So Aph. 105. "In constituendo axiomate formainductionisalia quam adhuc in usu fuit excogitanda est," &c.194Ep. ad P. Fulgentium.Op.x. 330.195Nov. Org.i. Aph. 113.196See the motto to Kant'sKritik der Reinen Vernunft.197Œuvres Philosophiques de Bacon, &c.par M. N. Bouillet, 3 Tomes.Examen de la Philosophie de Bacon(Œuvres Posthumesdu Comte J. de Maistre).Bacon, sa Vie, son Temps, sa Philosophie, par Charles de Remusat.Histoire de la Vie et des Ouvrages de François Bacon, par J. B. de Vaugelles.Franz Baco von Verulam, von Kuno Fischer.The Works of Francis Bacon, collected and edited by James Spedding, Robert Leslie Ellis, and Douglas Denon Heath.198Note to Aph. xviii.199Pref. to theParasceue, Vol. i. p. 382.200Anatomical Exercitations concerning the Generation of Living Creatures, 1653. Preface.201He used similar expressions in conversation. George Ent, who edited hisGeneration of Animals, visited him, "at that time residing not far from the city; and found him very intent upon the perscrutation of nature's works, and with a countenance as cheerful, as mind unperturbed; Democritus-like, chiefly searching into the cause of natural things." In the course of conversation the writer said, "It hath always been your choice about the secrets of Nature, to consult Nature herself." "'Tis true," replied he; "and I have constantly been of opinion that from thence we might acquire not only the knowledge of those less considerable secrets of Nature, but even a certain admiration of that Supreme Essence, the Creator. And though I have ever been ready to acknowledge, that many things have been discovered by learned men of former times; yet do I still believe that the number of those which remain yet concealed in the darkness of impervestigable Nature is much greater. Nay, I cannot forbear to wonder, and sometimes smile at those, who persuade themselves, that all things were so consummately and absolutely delivered by Aristotle, Galen, or some other great name, as that nothing was left to the superaddition of any that succeeded."202Lib. i. c. 2, 3.203Anal. Post.ii.204Pars iii. p. 45.205SeeHist. Ind. Sc.b. vi. c. ii.206Cap. i. ii.207Hist. Ind. Sc.b. ix. c. ii.208Meteorum, c. viii. p. 187.209Mackintosh,Dissertation on Ethical Science.210Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vii. c. i.211Castelli, Torricelli, Viviani, Baliani, Gassendi, Mersenne, Borelli, Cavalleri.212De Plenitudine Mundi, in qua defenditur Cartesiana Philosophia contra sententias Francisci Baconi, Th. Hobbii et Sethi Wardi.213Bacon'sWorks, vol. ii. 111.214Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vii. c. i.215Nov. Org.lib. ii. Aph. 2.216Ib.lib. ii. Aph. 45.217Optics, qu. 31, near the end.218Qu. 28.219Hist. Ind. Sc.b. v. and b. vii.220Optics, qu. 31.221History of Ideas, b. iii. c. x.222Ibid.b. iii. c. ix. x. xi.223Opticks, qu. 31.224Nov. Org.l. ii. Aph. 2. "Licet enim in natura nihil existet præter corpora individua, edentia actus puros individuos ex lege; in doctrinis tamen illa ipsa lex, ejusque inquisitio, et inventio, et explicatio, pro fundamento est tam ad sciendum quam ad operandum. Eam autemlegem, ejusqueparagraphos, formarumnomine intelligimus; præsertim cum hoc vocabulum invaluerit, et familiariter occurrat."Aph. 17. "Eadem res estformacalidi velformaluminis, etlexcalidi autlexluminis."225Essay, b. xi. c. iv. sect. 3.226Ibid.c. xiii. sect. 22.227History of Ideas, b. iii. c. iii. Modern Opinions respecting the Idea of Cause.228Ibid.b. i. c. iv.229Langue des Calculs, p. 1.230Grammaire, p. xxxvi.231Since the selection and construction of terms is thus a matter of so much consequence in the formation of science, it is proper that systematic rules, founded upon sound principles, should be laid down for the performance of this operation. Some such rules are accordingly suggested in b. iv. of theNov. Org. Ren.232Disc. Prélim.p. viii.233HelvetiusSur l'Homme, c. xxiii.234P. xiii.235See Mr.Sharpe'sEssays.236Price'sEssays, p. 16.237P. 18.238Reid,Essays on the Powers of the Human Mind, iii. 31.239Stewart,Outlines of Moral Phil.p. 138.240Whately,Polit. Econ.p. 76.241Cousin,Fragmens Philosophiques, i. 53.242Ibid.i. 67.243See also the vigorous critique of Locke'sEssay, by Lemaistre,Soirées de St. Petersbourg.244Ampère,Essai, p. 210.245Kritik der Reinen Vernunft, Pref. p. xv.246The sensational system never acquired in Germany the ascendancy which it obtained in England and France; but I am compelled here to pass over the history of philosophy in Germany, except so far as it affects ourselves.247i. p. 14.248i. p. 7.249Hist. Ind. Sc.b. xi. c. vii.250P. 15.251P. 16.252M. Comte's statement is so entirely at variance with the fact that I must quote it here. (Phil. Pos.vol. i. p. 705.)"Le second théorème général de dynamique consiste dans le célèbre et importantprincipe des aires, dont le première idée est due à Kepler, qui découvrit et démontra forte simplement cette propriété pour le cas du mouvement d'une molecule unique, ou en d'autres terms, d'un corps dont tous les points se meuvent identiquement. Kepler établit, par les considérations les plus élémentaires, qui si la force accélératrice totale dont une molecule est animée tend constamment vers un point fixé, le rayon vecteur du mobile décrit autour de ce point des aires égales en temps egaux, de telle sorte que l'aire décrite au bout d'un temps quelconque croît proportionellement à ce temps. Il fit voir en outre que réciproquement, si une semblable relation a été vérifiée dans le mouvement d'un corps par rapport à un certain point, c'est une preuve suffisante de l'action sur le corps d'un force dirigée sans cesse vers ce point."There is not a trace of the above propositions in the workDe Stellâ Martis, which contains Kepler's discovery of his law, nor, I am convinced, in any other of Kepler's works. He is everywhere constant to his conceptions of themagneticvirtue residing in the sun, by means of which the sun, revolving on his axis, carries the planets round with him. M. Comte's statement so exactly expressesNewton'spropositions, that one is led to suspect some extraordinary mistake, by which what should have been said of the one was transferred to the other.253Vol. ii. p. 433.254Vol. ii. 640.255I venture to offer this problem;—to express thelaws of the phenomenaof diffraction without the hypothesis of undulations;—as a challenge to any one who holds such hypothesis to be unphilosophical.256ii. p. 641.257ii. p. 673.258Hist. Ind. Sc.ii. 489, b. x. c. i.259ii. p. 561.260i. 50.261i. 41.262ii. 433.263Phil. Pos.ii. 392-398.264[A System of Logic, Ratiocinative and Inductive, being a connected view of the Principles of Evidence, and of the Methods of Scientific Investigation.By John Stuart Mill.]265These Remarks were published in 1849, under the titleOf Induction, with especial reference to Mr. J. S. Mill's System of Logic.266My references are throughout (except when otherwise expressed) to the volume and the page of Mr. Mill's first edition of hisLogic.267On this subject see an EssayOn the Transformation of Hypotheses, given in the Appendix.268B. vii. c. iii. sect. 3.269B. iii. c. ix. art. 7.270B. i. c. iii.271B. iii. c. viii.272Discourse, Art. 192.273B. xi. c. xi.274Phil.b. xiii. c. ix. art. 7.275B. xiii. c. viii.276Given also in thePhil. Ind. Sc.b. xiii. c. vii. sect. 17.277Ibid.b. vi. c. iv.278SeeHist. Ind. Sc.b. xii. noteD, in the second edition.279There are some points in my doctrines on the subject of the Classificatory Sciences to which Mr. Mill objects, (ii. 314, &c.), but there is nothing which I think it necessary to remark here, except one point. After speaking of Classification of organized beings in general, Mr. Mill notices (ii. 321) as an additional subject, the arrangement of natural groups into a Natural Series; and he says, that "all who have attempted a theory of natural arrangement, including among the rest Mr. Whewell, have stopped short of this: all except M. Comte." On this I have to observe, that I stopped short of, or rather passed by, the doctrine of a Series of organized beings, because I thought it bad and narrow philosophy: and that I sufficiently indicated that I did this. In theHistory(b. xvi. c. vi.) I have spoken of the doctrine of Circular Progression propounded by Mr. Macleay, and have said, "so far as this viewnegativesa merelinearprogression in nature, which would place each genus in contact with the preceding and succeeding ones, and so far as it requires us to attend to the more varied and ramified resemblances, there can be no doubt that it is supported by the result of all the attempts to form natural systems." And with regard to the difference between Cuvier and M. de Blainville, to which Mr. Mill refers (ii. 321), I certainly cannot think that M. Comte's suffrage can add any weight to the opinion of either of those great naturalists.280Hist. Ind. Sc.b. x. note (VA) in the second edition.281B. xi. c. v. art. 11.282I have given elsewhere (see last chapter) reasons why I cannot assign to M. Comte'sPhilosophie Positiveany great value as a contribution to the philosophy of science. In this judgment I conceive that I am supported by the best philosophers of our time. M. Comte owes, I think, much of the notice which has been given to him to his including, as Mr. Mill does, the science of society and of human nature in his scheme, and to his boldness in dealing with these. He appears to have been received with deference as a mathematician: but Sir John Herschel has shown that a supposed astronomical discovery of his is a mere assumption. I conceive that I have shown that his representation of the history of science is erroneous, both in its details and in its generalities. His distinction of the three stages of sciences, the theological, metaphysical, and positive, is not at all supported by the facts of scientific history. Real discoveries always involve what he callsmetaphysics; and the doctrine of final causes in physiology, the main element of science which can properly be calledtheological, is retained at the end, as well as the beginning of the science, by all except a peculiar school.283I have also, in the same place, given the Inductive Pyramid for the science of Optics. These Pyramids are necessarily inverted in their form, in order that, in reading in the ordinary way, we may proceedtothe vertex.Phil. Ind. Sc.b. xi. c. vi.284Cosmos, vol. ii. note 35.285The reader will probably recollect that asInductionmeans the inference of general propositions from particular cases,Deductionmeans the inference by the application of general propositions to particular cases, and by combining such applications; as when from the most general principles of Geometry or of Mechanics, we prove some less general theorem; for instance, the number of the possible regular solids, or the principle ofvis viva.286B. vi. c. v.287c. vi.288Hist.b. vi. c. vi. sect. 13.289Hist. Ind. Sc.b. viii.290Reprinted in the Appendix to this volume.291Phil. Pos.t. iv. p. 264.292Logic, b. vi. c. 3.293Jones,On Rent, 1833.294Literary Remains, 1859.295The substance of this and the next chapter was printed as a communication to the Cambridge Phil. Soc. in 1840.296Or in the earlier editions, in thePhilosophy of the Inductive Sciences.297Phil. of Biol.c. v.298Hist. Ind. Sc.b. ix. c. iii.299Ibid.b. vii. c. ii.300Sir W. Hamilton's Note on thePhilosophy of the Unconditioned.301Werenfels in Mr. Mansel'sBampton Lectures, lect. ii. Note 15.302Scholium Generaleat the end of thePrincipia.303B. iv. c. i.304Reid'sWorks, Supplementary Dissertation D.305Hist. Sc. Id.b. iii.306Hist. Sc. Id.b. vi. c. iii.307The remarks contained in this chapter have for the most part been already printed and circulated in aLetter to the Author of Prolegomena Logica, 1852.308Biographical History of Philosophy, 1846. In a more recent edition the author of this work has modified his expressions, but still employs himself in arguing against Dr. Whewell, in order to overthrow Kant. So far as his arguments affect my philosophy, they are, as I conceive, answered in the various expositions which I have given of that philosophy.309B. ii. The Philosophy of the Pure Sciences. Chap. ii. Of the Idea of Space. Chap. iii. Of some peculiarities of the Idea of Space. Chap. vii. Of the Idea of Time. Chap. viii. Of some peculiarities of the Idea of Time.310Prolegomena Logica, by H. L. Mansel, M.A. 1851.311Logic, i p. 273, 3rd edit.312No. 193, p. 29.313Prol. Log.p. 123.314SeePhil. Ind. Sc.b. vi. c. iii.315Kant.316Republished asThe History of Scientific Ideas.317Given in theNovum Organon Renovatum.318Nov. Org. Ren.Aph. cv.319Hist. Sc. Id.b. ix. c. vi.320Hist. Ind. Sc.b. xviii. c. vi. sect. 5321P. 116. "No amount of human knowledge can be adequate which does not solve the phenomena of these absolute certainties."322Prof. Butler, Lect. ix. Second Series, p. 136, appears to think that Plato had sufficient grounds (of a theological kind) for the assumption of such Ideas; but I see no trace of them.323I am aware that this translation is different from the common translation. It appears to me to be consistent with the habit of the Greek language. It slightly leans in favour of my view; but I do not conceive that the argument would be perceptibly weaker, if the common interpretation were adopted.324In theFirst Alcibiades, Pythodorus is mentioned as having paid 100 minæ to Zeno for his instructions (119A).325P. 183 e.326Deip.xi. c. 15, p. 105.327Accedit et illud quod naturalis philosophia in iis ipsis viris, qui ei incubuerunt, vacantem et integrum hominem, præsertim his recentioribus temporibus, vix nacta sit; nisi forte quis monachi alicujus in cellula, aut nobilis in villula lucubrantis, exemplum adduxerit; sed facta est demum naturalis philosophia instar transitus cujusdam et pontisternii ad alia. Atque magna ista scientiarum mater ad officia ancillæ detrusa est; quæ medicinæ aut mathematicis operibus ministrat, et rursus quæ adolescentium immatura ingenia lavat et imbuat velut tinctura quadam prima, ut aliam postea felicius et commodius excipiant.328μεταξὺ οἰκονομίας καὶ χρεματισμοῦ, between house-keeping and money-getting.329τὸ περὶ τοὺς λόγους.330The Sciences are to draw the mind from that which grows and perishes to that which really is: μάθημα ψυχῆς ὁλκὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ γιγνομένου ἐπι τὸ ὅν.331ἐπὶ θέαν τῆς τῶν ἀριθμῶν φύσεως.332τῇ νοηήσει αὐτῇ.333He adds "and for the sake of war;" this point I have passed by. Plato does not really ascribe much weight to this use of Science, as we see in what he says of Geometry and Astronomy.334ἀρθῶς ἕχει ἑξῆς μετὰ δευτέραν αὕξην τρίτην λαμβάνειν, ἕστι δέ που τοῦτο περὶ τὴν τῶν κύβων αύξην καὶ τὸ βάθους μέτεχον.335ἀντίστροφον αὐτοῦ.336πρὸς ἐναρμόνιον φορὰν ὦτα παγῆναι.337πυκνώματα ἄ ττα.338τίνες ξύμφωνοι ἀριθμοὶ, &c.339Η καὶ διαλεκτικὸν καλεῖς τὸν λόγον ἐκάστου λαμβάνοντα τῆς οὐσίας; (§ 14).340ὥσπερ θριγγὸς τοῖς μαθήμασιν ἡ διαλεκτικὴ ἦμιν ἐπάνω κεῖσθαι. (§ 14).]341Pol. vi. § 19.342He adds, "Thisoraton, this visible world, I will not say has any connexion withouranon, heaven, that I may not be accused of playing upon words."343It is plain that Plato, byHypotheses, in this place, means the usual foundations of Arithmetic and Geometry; namely, Definitions and Postulates. He says that "the arithmeticians and geometers take as hypotheses (hυποθεμενοι) odd and even, and the three kinds of angles (right, acute, and obtuse); and figures, (as a triangle, a square,) and the like." I say his "hypotheses" are the Definitions and Postulates, not the Axioms: for the Axioms of Arithmetic and Geometry belong to the Higher Faculty, which ascends to First Principles. But this Faculty operates rather in using these axioms than in enunciating them. It knows them implicitly rather than expresses them explicitly.344διάνοιαν άλλ' οὐ νοῦν.345The Diagram, as here described, would be this:Intelligible World.Visible World.Intuition.Conception.Things.Images.Plato supposes the whole, and each of the two parts, to be divided in the same ratio, in order that theanalogyof the division in each case may be represented.346The four segments might be as 4: 2: 2: 1; or as 9: 6: 6: 4; or generally, asa:ar:ar:ar2.347Hence the mind Reason receivesIntuitive or Discursive.Milton.348τῇ τοῦ διαλέγεσθαι δυνόμει.349This term occurs in other parts of Aristotle. See the additional Note.350Mr. Owen, to whom I am indebted for the physiological part of this criticism, tells me, "All mammalia have bile, the carnivora in greater proportion than the herbivora: the gall-bladder is a comparatively unimportant accessory to the biliary apparatus; adjusting it to certain modifications of stomach and intestine: there is no relation between natural longevity and bile. Neither has the presence or absence of the gall-bladder any connexion with age. Man and the elephant are perhaps for their size the longest lived animals, and the latest at coming to maturity: one has the gall-bladder, and the other not."351Hist. Sc. Ind.b. iii.352These remarks were written in 1841. The accompanying Memoir contains a further discussion of this problem.353Cartes.Princip.iv. 23.354Jac. Bernoulli,Nouvelles Pensées sur le Système de M. Descartes, op. t. i. p. 239 (1686).355De la Cause de la Pesanteur(1689), p. 135.356Journal des Savans, 1703. Mém. Acad. Par. 1709.Bulfinger, in 1726 (Acad. Petrop.), conceived that by making a sphere revolve at the same time about two axes at right angles to each other, every particle would describe a great circle; but this is not so.357Acad. Par. 1714,Hist.p. 106.358Acad. Par. 1733.359Acad. Sc. 1709. If we abandon the clear principles of mechanics, the writer says, "toute la lumière que nous pouvons avoir est éteinte, et nous voilà replongés de nouveau dans les anciennes ténèbres du Peripatetisme, dont le Ciel nous veuille preserver!"It was also objected to the Newtonian system, that it did not account for the remarkable facts, that all the motions of the primary planets, all the motions of the satellites, and all the motions of rotation, including that of the sun, are in the same direction, and nearly in the same plane; facts which have been urged by Laplace as so strongly recommending the Nebular Hypothesis; and that hypothesis is, in truth, a hypothesis of vortices respecting theoriginof the system of the world.360Nouvelle Physique Céleste, Op. t. iii. p. 163.The deviation of the orbits of the planets from the plane of the sun's equator was of course a difficulty in the system which supposed that they were carried round by the vortices which the sun's rotation caused, or at least rendered evident. Bernoulli's explanation consists in supposing the planets to have a sort ofleeway(dérive des vaisseaux) in the stream of the vortex.361SeeHist. Sc. Ideas, b. iii. c. ix. Art. 7.362See Mill'sLogic, vol. i. p. 311, 2nd ed.363These letters refer to passages in the Translation annexed to this Memoir.

1Metaph.xii. 4.

1Metaph.xii. 4.

2Diog. Laert.Vit. Plat.

2Diog. Laert.Vit. Plat.

3T. ii. p. 16, c, d. ed. Bekker, t. v. p. 437.

3T. ii. p. 16, c, d. ed. Bekker, t. v. p. 437.

4See the remarks on this phrase in the next chapter.

4See the remarks on this phrase in the next chapter.

5Hist. Ind. Sc.b. iii. c. ii.

5Hist. Ind. Sc.b. iii. c. ii.

6This matter is further discussed in the Appendix, Essay A.

6This matter is further discussed in the Appendix, Essay A.

7These matters are further discussed in the Appendix, Essay B.

7These matters are further discussed in the Appendix, Essay B.

8See Appendix, Essay B.

8See Appendix, Essay B.

9Hist. Ind. Sc.b. ii. Additions to 3rd Ed.

9Hist. Ind. Sc.b. ii. Additions to 3rd Ed.

10See these views further discussed in the Appendix, Essay C.

10See these views further discussed in the Appendix, Essay C.

11Metaph.xii. 4.

11Metaph.xii. 4.

12Hist. Ind. Sc.b. i. c. iii. sect. 2.

12Hist. Ind. Sc.b. i. c. iii. sect. 2.

13Analyt. Prior.i. 30.

13Analyt. Prior.i. 30.

14Analyt. Post.i. 18.

14Analyt. Post.i. 18.

15Analyt. Prior.ii. 23, περι της επαγωγης.

15Analyt. Prior.ii. 23, περι της επαγωγης.

16Analyt. Post.ii. 19.

16Analyt. Post.ii. 19.

17But the best reading seems to be not ἔν τι but ἔτι: and the clause must be rendered "both to perceive and to retain the perception in the mind." This correction does not disturb the general sense of the passage, that the first principles of science are obtained by finding the One in the Many.

17But the best reading seems to be not ἔν τι but ἔτι: and the clause must be rendered "both to perceive and to retain the perception in the mind." This correction does not disturb the general sense of the passage, that the first principles of science are obtained by finding the One in the Many.

18Analyt. Post.i. 34.

18Analyt. Post.i. 34.

19Ibid.ii. 19.

19Ibid.ii. 19.

20Analyt. Prior.ii. 25.

20Analyt. Prior.ii. 25.

21See on this subject Appendix, Essay D.

21See on this subject Appendix, Essay D.

22See the chapter on Certain Characteristics of Scientific Induction in thePhil. Ind. Sc.or in theNov. Org. Renov.

22See the chapter on Certain Characteristics of Scientific Induction in thePhil. Ind. Sc.or in theNov. Org. Renov.

23Phil. Ind. Sc.b. viii. c. i. art. 11, orHist. Sc. Id.b. viii.

23Phil. Ind. Sc.b. viii. c. i. art. 11, orHist. Sc. Id.b. viii.

24B. i. c. xi. sect. 2.

24B. i. c. xi. sect. 2.

25B. iii. c. i. sect. 9.

25B. iii. c. i. sect. 9.

26De Cælo, ii. 13.

26De Cælo, ii. 13.

27Ibid.ii. 10.

27Ibid.ii. 10.

28xii. 8.

28xii. 8.

29B. xvi. c. vi.

29B. xvi. c. vi.

30On the Classification of Mammalia, &c.: a Lecture delivered at Cambridge, May 10, 1859, p. 3.

30On the Classification of Mammalia, &c.: a Lecture delivered at Cambridge, May 10, 1859, p. 3.

31B. i. c. xi.

31B. i. c. xi.

32History of Scientific Ideas, andNovum Organum Renovatum.

32History of Scientific Ideas, andNovum Organum Renovatum.

33The remainder of this chapter is new in the present edition.

33The remainder of this chapter is new in the present edition.

34Hist. of Greece, Part ii. chap. 68.

34Hist. of Greece, Part ii. chap. 68.

35De Antiqua Medicina, c. 20.

35De Antiqua Medicina, c. 20.

36Lib. i. c. 9.

36Lib. i. c. 9.

37De Elem.i. 6.

37De Elem.i. 6.

38In former editions I have not done justice to this passage.

38In former editions I have not done justice to this passage.

39Hist. Ind. Sc.Addition to Introduction in Third Edition.

39Hist. Ind. Sc.Addition to Introduction in Third Edition.

40Lib. i.Fast.

40Lib. i.Fast.

41Hist. Nat.i. 75.

41Hist. Nat.i. 75.

42Quæst. Nat.vii. 25.

42Quæst. Nat.vii. 25.

43Quæst. Nat.vii. 30, 31.

43Quæst. Nat.vii. 30, 31.

44Ibid.iii. 7.

44Ibid.iii. 7.

45Hist. Ind. Sc.b. iii. c. iv. sect. 8.

45Hist. Ind. Sc.b. iii. c. iv. sect. 8.

46Ibid.b. ix. c. ii.

46Ibid.b. ix. c. ii.

47SeeHist. Ind. Sc.b. iv. c. i.

47SeeHist. Ind. Sc.b. iv. c. i.

48See the opinion of Aquinas, in Degerando,Hist. Com. des Syst.iv. 499; of Duns Scotus,ibid.iv. 523.

48See the opinion of Aquinas, in Degerando,Hist. Com. des Syst.iv. 499; of Duns Scotus,ibid.iv. 523.

49Liber Excerptionum, Lib. i. c. i.

49Liber Excerptionum, Lib. i. c. i.

50Tr. Ex.Lib. i. c. vii.

50Tr. Ex.Lib. i. c. vii.

51Tenneman, viii. 461.

51Tenneman, viii. 461.

52Mores Catholici, or Ages of Faith, viii. p. 247.

52Mores Catholici, or Ages of Faith, viii. p. 247.

53Tenneman, viii. 460.

53Tenneman, viii. 460.

54If there were any doubt on this subject, we might refer to the writers who afterwards questioned the supremacy of Aristotle, and who with one voice assert that an infallible authority had been claimed for him. Thus Laurentius Valla: "Quo minus ferendi sunt recentes Peripatetici, qui nullius sectæ hominibus interdicunt libertate ab Aristotele dissentiendi, quasi sophos hic, non philosophus."Pref. in Dial.(Tenneman, ix. 29.) So Ludovicus Vives: "Sunt ex philosophis et ex theologis qui non solum quo Aristoteles pervenit extremum esse aiunt naturæ, sed quâ pervenit eam rectissimam esse omnium et certissimam in natura viam." (Tenneman, ix. 43.) We might urge too, the evasions practised by philosophical Reformers, through fear of the dogmatism to which they had to submit; for example, the protestation of Telesius at the end of the Proem to his work,De Rerum Natura: "Nec tamen, si quid eorum quæ nobis posita sunt, sacris literis, Catholicæve ecclesiæ decretis non cohæreat, tenendum id, quin penitus rejiciendum asseveramus contendimusque. Neque enimhumanamodoratioquævis, sedipseetiamsensusillisposthabendus, et si illis non congruat, abnegandus omnino et ipse etiam est sensus."

54If there were any doubt on this subject, we might refer to the writers who afterwards questioned the supremacy of Aristotle, and who with one voice assert that an infallible authority had been claimed for him. Thus Laurentius Valla: "Quo minus ferendi sunt recentes Peripatetici, qui nullius sectæ hominibus interdicunt libertate ab Aristotele dissentiendi, quasi sophos hic, non philosophus."Pref. in Dial.(Tenneman, ix. 29.) So Ludovicus Vives: "Sunt ex philosophis et ex theologis qui non solum quo Aristoteles pervenit extremum esse aiunt naturæ, sed quâ pervenit eam rectissimam esse omnium et certissimam in natura viam." (Tenneman, ix. 43.) We might urge too, the evasions practised by philosophical Reformers, through fear of the dogmatism to which they had to submit; for example, the protestation of Telesius at the end of the Proem to his work,De Rerum Natura: "Nec tamen, si quid eorum quæ nobis posita sunt, sacris literis, Catholicæve ecclesiæ decretis non cohæreat, tenendum id, quin penitus rejiciendum asseveramus contendimusque. Neque enimhumanamodoratioquævis, sedipseetiamsensusillisposthabendus, et si illis non congruat, abnegandus omnino et ipse etiam est sensus."

55Ages of Faith, viii. 247: to the author of which I am obliged for this quotation.

55Ages of Faith, viii. 247: to the author of which I am obliged for this quotation.

56Algazel. SeeHist. Ind. Sc.b. iv. c. i.

56Algazel. SeeHist. Ind. Sc.b. iv. c. i.

57Tenneman, viii. 830.

57Tenneman, viii. 830.

58Degerando, iv. 535.

58Degerando, iv. 535.

59Leibnitz's expressions are, (Op.t. vi. p. 16): "Quand j'étais jeune, je prenois quelque a l'Artde Lulle, mais je crus y entrevoir bien des défectuosités, dont j'ai dit quelque chose dans un petit Essai d'écolier intituléDe Arte Combinatoria, publié en 1666, et qui a été réimprimé après malgré moi. Mais comme je ne méprise rien facilement, excepté les arts divinatoires que ne sont que des tromperies toutes pures, j'ai trouvé quelque chose d'estimable encore dans l'Artde Lulle."

59Leibnitz's expressions are, (Op.t. vi. p. 16): "Quand j'étais jeune, je prenois quelque a l'Artde Lulle, mais je crus y entrevoir bien des défectuosités, dont j'ai dit quelque chose dans un petit Essai d'écolier intituléDe Arte Combinatoria, publié en 1666, et qui a été réimprimé après malgré moi. Mais comme je ne méprise rien facilement, excepté les arts divinatoires que ne sont que des tromperies toutes pures, j'ai trouvé quelque chose d'estimable encore dans l'Artde Lulle."

60Works, vii. 296.

60Works, vii. 296.

61Fratris Rogeri Bacon, Ordinis Minorum, Opus Majus,ad Clementem Quartum, Pontificem Romanum, ex MS. Codice Dubliniensi cum aliis quibusdam collato, nunc primum ediditS. Jebb, M.D. Londini, 1733.

61Fratris Rogeri Bacon, Ordinis Minorum, Opus Majus,ad Clementem Quartum, Pontificem Romanum, ex MS. Codice Dubliniensi cum aliis quibusdam collato, nunc primum ediditS. Jebb, M.D. Londini, 1733.

62Opus Majus, Præf.

62Opus Majus, Præf.

63Contents of Roger Bacon'sOpus Majus.Part I. On the four causes of human ignorance:—Authority, Custom, Popular Opinion, and the Pride of supposed Knowledge.Part II. On the source of perfect wisdom in the Sacred Scripture.Part III. On the Usefulness of Grammar.Part IV. On the Usefulness of Mathematics.(1) The necessity of Mathematics in Human Things (published separately as theSpecula Mathematica).(2) The necessity of Mathematics in Divine Things.—1o. This study has occupied holy men: 2o. Geography: 3o. Chronology: 4o. Cycles; the Golden Number, &c.: 5o. Natural Phenomena, as the Rainbow: 6o. Arithmetic: 7o. Music.(3) The necessity of Mathematics in Ecclesiastical Things. 1o. The Certification of Faith: 2o. The Correction of the Calendar.(4) The necessity of Mathematics in the State.—1o. Of Climates: 2o. Hydrography: 3o. Geography: 4o. Astrology.Part V. On Perspective (published separately asPerspectiva).(1) The organs of vision.(2) Vision in straight lines.(3) Vision reflected and refracted.(4) De multiplicatione specierum (on the propagation of the impressions of light, heat, &c.)Part VI. On Experimental Science.

63Contents of Roger Bacon'sOpus Majus.

Part I. On the four causes of human ignorance:—Authority, Custom, Popular Opinion, and the Pride of supposed Knowledge.

Part II. On the source of perfect wisdom in the Sacred Scripture.

Part III. On the Usefulness of Grammar.

Part IV. On the Usefulness of Mathematics.

(1) The necessity of Mathematics in Human Things (published separately as theSpecula Mathematica).

(2) The necessity of Mathematics in Divine Things.—1o. This study has occupied holy men: 2o. Geography: 3o. Chronology: 4o. Cycles; the Golden Number, &c.: 5o. Natural Phenomena, as the Rainbow: 6o. Arithmetic: 7o. Music.

(3) The necessity of Mathematics in Ecclesiastical Things. 1o. The Certification of Faith: 2o. The Correction of the Calendar.

(4) The necessity of Mathematics in the State.—1o. Of Climates: 2o. Hydrography: 3o. Geography: 4o. Astrology.

Part V. On Perspective (published separately asPerspectiva).

(1) The organs of vision.

(2) Vision in straight lines.

(3) Vision reflected and refracted.

(4) De multiplicatione specierum (on the propagation of the impressions of light, heat, &c.)

Part VI. On Experimental Science.

64Op. Maj.p. 1.

64Op. Maj.p. 1.

65Ibid.p. 2.

65Ibid.p. 2.

66Ibid.p. 10.

66Ibid.p. 10.

67I will give a specimen.Opus Majus, c. viii. p. 35: "These two kinds of philosophers, the Ionic and Italic, ramified through many sects and various successors, till they came to the doctrine of Aristotle, who corrected and changed the propositions of all his predecessors, and attempted to perfect philosophy. In the [Italic] succession, Pythagoras, Archytas Tarentinus and Timæus are most prominently mentioned. But the principal philosophers, as Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, did not descend from this line, but were Ionics and true Greeks, of whom the first was Thales Milesius.... Socrates, according to Augustine in his 8th book, is related to have been a disciple of Archelaus. This Socrates is called the father of the great philosophers, since he was the master of Plato and Aristotle, from whom all the sects of philosophers descended.... Plato, first learning what Socrates and Greece could teach, made a laborious voyage to Egypt, to Archytas of Tarentum and Timæus, as says Jerome to Paulinus. And this Plato is, according to holy men, preferred to all philosophers, because he has written many excellent things concerning God, and morality, and a future life, which agree with the divine wisdom of God. And Aristotle was born before the death of Socrates, since he was his hearer for three years, as we read in the life of Aristotle.... This Aristotle, being made the master of Alexander the Great, sent two thousand men into all regions of the earth, to search out the nature of things, as Pliny relates in the 8th book of hisNaturalia, and composed a thousand books, as we read in his life."

67I will give a specimen.Opus Majus, c. viii. p. 35: "These two kinds of philosophers, the Ionic and Italic, ramified through many sects and various successors, till they came to the doctrine of Aristotle, who corrected and changed the propositions of all his predecessors, and attempted to perfect philosophy. In the [Italic] succession, Pythagoras, Archytas Tarentinus and Timæus are most prominently mentioned. But the principal philosophers, as Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, did not descend from this line, but were Ionics and true Greeks, of whom the first was Thales Milesius.... Socrates, according to Augustine in his 8th book, is related to have been a disciple of Archelaus. This Socrates is called the father of the great philosophers, since he was the master of Plato and Aristotle, from whom all the sects of philosophers descended.... Plato, first learning what Socrates and Greece could teach, made a laborious voyage to Egypt, to Archytas of Tarentum and Timæus, as says Jerome to Paulinus. And this Plato is, according to holy men, preferred to all philosophers, because he has written many excellent things concerning God, and morality, and a future life, which agree with the divine wisdom of God. And Aristotle was born before the death of Socrates, since he was his hearer for three years, as we read in the life of Aristotle.... This Aristotle, being made the master of Alexander the Great, sent two thousand men into all regions of the earth, to search out the nature of things, as Pliny relates in the 8th book of hisNaturalia, and composed a thousand books, as we read in his life."

68Ibid.p. 36.

68Ibid.p. 36.

69Autonomaticè.

69Autonomaticè.

70Op. Maj.p. 46.

70Op. Maj.p. 46.

71SeePref.to Jebb's edition. The passages, there quoted, however, are not extracts from theOpus Majus, but (apparently) from theOpus Minus(MS. Cott.Tib. c. 5.) "Si haberem potestatem supra libros Aristotelis, ego facerem omnes cremari; quia non est nisi temporis amissio studere in illis, et causa erroris, et multiplicatio ignorantiæ ultra id quod valeat explicari.... Vulgus studentum cum capitibus suis non habet unde excitetur ad aliquid dignum, et ideo languet etasininatcirca male translata, et tempus et studium amittit in omnibus et expensas."

71SeePref.to Jebb's edition. The passages, there quoted, however, are not extracts from theOpus Majus, but (apparently) from theOpus Minus(MS. Cott.Tib. c. 5.) "Si haberem potestatem supra libros Aristotelis, ego facerem omnes cremari; quia non est nisi temporis amissio studere in illis, et causa erroris, et multiplicatio ignorantiæ ultra id quod valeat explicari.... Vulgus studentum cum capitibus suis non habet unde excitetur ad aliquid dignum, et ideo languet etasininatcirca male translata, et tempus et studium amittit in omnibus et expensas."

72Part ii.

72Part ii.

73Parts iv. v. and vi.

73Parts iv. v. and vi.

74Op. Maj.p. 476.

74Op. Maj.p. 476.

75Op. Maj.p. 15.

75Op. Maj.p. 15.

76Ibid.p. 445, see also p. 448. "Scientiæ aliæ sciunt sua principia invenire per experimenta, sed conclusiones per argumenta facta ex principiis inventis. Si vero debeant habere experientiam conclusionum suarum particularem et completam, tunc oportet quod habeant per adjutorium istius scientiæ nobilis (experimentalis)."

76Ibid.p. 445, see also p. 448. "Scientiæ aliæ sciunt sua principia invenire per experimenta, sed conclusiones per argumenta facta ex principiis inventis. Si vero debeant habere experientiam conclusionum suarum particularem et completam, tunc oportet quod habeant per adjutorium istius scientiæ nobilis (experimentalis)."

77Op. Maj.p. 60.

77Op. Maj.p. 60.

78Ibid.p. 64.

78Ibid.p. 64.

79"Veritates magnificas in terminis aliarum scientiarum in quas per nullam viam possunt illæ scientiæ, hæc sola scientiarum domina speculativarum, potest dare."Op. Maj.p. 465.

79"Veritates magnificas in terminis aliarum scientiarum in quas per nullam viam possunt illæ scientiæ, hæc sola scientiarum domina speculativarum, potest dare."Op. Maj.p. 465.

80One of the ingredients of a preparation here mentioned, is the flesh of a dragon, which it appears is used as food by the Ethiopians. The mode of preparing this food cannot fail to amuse the reader. "Where there are good flying dragons, by the art which they possess, they draw them out of their dens, and have bridles and saddles in readiness, and they ride upon them, and make them bound about in the air in a violent manner, that the hardness and toughness of the flesh may be reduced, as boars are hunted and bulls are baited before they are killed for eating."Op. Maj.p. 470.

80One of the ingredients of a preparation here mentioned, is the flesh of a dragon, which it appears is used as food by the Ethiopians. The mode of preparing this food cannot fail to amuse the reader. "Where there are good flying dragons, by the art which they possess, they draw them out of their dens, and have bridles and saddles in readiness, and they ride upon them, and make them bound about in the air in a violent manner, that the hardness and toughness of the flesh may be reduced, as boars are hunted and bulls are baited before they are killed for eating."Op. Maj.p. 470.

81Op. Maj.p. 473.

81Op. Maj.p. 473.

82Quoted by Jebb,Pref.toOp. Maj.

82Quoted by Jebb,Pref.toOp. Maj.

83Mosheim,Hist.iii. 161.

83Mosheim,Hist.iii. 161.

84Op. Maj.p. 57.

84Op. Maj.p. 57.

85Mosheim, iii. 161.

85Mosheim, iii. 161.

86Gratian published theDecretalsin the twelfth century; and the Canon and Civil Law became a regular study in the universities soon afterwards.

86Gratian published theDecretalsin the twelfth century; and the Canon and Civil Law became a regular study in the universities soon afterwards.

87Tenneman, ix. 4.

87Tenneman, ix. 4.

88Tenneman, ix. 25.

88Tenneman, ix. 25.

89"Jam nobis manifestum est terram istam in veritate moveri," &c.—De Doctâ Ignorantiâ, lib. ii. c. xii.

89"Jam nobis manifestum est terram istam in veritate moveri," &c.—De Doctâ Ignorantiâ, lib. ii. c. xii.

90De Doct. Ignor.lib. i. c. i.

90De Doct. Ignor.lib. i. c. i.

91De Conjecturis, lib. i. c. iii. iv.

91De Conjecturis, lib. i. c. iii. iv.

92Born in 1433.

92Born in 1433.

93Born 1529, died 1597.

93Born 1529, died 1597.

94Aristoteles Exotericus, p. 50.

94Aristoteles Exotericus, p. 50.

95Tiraboschi, t. vii. pt. ii. p. 411.

95Tiraboschi, t. vii. pt. ii. p. 411.

96"Franciscus Patricius, novam veram integram de universis conditurus philosophiam, sequentia uti verissima prænuntiare est ausus. Prænunciata ordine persecutus, divinis oraculis, geometricis rationibus, clarissimisque experimentis comprobavit.Ante primum nihil,Post primum omnia,A principio omnia," &c.His other works arePanaugia,Pancosmia,Dissertations Peripateticæ.

96"Franciscus Patricius, novam veram integram de universis conditurus philosophiam, sequentia uti verissima prænuntiare est ausus. Prænunciata ordine persecutus, divinis oraculis, geometricis rationibus, clarissimisque experimentis comprobavit.

Ante primum nihil,Post primum omnia,A principio omnia," &c.

His other works arePanaugia,Pancosmia,Dissertations Peripateticæ.

97Tiraboschi, t. vii. pt. ii. p. 411.

97Tiraboschi, t. vii. pt. ii. p. 411.

98Dissert. Perip.t. ii. lib. v. sub fin.

98Dissert. Perip.t. ii. lib. v. sub fin.

99Tenneman, ix. 148.

99Tenneman, ix. 148.

100Tenneman, ix. 167.

100Tenneman, ix. 167.

101Ibid.158.

101Ibid.158.

102Agrippa,De Occult. Phil.lib. i. c. l.

102Agrippa,De Occult. Phil.lib. i. c. l.

103Written in 1526.

103Written in 1526.

104Philip Aurelius Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim, also called Paracelsus Eremita, born at Einsiedlen in Switzerland, in 1493.

104Philip Aurelius Theophrastus Bombastus von Hohenheim, also called Paracelsus Eremita, born at Einsiedlen in Switzerland, in 1493.

105Hist. Sc. Id.b. ix. c. 2. sect. 1. The Mystical School of Biology.

105Hist. Sc. Id.b. ix. c. 2. sect. 1. The Mystical School of Biology.

106Tenneman, ix. 221.

106Tenneman, ix. 221.

107Tenneman, ix. 265.

107Tenneman, ix. 265.

108Bernardini Telesii ConsentiniDe Rerum Natura juxta propria Principia.

108Bernardini Telesii ConsentiniDe Rerum Natura juxta propria Principia.

109I take this account from Tenneman: this Proem was omitted in subsequent editions of Telesius, and is not in the one which I have consulted. Tenneman,Gesch. d. Phil.ix. 280.

109I take this account from Tenneman: this Proem was omitted in subsequent editions of Telesius, and is not in the one which I have consulted. Tenneman,Gesch. d. Phil.ix. 280.

110Proem.

110Proem.

111"De Principiis atque Originibus secundum fabulas Cupidinis et Cœli: sive Parmenidis et Telesii et præcipuè Democriti Philosophia tractata in Fabula de Cupidine."

111"De Principiis atque Originibus secundum fabulas Cupidinis et Cœli: sive Parmenidis et Telesii et præcipuè Democriti Philosophia tractata in Fabula de Cupidine."

112"Talia sunt qualia possunt esse ea quæ ab intellectu sibi permisso, nec ab experimentis continenter et gradatim sublevato, profecta videntur."

112"Talia sunt qualia possunt esse ea quæ ab intellectu sibi permisso, nec ab experimentis continenter et gradatim sublevato, profecta videntur."

113Thom. Campanellade Libris propriis, as quoted in Tenneman, ix. 291.

113Thom. Campanellade Libris propriis, as quoted in Tenneman, ix. 291.

114Economisti Italiani, t. i. p. xxxiii.

114Economisti Italiani, t. i. p. xxxiii.

115Tenneman, ix. 305.

115Tenneman, ix. 305.

116Hist. Ind. Sc.b. xvi. c. iii. sect. 2.

116Hist. Ind. Sc.b. xvi. c. iii. sect. 2.

117Ibid.b. xvii. c. ii. sect. 1.

117Ibid.b. xvii. c. ii. sect. 1.

118Quæst. Peripat.i. 1.

118Quæst. Peripat.i. 1.

119Tenneman, ix. 108.

119Tenneman, ix. 108.

120Hist. Ind. Sc.b. v. c. iii. sect. 2.

120Hist. Ind. Sc.b. v. c. iii. sect. 2.

121Tenneman, ix. 420. "Quæcunque ab Aristotele dicta essent commenticia esse." Freigius,Vita Petri Rami, p. 10.

121Tenneman, ix. 420. "Quæcunque ab Aristotele dicta essent commenticia esse." Freigius,Vita Petri Rami, p. 10.

122Rami,Animadv. Aristot.i. iv.

122Rami,Animadv. Aristot.i. iv.

123SeeHist. Ind. Sc.b. iv. c. iv. sect. 4.

123SeeHist. Ind. Sc.b. iv. c. iv. sect. 4.

124Tenneman, ix. 230.

124Tenneman, ix. 230.

125Ibid.108.

125Ibid.108.

126Tenneman, ix. 246.

126Tenneman, ix. 246.

127Melancthon,De Anima, p. 207, quoted in Tenneman, ix. 121.

127Melancthon,De Anima, p. 207, quoted in Tenneman, ix. 121.

128His works have never been published, and exist in manuscript in the library of the Institute at Paris. Some extracts were published by Venturi,Essai sur les Ouvrages de Leonard da Vinci. Paris, 1797.

128His works have never been published, and exist in manuscript in the library of the Institute at Paris. Some extracts were published by Venturi,Essai sur les Ouvrages de Leonard da Vinci. Paris, 1797.

129Leonardo died in 1520, at the age of 78.

129Leonardo died in 1520, at the age of 78.

130Paul III. in 1543.

130Paul III. in 1543.

131Hist. Ind. Sc.b. v. c. ii.

131Hist. Ind. Sc.b. v. c. ii.

132Born 1537, died 1619.

132Born 1537, died 1619.

133Hist. Ind. Sc.b. xvii. c. ii. sect. 1.

133Hist. Ind. Sc.b. xvii. c. ii. sect. 1.

134Fabricius,De Motu Locali, p. 182.

134Fabricius,De Motu Locali, p. 182.

135p. 199.

135p. 199.

136Speculationum Liber, p. 195.

136Speculationum Liber, p. 195.

137Ibid.p. 169.

137Ibid.p. 169.

138Gulielmi Gilberti,Colcestriensis, Medici Londinensis, De Magnete, Magneticisque Corporibus, et de Magno Magnete Tellure, Physiologia Nova, plurimis et Argumentis et Experimentis demonstrata.

138Gulielmi Gilberti,Colcestriensis, Medici Londinensis, De Magnete, Magneticisque Corporibus, et de Magno Magnete Tellure, Physiologia Nova, plurimis et Argumentis et Experimentis demonstrata.

139Hist. Ind. Sc.b. xii. c. i.

139Hist. Ind. Sc.b. xii. c. i.

140Pref.

140Pref.

141De Magnete, lib. vi. c. 3, 4.

141De Magnete, lib. vi. c. 3, 4.

142Nov. Org.b. i.

142Nov. Org.b. i.

143B. i. Aph. 64.

143B. i. Aph. 64.

144Vol. ix. 185.

144Vol. ix. 185.

145De Magnete, p. 60.

145De Magnete, p. 60.

146B. iii. c. 4.

146B. iii. c. 4.

147Nov. Org.b. ii. Aph. 48.

147Nov. Org.b. ii. Aph. 48.

148Drinkwater'sLife of Galileo, p. 18.

148Drinkwater'sLife of Galileo, p. 18.

149Life of Galileo, p. 9.

149Life of Galileo, p. 9.

150Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vi. c. ii. sect. 5.

150Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vi. c. ii. sect. 5.

151Life of Galileo, p. 29.

151Life of Galileo, p. 29.

152Ibid.p. 33.

152Ibid.p. 33.

153Il Saggiatore, ii. 247.

153Il Saggiatore, ii. 247.

154Il Saggiatore, ii. 200.

154Il Saggiatore, ii. 200.

155Ibid.i. 501.

155Ibid.i. 501.

156Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vi. c. ii. sect. 2.

156Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vi. c. ii. sect. 2.

157Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vi. c. ii. sect. 4.

157Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vi. c. ii. sect. 4.

158Ibid.b. v. c. iv. sect. 1.

158Ibid.b. v. c. iv. sect. 1.

159De Stell. Mart.p. iv. c. 51 (1609); Drinkwater'sKepler, p. 33.

159De Stell. Mart.p. iv. c. 51 (1609); Drinkwater'sKepler, p. 33.

160Published 1604.Hist. Ind. Sc.b. ix. c. ii.

160Published 1604.Hist. Ind. Sc.b. ix. c. ii.

161Hist. Ind. Sc.b. v. c. iv. sect. i.

161Hist. Ind. Sc.b. v. c. iv. sect. i.

162Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vii. c. vi. sect 1.

162Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vii. c. vi. sect 1.

163De Stell. Mart.p. 11. c. 19.

163De Stell. Mart.p. 11. c. 19.

164Hist. Ind. Sc.b. ii. c. iv. sect. 6.

164Hist. Ind. Sc.b. ii. c. iv. sect. 6.

165Ibid.sect. 8.

165Ibid.sect. 8.

166Montucla, i. 566.

166Montucla, i. 566.

167De Augm.lib. iv. c. 1.

167De Augm.lib. iv. c. 1.

168And in other passages: thus, "Ego enim buccinator tantum pugnam non ineo."Nov. Org.lib. iv. c. i.

168And in other passages: thus, "Ego enim buccinator tantum pugnam non ineo."Nov. Org.lib. iv. c. i.

169Lib. 1. Aphor. 78et seq.

169Lib. 1. Aphor. 78et seq.

170Aug. Sc.Lib. iii. c. 4. p. 194. So in other places, asNov. Org.i. Aph. 104. "De scientiis tum demum bene sperandum est quando per scalam veram et per gradus continuos, et non intermissos aut hiulcos a particularibus ascendetur ad axiomata minora, et deinde ad media, alia aliis superiora, et postremo demum ad generalissima."

170Aug. Sc.Lib. iii. c. 4. p. 194. So in other places, asNov. Org.i. Aph. 104. "De scientiis tum demum bene sperandum est quando per scalam veram et per gradus continuos, et non intermissos aut hiulcos a particularibus ascendetur ad axiomata minora, et deinde ad media, alia aliis superiora, et postremo demum ad generalissima."

171Nov. Org.1. Aph. 22.

171Nov. Org.1. Aph. 22.

172Ib.Aph. 20.

172Ib.Aph. 20.

1731 Ax. 15.

1731 Ax. 15.

174Nov. Org.lib. ii. Aph. 19.

174Nov. Org.lib. ii. Aph. 19.

175Inst. Mag.par. iii. (vol. viii. p. 244).

175Inst. Mag.par. iii. (vol. viii. p. 244).

176Hist. Ind. Sc.b. x. c. i.

176Hist. Ind. Sc.b. x. c. i.

177Ib.c. iv.

177Ib.c. iv.

178Nov. Org.lib. i. Aph. 61.

178Nov. Org.lib. i. Aph. 61.

179Nov. Org.lib. ii. Aph. 10.

179Nov. Org.lib. ii. Aph. 10.

180Aph. 11.

180Aph. 11.

181Aph. 15, p. 105.

181Aph. 15, p. 105.

182Page 110.

182Page 110.

183Herschel,On the Study of Nat. Phil.Art. 192.

183Herschel,On the Study of Nat. Phil.Art. 192.

184Nov. Org.lib. i. Aph. 40.

184Nov. Org.lib. i. Aph. 40.

185Nov. Org.lib. i. Ax. 103.

185Nov. Org.lib. i. Ax. 103.

186Edinb. Rev.No. cxxxii. p. 65.

186Edinb. Rev.No. cxxxii. p. 65.

187Ib.

187Ib.

188Pref. to theNat. Hist.i. 243.

188Pref. to theNat. Hist.i. 243.

189Nov. Org.lib. i. Aph. 19.

189Nov. Org.lib. i. Aph. 19.

190Ibid.lib. i. Aph. 20.

190Ibid.lib. i. Aph. 20.

191Aph. 27.

191Aph. 27.

192Ib.28.

192Ib.28.

193Aph. 104. So Aph. 105. "In constituendo axiomate formainductionisalia quam adhuc in usu fuit excogitanda est," &c.

193Aph. 104. So Aph. 105. "In constituendo axiomate formainductionisalia quam adhuc in usu fuit excogitanda est," &c.

194Ep. ad P. Fulgentium.Op.x. 330.

194Ep. ad P. Fulgentium.Op.x. 330.

195Nov. Org.i. Aph. 113.

195Nov. Org.i. Aph. 113.

196See the motto to Kant'sKritik der Reinen Vernunft.

196See the motto to Kant'sKritik der Reinen Vernunft.

197Œuvres Philosophiques de Bacon, &c.par M. N. Bouillet, 3 Tomes.Examen de la Philosophie de Bacon(Œuvres Posthumesdu Comte J. de Maistre).Bacon, sa Vie, son Temps, sa Philosophie, par Charles de Remusat.Histoire de la Vie et des Ouvrages de François Bacon, par J. B. de Vaugelles.Franz Baco von Verulam, von Kuno Fischer.The Works of Francis Bacon, collected and edited by James Spedding, Robert Leslie Ellis, and Douglas Denon Heath.

197Œuvres Philosophiques de Bacon, &c.par M. N. Bouillet, 3 Tomes.

Examen de la Philosophie de Bacon(Œuvres Posthumesdu Comte J. de Maistre).

Bacon, sa Vie, son Temps, sa Philosophie, par Charles de Remusat.

Histoire de la Vie et des Ouvrages de François Bacon, par J. B. de Vaugelles.

Franz Baco von Verulam, von Kuno Fischer.

The Works of Francis Bacon, collected and edited by James Spedding, Robert Leslie Ellis, and Douglas Denon Heath.

198Note to Aph. xviii.

198Note to Aph. xviii.

199Pref. to theParasceue, Vol. i. p. 382.

199Pref. to theParasceue, Vol. i. p. 382.

200Anatomical Exercitations concerning the Generation of Living Creatures, 1653. Preface.

200Anatomical Exercitations concerning the Generation of Living Creatures, 1653. Preface.

201He used similar expressions in conversation. George Ent, who edited hisGeneration of Animals, visited him, "at that time residing not far from the city; and found him very intent upon the perscrutation of nature's works, and with a countenance as cheerful, as mind unperturbed; Democritus-like, chiefly searching into the cause of natural things." In the course of conversation the writer said, "It hath always been your choice about the secrets of Nature, to consult Nature herself." "'Tis true," replied he; "and I have constantly been of opinion that from thence we might acquire not only the knowledge of those less considerable secrets of Nature, but even a certain admiration of that Supreme Essence, the Creator. And though I have ever been ready to acknowledge, that many things have been discovered by learned men of former times; yet do I still believe that the number of those which remain yet concealed in the darkness of impervestigable Nature is much greater. Nay, I cannot forbear to wonder, and sometimes smile at those, who persuade themselves, that all things were so consummately and absolutely delivered by Aristotle, Galen, or some other great name, as that nothing was left to the superaddition of any that succeeded."

201He used similar expressions in conversation. George Ent, who edited hisGeneration of Animals, visited him, "at that time residing not far from the city; and found him very intent upon the perscrutation of nature's works, and with a countenance as cheerful, as mind unperturbed; Democritus-like, chiefly searching into the cause of natural things." In the course of conversation the writer said, "It hath always been your choice about the secrets of Nature, to consult Nature herself." "'Tis true," replied he; "and I have constantly been of opinion that from thence we might acquire not only the knowledge of those less considerable secrets of Nature, but even a certain admiration of that Supreme Essence, the Creator. And though I have ever been ready to acknowledge, that many things have been discovered by learned men of former times; yet do I still believe that the number of those which remain yet concealed in the darkness of impervestigable Nature is much greater. Nay, I cannot forbear to wonder, and sometimes smile at those, who persuade themselves, that all things were so consummately and absolutely delivered by Aristotle, Galen, or some other great name, as that nothing was left to the superaddition of any that succeeded."

202Lib. i. c. 2, 3.

202Lib. i. c. 2, 3.

203Anal. Post.ii.

203Anal. Post.ii.

204Pars iii. p. 45.

204Pars iii. p. 45.

205SeeHist. Ind. Sc.b. vi. c. ii.

205SeeHist. Ind. Sc.b. vi. c. ii.

206Cap. i. ii.

206Cap. i. ii.

207Hist. Ind. Sc.b. ix. c. ii.

207Hist. Ind. Sc.b. ix. c. ii.

208Meteorum, c. viii. p. 187.

208Meteorum, c. viii. p. 187.

209Mackintosh,Dissertation on Ethical Science.

209Mackintosh,Dissertation on Ethical Science.

210Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vii. c. i.

210Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vii. c. i.

211Castelli, Torricelli, Viviani, Baliani, Gassendi, Mersenne, Borelli, Cavalleri.

211Castelli, Torricelli, Viviani, Baliani, Gassendi, Mersenne, Borelli, Cavalleri.

212De Plenitudine Mundi, in qua defenditur Cartesiana Philosophia contra sententias Francisci Baconi, Th. Hobbii et Sethi Wardi.

212De Plenitudine Mundi, in qua defenditur Cartesiana Philosophia contra sententias Francisci Baconi, Th. Hobbii et Sethi Wardi.

213Bacon'sWorks, vol. ii. 111.

213Bacon'sWorks, vol. ii. 111.

214Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vii. c. i.

214Hist. Ind. Sc.b. vii. c. i.

215Nov. Org.lib. ii. Aph. 2.

215Nov. Org.lib. ii. Aph. 2.

216Ib.lib. ii. Aph. 45.

216Ib.lib. ii. Aph. 45.

217Optics, qu. 31, near the end.

217Optics, qu. 31, near the end.

218Qu. 28.

218Qu. 28.

219Hist. Ind. Sc.b. v. and b. vii.

219Hist. Ind. Sc.b. v. and b. vii.

220Optics, qu. 31.

220Optics, qu. 31.

221History of Ideas, b. iii. c. x.

221History of Ideas, b. iii. c. x.

222Ibid.b. iii. c. ix. x. xi.

222Ibid.b. iii. c. ix. x. xi.

223Opticks, qu. 31.

223Opticks, qu. 31.

224Nov. Org.l. ii. Aph. 2. "Licet enim in natura nihil existet præter corpora individua, edentia actus puros individuos ex lege; in doctrinis tamen illa ipsa lex, ejusque inquisitio, et inventio, et explicatio, pro fundamento est tam ad sciendum quam ad operandum. Eam autemlegem, ejusqueparagraphos, formarumnomine intelligimus; præsertim cum hoc vocabulum invaluerit, et familiariter occurrat."Aph. 17. "Eadem res estformacalidi velformaluminis, etlexcalidi autlexluminis."

224Nov. Org.l. ii. Aph. 2. "Licet enim in natura nihil existet præter corpora individua, edentia actus puros individuos ex lege; in doctrinis tamen illa ipsa lex, ejusque inquisitio, et inventio, et explicatio, pro fundamento est tam ad sciendum quam ad operandum. Eam autemlegem, ejusqueparagraphos, formarumnomine intelligimus; præsertim cum hoc vocabulum invaluerit, et familiariter occurrat."

Aph. 17. "Eadem res estformacalidi velformaluminis, etlexcalidi autlexluminis."

225Essay, b. xi. c. iv. sect. 3.

225Essay, b. xi. c. iv. sect. 3.

226Ibid.c. xiii. sect. 22.

226Ibid.c. xiii. sect. 22.

227History of Ideas, b. iii. c. iii. Modern Opinions respecting the Idea of Cause.

227History of Ideas, b. iii. c. iii. Modern Opinions respecting the Idea of Cause.

228Ibid.b. i. c. iv.

228Ibid.b. i. c. iv.

229Langue des Calculs, p. 1.

229Langue des Calculs, p. 1.

230Grammaire, p. xxxvi.

230Grammaire, p. xxxvi.

231Since the selection and construction of terms is thus a matter of so much consequence in the formation of science, it is proper that systematic rules, founded upon sound principles, should be laid down for the performance of this operation. Some such rules are accordingly suggested in b. iv. of theNov. Org. Ren.

231Since the selection and construction of terms is thus a matter of so much consequence in the formation of science, it is proper that systematic rules, founded upon sound principles, should be laid down for the performance of this operation. Some such rules are accordingly suggested in b. iv. of theNov. Org. Ren.

232Disc. Prélim.p. viii.

232Disc. Prélim.p. viii.

233HelvetiusSur l'Homme, c. xxiii.

233HelvetiusSur l'Homme, c. xxiii.

234P. xiii.

234P. xiii.

235See Mr.Sharpe'sEssays.

235See Mr.Sharpe'sEssays.

236Price'sEssays, p. 16.

236Price'sEssays, p. 16.

237P. 18.

237P. 18.

238Reid,Essays on the Powers of the Human Mind, iii. 31.

238Reid,Essays on the Powers of the Human Mind, iii. 31.

239Stewart,Outlines of Moral Phil.p. 138.

239Stewart,Outlines of Moral Phil.p. 138.

240Whately,Polit. Econ.p. 76.

240Whately,Polit. Econ.p. 76.

241Cousin,Fragmens Philosophiques, i. 53.

241Cousin,Fragmens Philosophiques, i. 53.

242Ibid.i. 67.

242Ibid.i. 67.

243See also the vigorous critique of Locke'sEssay, by Lemaistre,Soirées de St. Petersbourg.

243See also the vigorous critique of Locke'sEssay, by Lemaistre,Soirées de St. Petersbourg.

244Ampère,Essai, p. 210.

244Ampère,Essai, p. 210.

245Kritik der Reinen Vernunft, Pref. p. xv.

245Kritik der Reinen Vernunft, Pref. p. xv.

246The sensational system never acquired in Germany the ascendancy which it obtained in England and France; but I am compelled here to pass over the history of philosophy in Germany, except so far as it affects ourselves.

246The sensational system never acquired in Germany the ascendancy which it obtained in England and France; but I am compelled here to pass over the history of philosophy in Germany, except so far as it affects ourselves.

247i. p. 14.

247i. p. 14.

248i. p. 7.

248i. p. 7.

249Hist. Ind. Sc.b. xi. c. vii.

249Hist. Ind. Sc.b. xi. c. vii.

250P. 15.

250P. 15.

251P. 16.

251P. 16.

252M. Comte's statement is so entirely at variance with the fact that I must quote it here. (Phil. Pos.vol. i. p. 705.)"Le second théorème général de dynamique consiste dans le célèbre et importantprincipe des aires, dont le première idée est due à Kepler, qui découvrit et démontra forte simplement cette propriété pour le cas du mouvement d'une molecule unique, ou en d'autres terms, d'un corps dont tous les points se meuvent identiquement. Kepler établit, par les considérations les plus élémentaires, qui si la force accélératrice totale dont une molecule est animée tend constamment vers un point fixé, le rayon vecteur du mobile décrit autour de ce point des aires égales en temps egaux, de telle sorte que l'aire décrite au bout d'un temps quelconque croît proportionellement à ce temps. Il fit voir en outre que réciproquement, si une semblable relation a été vérifiée dans le mouvement d'un corps par rapport à un certain point, c'est une preuve suffisante de l'action sur le corps d'un force dirigée sans cesse vers ce point."There is not a trace of the above propositions in the workDe Stellâ Martis, which contains Kepler's discovery of his law, nor, I am convinced, in any other of Kepler's works. He is everywhere constant to his conceptions of themagneticvirtue residing in the sun, by means of which the sun, revolving on his axis, carries the planets round with him. M. Comte's statement so exactly expressesNewton'spropositions, that one is led to suspect some extraordinary mistake, by which what should have been said of the one was transferred to the other.

252M. Comte's statement is so entirely at variance with the fact that I must quote it here. (Phil. Pos.vol. i. p. 705.)

"Le second théorème général de dynamique consiste dans le célèbre et importantprincipe des aires, dont le première idée est due à Kepler, qui découvrit et démontra forte simplement cette propriété pour le cas du mouvement d'une molecule unique, ou en d'autres terms, d'un corps dont tous les points se meuvent identiquement. Kepler établit, par les considérations les plus élémentaires, qui si la force accélératrice totale dont une molecule est animée tend constamment vers un point fixé, le rayon vecteur du mobile décrit autour de ce point des aires égales en temps egaux, de telle sorte que l'aire décrite au bout d'un temps quelconque croît proportionellement à ce temps. Il fit voir en outre que réciproquement, si une semblable relation a été vérifiée dans le mouvement d'un corps par rapport à un certain point, c'est une preuve suffisante de l'action sur le corps d'un force dirigée sans cesse vers ce point."

There is not a trace of the above propositions in the workDe Stellâ Martis, which contains Kepler's discovery of his law, nor, I am convinced, in any other of Kepler's works. He is everywhere constant to his conceptions of themagneticvirtue residing in the sun, by means of which the sun, revolving on his axis, carries the planets round with him. M. Comte's statement so exactly expressesNewton'spropositions, that one is led to suspect some extraordinary mistake, by which what should have been said of the one was transferred to the other.

253Vol. ii. p. 433.

253Vol. ii. p. 433.

254Vol. ii. 640.

254Vol. ii. 640.

255I venture to offer this problem;—to express thelaws of the phenomenaof diffraction without the hypothesis of undulations;—as a challenge to any one who holds such hypothesis to be unphilosophical.

255I venture to offer this problem;—to express thelaws of the phenomenaof diffraction without the hypothesis of undulations;—as a challenge to any one who holds such hypothesis to be unphilosophical.

256ii. p. 641.

256ii. p. 641.

257ii. p. 673.

257ii. p. 673.

258Hist. Ind. Sc.ii. 489, b. x. c. i.

258Hist. Ind. Sc.ii. 489, b. x. c. i.

259ii. p. 561.

259ii. p. 561.

260i. 50.

260i. 50.

261i. 41.

261i. 41.

262ii. 433.

262ii. 433.

263Phil. Pos.ii. 392-398.

263Phil. Pos.ii. 392-398.

264[A System of Logic, Ratiocinative and Inductive, being a connected view of the Principles of Evidence, and of the Methods of Scientific Investigation.By John Stuart Mill.]

264[A System of Logic, Ratiocinative and Inductive, being a connected view of the Principles of Evidence, and of the Methods of Scientific Investigation.By John Stuart Mill.]

265These Remarks were published in 1849, under the titleOf Induction, with especial reference to Mr. J. S. Mill's System of Logic.

265These Remarks were published in 1849, under the titleOf Induction, with especial reference to Mr. J. S. Mill's System of Logic.

266My references are throughout (except when otherwise expressed) to the volume and the page of Mr. Mill's first edition of hisLogic.

266My references are throughout (except when otherwise expressed) to the volume and the page of Mr. Mill's first edition of hisLogic.

267On this subject see an EssayOn the Transformation of Hypotheses, given in the Appendix.

267On this subject see an EssayOn the Transformation of Hypotheses, given in the Appendix.

268B. vii. c. iii. sect. 3.

268B. vii. c. iii. sect. 3.

269B. iii. c. ix. art. 7.

269B. iii. c. ix. art. 7.

270B. i. c. iii.

270B. i. c. iii.

271B. iii. c. viii.

271B. iii. c. viii.

272Discourse, Art. 192.

272Discourse, Art. 192.

273B. xi. c. xi.

273B. xi. c. xi.

274Phil.b. xiii. c. ix. art. 7.

274Phil.b. xiii. c. ix. art. 7.

275B. xiii. c. viii.

275B. xiii. c. viii.

276Given also in thePhil. Ind. Sc.b. xiii. c. vii. sect. 17.

276Given also in thePhil. Ind. Sc.b. xiii. c. vii. sect. 17.

277Ibid.b. vi. c. iv.

277Ibid.b. vi. c. iv.

278SeeHist. Ind. Sc.b. xii. noteD, in the second edition.

278SeeHist. Ind. Sc.b. xii. noteD, in the second edition.

279There are some points in my doctrines on the subject of the Classificatory Sciences to which Mr. Mill objects, (ii. 314, &c.), but there is nothing which I think it necessary to remark here, except one point. After speaking of Classification of organized beings in general, Mr. Mill notices (ii. 321) as an additional subject, the arrangement of natural groups into a Natural Series; and he says, that "all who have attempted a theory of natural arrangement, including among the rest Mr. Whewell, have stopped short of this: all except M. Comte." On this I have to observe, that I stopped short of, or rather passed by, the doctrine of a Series of organized beings, because I thought it bad and narrow philosophy: and that I sufficiently indicated that I did this. In theHistory(b. xvi. c. vi.) I have spoken of the doctrine of Circular Progression propounded by Mr. Macleay, and have said, "so far as this viewnegativesa merelinearprogression in nature, which would place each genus in contact with the preceding and succeeding ones, and so far as it requires us to attend to the more varied and ramified resemblances, there can be no doubt that it is supported by the result of all the attempts to form natural systems." And with regard to the difference between Cuvier and M. de Blainville, to which Mr. Mill refers (ii. 321), I certainly cannot think that M. Comte's suffrage can add any weight to the opinion of either of those great naturalists.

279There are some points in my doctrines on the subject of the Classificatory Sciences to which Mr. Mill objects, (ii. 314, &c.), but there is nothing which I think it necessary to remark here, except one point. After speaking of Classification of organized beings in general, Mr. Mill notices (ii. 321) as an additional subject, the arrangement of natural groups into a Natural Series; and he says, that "all who have attempted a theory of natural arrangement, including among the rest Mr. Whewell, have stopped short of this: all except M. Comte." On this I have to observe, that I stopped short of, or rather passed by, the doctrine of a Series of organized beings, because I thought it bad and narrow philosophy: and that I sufficiently indicated that I did this. In theHistory(b. xvi. c. vi.) I have spoken of the doctrine of Circular Progression propounded by Mr. Macleay, and have said, "so far as this viewnegativesa merelinearprogression in nature, which would place each genus in contact with the preceding and succeeding ones, and so far as it requires us to attend to the more varied and ramified resemblances, there can be no doubt that it is supported by the result of all the attempts to form natural systems." And with regard to the difference between Cuvier and M. de Blainville, to which Mr. Mill refers (ii. 321), I certainly cannot think that M. Comte's suffrage can add any weight to the opinion of either of those great naturalists.

280Hist. Ind. Sc.b. x. note (VA) in the second edition.

280Hist. Ind. Sc.b. x. note (VA) in the second edition.

281B. xi. c. v. art. 11.

281B. xi. c. v. art. 11.

282I have given elsewhere (see last chapter) reasons why I cannot assign to M. Comte'sPhilosophie Positiveany great value as a contribution to the philosophy of science. In this judgment I conceive that I am supported by the best philosophers of our time. M. Comte owes, I think, much of the notice which has been given to him to his including, as Mr. Mill does, the science of society and of human nature in his scheme, and to his boldness in dealing with these. He appears to have been received with deference as a mathematician: but Sir John Herschel has shown that a supposed astronomical discovery of his is a mere assumption. I conceive that I have shown that his representation of the history of science is erroneous, both in its details and in its generalities. His distinction of the three stages of sciences, the theological, metaphysical, and positive, is not at all supported by the facts of scientific history. Real discoveries always involve what he callsmetaphysics; and the doctrine of final causes in physiology, the main element of science which can properly be calledtheological, is retained at the end, as well as the beginning of the science, by all except a peculiar school.

282I have given elsewhere (see last chapter) reasons why I cannot assign to M. Comte'sPhilosophie Positiveany great value as a contribution to the philosophy of science. In this judgment I conceive that I am supported by the best philosophers of our time. M. Comte owes, I think, much of the notice which has been given to him to his including, as Mr. Mill does, the science of society and of human nature in his scheme, and to his boldness in dealing with these. He appears to have been received with deference as a mathematician: but Sir John Herschel has shown that a supposed astronomical discovery of his is a mere assumption. I conceive that I have shown that his representation of the history of science is erroneous, both in its details and in its generalities. His distinction of the three stages of sciences, the theological, metaphysical, and positive, is not at all supported by the facts of scientific history. Real discoveries always involve what he callsmetaphysics; and the doctrine of final causes in physiology, the main element of science which can properly be calledtheological, is retained at the end, as well as the beginning of the science, by all except a peculiar school.

283I have also, in the same place, given the Inductive Pyramid for the science of Optics. These Pyramids are necessarily inverted in their form, in order that, in reading in the ordinary way, we may proceedtothe vertex.Phil. Ind. Sc.b. xi. c. vi.

283I have also, in the same place, given the Inductive Pyramid for the science of Optics. These Pyramids are necessarily inverted in their form, in order that, in reading in the ordinary way, we may proceedtothe vertex.Phil. Ind. Sc.b. xi. c. vi.

284Cosmos, vol. ii. note 35.

284Cosmos, vol. ii. note 35.

285The reader will probably recollect that asInductionmeans the inference of general propositions from particular cases,Deductionmeans the inference by the application of general propositions to particular cases, and by combining such applications; as when from the most general principles of Geometry or of Mechanics, we prove some less general theorem; for instance, the number of the possible regular solids, or the principle ofvis viva.

285The reader will probably recollect that asInductionmeans the inference of general propositions from particular cases,Deductionmeans the inference by the application of general propositions to particular cases, and by combining such applications; as when from the most general principles of Geometry or of Mechanics, we prove some less general theorem; for instance, the number of the possible regular solids, or the principle ofvis viva.

286B. vi. c. v.

286B. vi. c. v.

287c. vi.

287c. vi.

288Hist.b. vi. c. vi. sect. 13.

288Hist.b. vi. c. vi. sect. 13.

289Hist. Ind. Sc.b. viii.

289Hist. Ind. Sc.b. viii.

290Reprinted in the Appendix to this volume.

290Reprinted in the Appendix to this volume.

291Phil. Pos.t. iv. p. 264.

291Phil. Pos.t. iv. p. 264.

292Logic, b. vi. c. 3.

292Logic, b. vi. c. 3.

293Jones,On Rent, 1833.

293Jones,On Rent, 1833.

294Literary Remains, 1859.

294Literary Remains, 1859.

295The substance of this and the next chapter was printed as a communication to the Cambridge Phil. Soc. in 1840.

295The substance of this and the next chapter was printed as a communication to the Cambridge Phil. Soc. in 1840.

296Or in the earlier editions, in thePhilosophy of the Inductive Sciences.

296Or in the earlier editions, in thePhilosophy of the Inductive Sciences.

297Phil. of Biol.c. v.

297Phil. of Biol.c. v.

298Hist. Ind. Sc.b. ix. c. iii.

298Hist. Ind. Sc.b. ix. c. iii.

299Ibid.b. vii. c. ii.

299Ibid.b. vii. c. ii.

300Sir W. Hamilton's Note on thePhilosophy of the Unconditioned.

300Sir W. Hamilton's Note on thePhilosophy of the Unconditioned.

301Werenfels in Mr. Mansel'sBampton Lectures, lect. ii. Note 15.

301Werenfels in Mr. Mansel'sBampton Lectures, lect. ii. Note 15.

302Scholium Generaleat the end of thePrincipia.

302Scholium Generaleat the end of thePrincipia.

303B. iv. c. i.

303B. iv. c. i.

304Reid'sWorks, Supplementary Dissertation D.

304Reid'sWorks, Supplementary Dissertation D.

305Hist. Sc. Id.b. iii.

305Hist. Sc. Id.b. iii.

306Hist. Sc. Id.b. vi. c. iii.

306Hist. Sc. Id.b. vi. c. iii.

307The remarks contained in this chapter have for the most part been already printed and circulated in aLetter to the Author of Prolegomena Logica, 1852.

307The remarks contained in this chapter have for the most part been already printed and circulated in aLetter to the Author of Prolegomena Logica, 1852.

308Biographical History of Philosophy, 1846. In a more recent edition the author of this work has modified his expressions, but still employs himself in arguing against Dr. Whewell, in order to overthrow Kant. So far as his arguments affect my philosophy, they are, as I conceive, answered in the various expositions which I have given of that philosophy.

308Biographical History of Philosophy, 1846. In a more recent edition the author of this work has modified his expressions, but still employs himself in arguing against Dr. Whewell, in order to overthrow Kant. So far as his arguments affect my philosophy, they are, as I conceive, answered in the various expositions which I have given of that philosophy.

309B. ii. The Philosophy of the Pure Sciences. Chap. ii. Of the Idea of Space. Chap. iii. Of some peculiarities of the Idea of Space. Chap. vii. Of the Idea of Time. Chap. viii. Of some peculiarities of the Idea of Time.

309B. ii. The Philosophy of the Pure Sciences. Chap. ii. Of the Idea of Space. Chap. iii. Of some peculiarities of the Idea of Space. Chap. vii. Of the Idea of Time. Chap. viii. Of some peculiarities of the Idea of Time.

310Prolegomena Logica, by H. L. Mansel, M.A. 1851.

310Prolegomena Logica, by H. L. Mansel, M.A. 1851.

311Logic, i p. 273, 3rd edit.

311Logic, i p. 273, 3rd edit.

312No. 193, p. 29.

312No. 193, p. 29.

313Prol. Log.p. 123.

313Prol. Log.p. 123.

314SeePhil. Ind. Sc.b. vi. c. iii.

314SeePhil. Ind. Sc.b. vi. c. iii.

315Kant.

315Kant.

316Republished asThe History of Scientific Ideas.

316Republished asThe History of Scientific Ideas.

317Given in theNovum Organon Renovatum.

317Given in theNovum Organon Renovatum.

318Nov. Org. Ren.Aph. cv.

318Nov. Org. Ren.Aph. cv.

319Hist. Sc. Id.b. ix. c. vi.

319Hist. Sc. Id.b. ix. c. vi.

320Hist. Ind. Sc.b. xviii. c. vi. sect. 5

320Hist. Ind. Sc.b. xviii. c. vi. sect. 5

321P. 116. "No amount of human knowledge can be adequate which does not solve the phenomena of these absolute certainties."

321P. 116. "No amount of human knowledge can be adequate which does not solve the phenomena of these absolute certainties."

322Prof. Butler, Lect. ix. Second Series, p. 136, appears to think that Plato had sufficient grounds (of a theological kind) for the assumption of such Ideas; but I see no trace of them.

322Prof. Butler, Lect. ix. Second Series, p. 136, appears to think that Plato had sufficient grounds (of a theological kind) for the assumption of such Ideas; but I see no trace of them.

323I am aware that this translation is different from the common translation. It appears to me to be consistent with the habit of the Greek language. It slightly leans in favour of my view; but I do not conceive that the argument would be perceptibly weaker, if the common interpretation were adopted.

323I am aware that this translation is different from the common translation. It appears to me to be consistent with the habit of the Greek language. It slightly leans in favour of my view; but I do not conceive that the argument would be perceptibly weaker, if the common interpretation were adopted.

324In theFirst Alcibiades, Pythodorus is mentioned as having paid 100 minæ to Zeno for his instructions (119A).

324In theFirst Alcibiades, Pythodorus is mentioned as having paid 100 minæ to Zeno for his instructions (119A).

325P. 183 e.

325P. 183 e.

326Deip.xi. c. 15, p. 105.

326Deip.xi. c. 15, p. 105.

327Accedit et illud quod naturalis philosophia in iis ipsis viris, qui ei incubuerunt, vacantem et integrum hominem, præsertim his recentioribus temporibus, vix nacta sit; nisi forte quis monachi alicujus in cellula, aut nobilis in villula lucubrantis, exemplum adduxerit; sed facta est demum naturalis philosophia instar transitus cujusdam et pontisternii ad alia. Atque magna ista scientiarum mater ad officia ancillæ detrusa est; quæ medicinæ aut mathematicis operibus ministrat, et rursus quæ adolescentium immatura ingenia lavat et imbuat velut tinctura quadam prima, ut aliam postea felicius et commodius excipiant.

327Accedit et illud quod naturalis philosophia in iis ipsis viris, qui ei incubuerunt, vacantem et integrum hominem, præsertim his recentioribus temporibus, vix nacta sit; nisi forte quis monachi alicujus in cellula, aut nobilis in villula lucubrantis, exemplum adduxerit; sed facta est demum naturalis philosophia instar transitus cujusdam et pontisternii ad alia. Atque magna ista scientiarum mater ad officia ancillæ detrusa est; quæ medicinæ aut mathematicis operibus ministrat, et rursus quæ adolescentium immatura ingenia lavat et imbuat velut tinctura quadam prima, ut aliam postea felicius et commodius excipiant.

328μεταξὺ οἰκονομίας καὶ χρεματισμοῦ, between house-keeping and money-getting.

328μεταξὺ οἰκονομίας καὶ χρεματισμοῦ, between house-keeping and money-getting.

329τὸ περὶ τοὺς λόγους.

329τὸ περὶ τοὺς λόγους.

330The Sciences are to draw the mind from that which grows and perishes to that which really is: μάθημα ψυχῆς ὁλκὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ γιγνομένου ἐπι τὸ ὅν.

330The Sciences are to draw the mind from that which grows and perishes to that which really is: μάθημα ψυχῆς ὁλκὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ γιγνομένου ἐπι τὸ ὅν.

331ἐπὶ θέαν τῆς τῶν ἀριθμῶν φύσεως.

331ἐπὶ θέαν τῆς τῶν ἀριθμῶν φύσεως.

332τῇ νοηήσει αὐτῇ.

332τῇ νοηήσει αὐτῇ.

333He adds "and for the sake of war;" this point I have passed by. Plato does not really ascribe much weight to this use of Science, as we see in what he says of Geometry and Astronomy.

333He adds "and for the sake of war;" this point I have passed by. Plato does not really ascribe much weight to this use of Science, as we see in what he says of Geometry and Astronomy.

334ἀρθῶς ἕχει ἑξῆς μετὰ δευτέραν αὕξην τρίτην λαμβάνειν, ἕστι δέ που τοῦτο περὶ τὴν τῶν κύβων αύξην καὶ τὸ βάθους μέτεχον.

334ἀρθῶς ἕχει ἑξῆς μετὰ δευτέραν αὕξην τρίτην λαμβάνειν, ἕστι δέ που τοῦτο περὶ τὴν τῶν κύβων αύξην καὶ τὸ βάθους μέτεχον.

335ἀντίστροφον αὐτοῦ.

335ἀντίστροφον αὐτοῦ.

336πρὸς ἐναρμόνιον φορὰν ὦτα παγῆναι.

336πρὸς ἐναρμόνιον φορὰν ὦτα παγῆναι.

337πυκνώματα ἄ ττα.

337πυκνώματα ἄ ττα.

338τίνες ξύμφωνοι ἀριθμοὶ, &c.

338τίνες ξύμφωνοι ἀριθμοὶ, &c.

339Η καὶ διαλεκτικὸν καλεῖς τὸν λόγον ἐκάστου λαμβάνοντα τῆς οὐσίας; (§ 14).

339Η καὶ διαλεκτικὸν καλεῖς τὸν λόγον ἐκάστου λαμβάνοντα τῆς οὐσίας; (§ 14).

340ὥσπερ θριγγὸς τοῖς μαθήμασιν ἡ διαλεκτικὴ ἦμιν ἐπάνω κεῖσθαι. (§ 14).]

340ὥσπερ θριγγὸς τοῖς μαθήμασιν ἡ διαλεκτικὴ ἦμιν ἐπάνω κεῖσθαι. (§ 14).]

341Pol. vi. § 19.

341Pol. vi. § 19.

342He adds, "Thisoraton, this visible world, I will not say has any connexion withouranon, heaven, that I may not be accused of playing upon words."

342He adds, "Thisoraton, this visible world, I will not say has any connexion withouranon, heaven, that I may not be accused of playing upon words."

343It is plain that Plato, byHypotheses, in this place, means the usual foundations of Arithmetic and Geometry; namely, Definitions and Postulates. He says that "the arithmeticians and geometers take as hypotheses (hυποθεμενοι) odd and even, and the three kinds of angles (right, acute, and obtuse); and figures, (as a triangle, a square,) and the like." I say his "hypotheses" are the Definitions and Postulates, not the Axioms: for the Axioms of Arithmetic and Geometry belong to the Higher Faculty, which ascends to First Principles. But this Faculty operates rather in using these axioms than in enunciating them. It knows them implicitly rather than expresses them explicitly.

343It is plain that Plato, byHypotheses, in this place, means the usual foundations of Arithmetic and Geometry; namely, Definitions and Postulates. He says that "the arithmeticians and geometers take as hypotheses (hυποθεμενοι) odd and even, and the three kinds of angles (right, acute, and obtuse); and figures, (as a triangle, a square,) and the like." I say his "hypotheses" are the Definitions and Postulates, not the Axioms: for the Axioms of Arithmetic and Geometry belong to the Higher Faculty, which ascends to First Principles. But this Faculty operates rather in using these axioms than in enunciating them. It knows them implicitly rather than expresses them explicitly.

344διάνοιαν άλλ' οὐ νοῦν.

344διάνοιαν άλλ' οὐ νοῦν.

345The Diagram, as here described, would be this:Intelligible World.Visible World.Intuition.Conception.Things.Images.Plato supposes the whole, and each of the two parts, to be divided in the same ratio, in order that theanalogyof the division in each case may be represented.

345The Diagram, as here described, would be this:

Intelligible World.Visible World.Intuition.Conception.Things.Images.

Plato supposes the whole, and each of the two parts, to be divided in the same ratio, in order that theanalogyof the division in each case may be represented.

346The four segments might be as 4: 2: 2: 1; or as 9: 6: 6: 4; or generally, asa:ar:ar:ar2.

346The four segments might be as 4: 2: 2: 1; or as 9: 6: 6: 4; or generally, asa:ar:ar:ar2.

347Hence the mind Reason receivesIntuitive or Discursive.Milton.

347

Hence the mind Reason receivesIntuitive or Discursive.

Milton.

348τῇ τοῦ διαλέγεσθαι δυνόμει.

348τῇ τοῦ διαλέγεσθαι δυνόμει.

349This term occurs in other parts of Aristotle. See the additional Note.

349This term occurs in other parts of Aristotle. See the additional Note.

350Mr. Owen, to whom I am indebted for the physiological part of this criticism, tells me, "All mammalia have bile, the carnivora in greater proportion than the herbivora: the gall-bladder is a comparatively unimportant accessory to the biliary apparatus; adjusting it to certain modifications of stomach and intestine: there is no relation between natural longevity and bile. Neither has the presence or absence of the gall-bladder any connexion with age. Man and the elephant are perhaps for their size the longest lived animals, and the latest at coming to maturity: one has the gall-bladder, and the other not."

350Mr. Owen, to whom I am indebted for the physiological part of this criticism, tells me, "All mammalia have bile, the carnivora in greater proportion than the herbivora: the gall-bladder is a comparatively unimportant accessory to the biliary apparatus; adjusting it to certain modifications of stomach and intestine: there is no relation between natural longevity and bile. Neither has the presence or absence of the gall-bladder any connexion with age. Man and the elephant are perhaps for their size the longest lived animals, and the latest at coming to maturity: one has the gall-bladder, and the other not."

351Hist. Sc. Ind.b. iii.

351Hist. Sc. Ind.b. iii.

352These remarks were written in 1841. The accompanying Memoir contains a further discussion of this problem.

352These remarks were written in 1841. The accompanying Memoir contains a further discussion of this problem.

353Cartes.Princip.iv. 23.

353Cartes.Princip.iv. 23.

354Jac. Bernoulli,Nouvelles Pensées sur le Système de M. Descartes, op. t. i. p. 239 (1686).

354Jac. Bernoulli,Nouvelles Pensées sur le Système de M. Descartes, op. t. i. p. 239 (1686).

355De la Cause de la Pesanteur(1689), p. 135.

355De la Cause de la Pesanteur(1689), p. 135.

356Journal des Savans, 1703. Mém. Acad. Par. 1709.Bulfinger, in 1726 (Acad. Petrop.), conceived that by making a sphere revolve at the same time about two axes at right angles to each other, every particle would describe a great circle; but this is not so.

356Journal des Savans, 1703. Mém. Acad. Par. 1709.

Bulfinger, in 1726 (Acad. Petrop.), conceived that by making a sphere revolve at the same time about two axes at right angles to each other, every particle would describe a great circle; but this is not so.

357Acad. Par. 1714,Hist.p. 106.

357Acad. Par. 1714,Hist.p. 106.

358Acad. Par. 1733.

358Acad. Par. 1733.

359Acad. Sc. 1709. If we abandon the clear principles of mechanics, the writer says, "toute la lumière que nous pouvons avoir est éteinte, et nous voilà replongés de nouveau dans les anciennes ténèbres du Peripatetisme, dont le Ciel nous veuille preserver!"It was also objected to the Newtonian system, that it did not account for the remarkable facts, that all the motions of the primary planets, all the motions of the satellites, and all the motions of rotation, including that of the sun, are in the same direction, and nearly in the same plane; facts which have been urged by Laplace as so strongly recommending the Nebular Hypothesis; and that hypothesis is, in truth, a hypothesis of vortices respecting theoriginof the system of the world.

359Acad. Sc. 1709. If we abandon the clear principles of mechanics, the writer says, "toute la lumière que nous pouvons avoir est éteinte, et nous voilà replongés de nouveau dans les anciennes ténèbres du Peripatetisme, dont le Ciel nous veuille preserver!"

It was also objected to the Newtonian system, that it did not account for the remarkable facts, that all the motions of the primary planets, all the motions of the satellites, and all the motions of rotation, including that of the sun, are in the same direction, and nearly in the same plane; facts which have been urged by Laplace as so strongly recommending the Nebular Hypothesis; and that hypothesis is, in truth, a hypothesis of vortices respecting theoriginof the system of the world.

360Nouvelle Physique Céleste, Op. t. iii. p. 163.The deviation of the orbits of the planets from the plane of the sun's equator was of course a difficulty in the system which supposed that they were carried round by the vortices which the sun's rotation caused, or at least rendered evident. Bernoulli's explanation consists in supposing the planets to have a sort ofleeway(dérive des vaisseaux) in the stream of the vortex.

360Nouvelle Physique Céleste, Op. t. iii. p. 163.

The deviation of the orbits of the planets from the plane of the sun's equator was of course a difficulty in the system which supposed that they were carried round by the vortices which the sun's rotation caused, or at least rendered evident. Bernoulli's explanation consists in supposing the planets to have a sort ofleeway(dérive des vaisseaux) in the stream of the vortex.

361SeeHist. Sc. Ideas, b. iii. c. ix. Art. 7.

361SeeHist. Sc. Ideas, b. iii. c. ix. Art. 7.

362See Mill'sLogic, vol. i. p. 311, 2nd ed.

362See Mill'sLogic, vol. i. p. 311, 2nd ed.

363These letters refer to passages in the Translation annexed to this Memoir.

363These letters refer to passages in the Translation annexed to this Memoir.


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