A Cuban Patriot—A Life Devoted to the Cause—First Work forCuba—Banished From His Native Land—He Returns to Fight forFreedom—His Death—Maximo Gomez, General-in-Chief of the CubanForces—His Methods of Warfare—Antonio Maceo, the ColoredCommander—Other Military Men of Note in the Cuban Army.
When the day comes that Cuba shall take her place among the free and independent nations of the earth, Jose Marti, who probably did more than any other one man to arouse the insurgents to make the final struggle for liberty, will not be among them to share their triumphs. Struck down, by a Spanish bullet, almost at the commencement of the last revolution, he sleeps beneath the, southern skies, and neither the clash of swords nor the thunder of the cannon over his grave can disturb his rest.
Born in Havana, the son of a Spanish army officer, he was taught from his childhood days that the friends of Cuba's cause were rebels, deserving of death. But as he grew older he commenced to think for himself, and the more he learned of Spanish robbery, injustice and cruelty, the more determined he became to devote his life to the cause of his native land.
While yet a mere boy, he began the work. He published clandestine circulars, he wrote a play in which he depicted the wrongs inflicted upon the island people; "Free Cuba" was his thought by day, his dream at night. Through imprisonment and exile, in Spain, Mexico and the United States, every action of his life was guided by the one ambition.
On April 14th, 1895, in company with Maximo Gomez, Marti landed on the coast of Cuba, at Cobonico. His coming gave the insurgents new courage, and their numbers increased rapidly. He was made a Major General of the army, and in company with Gomez, who had seen service in the previous campaign, he led a number of successful attacks against detachments of the Spanish forces.
After organizing an expedition that was to march to Puerto Principe under Gomez's command, Marti intended to go to the seacoast in order to return abroad and continue his work there in favor of the secessionist revolution.
About this time a man named Chacon was captured by Colonel Sandoval, of the Spanish forces, and letters from the rebels were found in his possession, and some money with which he was going to make purchases for the insurgent chiefs. This man gave information regarding the enemy's location, and acting upon this knowledge, Colonel Sandoval, on the 19th of May, brought his army to La Brija. The Hernan Cortez squadron, under Captain Capa, was in vanguard, and attacked a band commanded by Bellito, which had come to meet the column.
When Colonel Sandoval heard of it, he advanced up to the plain of Dos Rios, and ordered his infantry to open fire. A spirited combat ensued, with fatal results to the insurgents, as the Spanish guide, Antonio Oliva, running up to help a soldier who was surrounded by a large group of the enemy, fired his rifle at a horseman, who fell to the ground, and was found to be Jose Marti. Captain Enrique Satue was the first to recognize him. A fight took place upon the spot, the rebels trying hard to carry the corpse away, but they were repulsed. Maximo Gomez was wounded in the encounter, which for some days led to the belief that he too was dead. According to one narrative, Gomez was in the midst of the battle from the beginning, and while hurrying to recover the corpse of Marti, he was slightly wounded. Others say that the famous chief, had already taken leave of Marti to go to Camaguey, when, passing at some distance from Dos Rios, he heard the report of musketry. He imagined what was happening, and ran to rescue the civil chief of the revolution, but when he arrived, Marti had been killed. Gomez being wounded, Borrero took him on his own horse, and in this manner carried him to a place of safety. The Spaniards, after their victory, moved to Remanganagaus, where the corpse of Marti was embalmed. From the latter town it was taken to Santiago de Cuba, and while on the way there, the troops had to repel an attack from the rebels, who intended to carry off the coffin. On arriving at the city, the remains of Marti were exhibited at the cemetery. Colonel Sandoval presided over the funeral ceremonies, and the dead leader was given a decent resting place. Here are Sandoval's words on the occasion:
Gentlemen:—In presence of the corpse of him who in life was Jose Marti, and in the absence of any relative or friend who might speak over his remains such words as are customary, I request you not to consider these remains to be those of an enemy any more, but simply those of a man, carried by political discords to face Spanish soldiers. From the moment the spirits have freed themselves of matter they are sheltered and magnanimously pardoned by the Almighty, and the abandoned matter is left in our care, for us to dispel all rancorous feelings, and give the corpse such Christian burial as is due to the dead.
The General-in-Chief of the Cuban forces is Maximo Gomez, a man of scholarly attainments, great intellect, and long experience in military affairs. Formerly an officer of Spain, he explains his present position in the following words:
"When I gave up, in 1868, my uniform and rank as a Major of the Spanish Army, it was because I knew that if I kept them. I would have some day to meet my own children in the field, and combat against their just desire for liberty. Now, with my many years, I have come to lead and counsel the new generation to ultimate victory."
Of his methods in war, Thomas Alvord says:
"General Gomez never has more than 300 or 400 men with him. His favorite camp is near Arroyo Blanco, on a high plateau, difficult to approach, and covered with dense thicket. He posts his outer pickets at least three miles away, in directions from which the enemy may come. The Spaniards, whenever possible, march by road, and, with these highways well guarded, Gomez sleeps secure. He knows that his pickets will be informed by some Cuban long before the Spanish column leaves or passes the nearest village to attack him. A shot from the farthest sentry causes little or no excitement in Gomez's camp. The report throws the Spanish column into fears of attack or ambush, and it moves forward very slowly and carefully. Two pickets at such a time have been known to hold 2,000 men at bay for a whole day. If the column presses on, and General Gomez hears a shot from a sentinel near by, he will rise leisurely from his hammock and give orders to prepare to move camp. He has had so many experiences of this kind that not until he hears the volley-shooting of the oncoming Spaniards will he call for his horse, give the word to march, and disappear, followed by his entire force, into the tropical underbrush, which closes like curtain behind him, leaving the Spaniards to discover a deserted camp, without the slightest trace of the path taken by its recent occupants.
"Sometimes Gomez will move only a mile or two. The Spaniards do not usually give chase. If they do, Gomez takes a keen delight in leading them in a circle. If he can throw them off by nightfall, he goes to sleep in his camp of the morning, happier than if he had won a battle. The Spaniards learn nothing through such experiences. Gomez varies the game occasionally by marching directly towards the rear of the foe, and there, reinforced by other insurgent bands of the neighborhood, falling upon the column and punishing it severely. While his immediate force is but a handful, the General can call to his aid, in a short time, nearly 6,000 men."
As soon as the rebellion had assumed such proportions as to make it possible to arrange a regular military organization among the insurgents, Antonio Maceo was made the second in command, under General Gomez, with the title of Lieutenant General. He had risen from the ranks to the position of Major General in the Ten Years' war, where, notwithstanding his colored blood, he had shown unusual ability as a leader of men. Sons of the first families of Cuba were proud to enlist under his banner, and to recognize him as their superior officer. Space is devoted in another part of this volume to an account of the treacherous manner of his death.
The following letter, written by him to General Weyler, soon after the arrival of the latter named in Cuba, shows that he could fight with his pen as well as with his sword:
Republic of Cuba, Invading Army. Second Corps, Cayajabos, Feb. 27, 1896.
General Valeriano Weyler, Havana:
In spite of all that the press has published in regard to you, I have never been willing to give it belief and to base my judgment of your conduct on its statements; such an accumulation of atrocities, so many crimes repugnant and dishonoring to any man of honor, I thought it impossible for a soldier holding your high rank to commit.
These accusations seemed to me rather to be made in bad faith, or to be the utterances of personal enmity, and I expected that you would take care to give the lie in due form to your detractors, rising to the height required of a gentleman, and saving yourself from any imputation of that kind, by merely adopting in the treatment of the wounded and prisoners of war, the generous course that has been pursued from the beginning by the revolutionists towards the Spanish wounded and prisoners.
But, unfortunately, Spanish dominion must always be accompanied by infamy, and although the errors and wrongful acts of the last war seemed to be corrected at the beginning of this one, to-day it has become manifest that it was only by closing our eyes to invariable personal antecedents and incorrigible traditional arbitrariness that we could have imagined Spain would forget forever her fatal characteristic of ferocity towards the defenseless. But we cannot help believing evidence. In my march during the period of this campaign I see with alarm, with horror, how the wretched reputation you enjoy is confirmed, and how the deeds that disclose your barbarous irritation are repeated. What! must even the peaceful inhabitants (I say noticing of the wounded and prisoners of war), must they be sacrificed to the rags that gave the Duke of Alva his name and fame?
Is it thus that Spain, through you, returns the clemency and kindness with which we, the redeemers of this suffering people, have acted in like circumstances? What a reproach for yourself and for Spain! The license to burn the huts, assassinations like those at Nueva Paz and the villa El Gato, committed by Spanish columns, in particular those of Colonels Molina and Vicuna, proclaim you guilty before all mankind. Your name will be forever infamous, here and far from here, remembered with disgust and horror.
Out of humanity, yielding to the honorable and generous impulses which are identified with both the spirit and the tendency of the revolution, I shall never use reprisals that would be unworthy of the reputation and the power of the liberating army of Cuba. But I nevertheless foresee that such abominable conduct on your part and on that of your men, will arouse at no distant time private vengeances to which they will fall victims, without my being able to prevent it, even though I should punish hundreds of innocent persons.
For this last reason, since war should only touch combatants, and it is inhuman to make others suffer from its consequences, I invite you to retrace your steps, if you admit your guilt, or to repress these crimes with a heavy hand, if they were committed without your consent. At all events, take care that no drop of blood be shed outside the battle field. Be merciful to the many unfortunate citizens. In so doing you will imitate in honorable emulation our conduct and our proceedings. Yours, A. MACEO.
This letter could have been written by none but a brave and honorable soldier, resolved to present the cause of the oppressed non-combatants, even when he probably knew that his appeal was powerless to lessen their sufferings in the slightest degree.
Among the many brave leaders of the insurgents there is perhaps none who has shown more heroism than young De Robau. After the breaking out of the revolution he was one of the first to join the standard of independence. At that time he was engaged to be married, yet with him the call of duty was paramount over every selfish consideration. After having served for some months with conspicuous credit, he was sent with his command into the neighborhood of his fiance.
The men hitherto, it may be imagined, had not paid much attention to their appearance, but now there was a regular conventional dress parade. A barber was requisitioned, accoutrements were furbished up, and weather-beaten sombreros were ornamented with brilliant ribbons. When the metamorphosis was complete, De Robau placed himself at the head of his dashing troop, and went in state to call upon the lady of his affections.
His march was a triumph, as everywhere he was attended by crowds of enthusiastic people, who had long known him, and who now hailed him as a distinguished champion. How he sped in his wooing may be gathered from the fact that an orderly was soon dispatched for the villa cura, and that there was a wedding which fairly rivaled that of Camacho, so often and so fondly recalled by the renowned Sancho. Since then the Senora de Robau has accompanied her husband throughout the campaign, sharing the hard fare and the dangers of the men, and adding another to the noble band of patriotic Cuban women, who vie with their husbands and brothers in fidelity to their native land.
The cause has many other brave leaders, among whom may be mentioned General Calixto Garcia, General Serafin Sanchez, Francisco Corrillo, and Jose Maria Rodriguez. They are all veterans of the war of 1868-1878, and are ready to sacrifice their lives in the struggle for liberty.
The Sword of Cuba—Battle Cry of the Revolutionists—CavalryCharges—The Strategies of War—Hand-to-Hand Encounters—Maceo atthe Front—Barbarities of the Spanish Soldiers—Americans in theCuban Army—A Fight for Life—A Yankee Gunner—How a Brave ManDied.
There is a story told of a great Roman General who, after having conquered in many battles, beat his sword into a plowshare, and turned from war's alarms to the peaceful pursuit of agriculture. The Cuban has reversed the story. When he left his labors in the forests and fields to fight his oppressors, he carried with him the implement with which he had cut the sugar cane on his plantation, and made paths through dense tropic vegetation. The machete is the sword of the Cuban soldier, and it will be famous forever. Its blade is of tempered steel, curved slightly at the end, with one edge sharp as a razor. It has a handle of horn, and is carried in a leather scabbard, attached to a narrow belt.
The weapon in the hands of one who understands its use is terribly effective. Instances have been known where rifle barrels have been cut in two by it, and heads have been severed from their bodies at a single stroke. Its name, shrieked in a wild ferocious way, is the battle cry of the insurgents, and when shouted from an hundred throats, it carries with it so awe-inspiring a sound, that it is little wonder that the enemy is stricken with fear, for it means in reality "war to the knife."
The Cubans are among the most skillful and daring rough riders of the world, the equals of the cowboys of our western States, and the far-famed Cossacks of Russia. The horses' backs have been their cradles, and here they possess a decided advantage over their Spanish foes, who know as little of the equestrian art as they seem to understand of other's rights, or the amenities of war. A mounted band of insurgents, rushing down on a detachment of the enemy, waving aloft the terrible machete, will carry with them terror and death, and conquer twice their number.
The heroic mulatto brothers, Antonio and Jose Maceo, adopted this manner of fighting on every possible occasion, and it is a coincidence worthy of note that they both met their death while leading machete charges against their hated foes.
The lack of ammunition is one of the weaknesses of the insurgents. Courage, ability and men they possess in abundance, but the lack of cartridges has interfered with many of their best laid plans, and has often prevented them from availing themselves of favorable opportunities. Three or four rounds a man is nothing in action, especially when the Spaniards are always so abundantly supplied. However they are determined, and as Spanish incapacity becomes daily more apparent, they feel that it is only a question of a few months until the cause for which they have so long and bravely fought will be gloriously won.
Within three months of the time that Gomez and Maceo landed at Baracoa they had all Santiago and Puerto Principe in a state of insurrection. They started out with comparatively a handful of men. The most reliable sources agree that there were not more than 300, but they were quickly joined by thousands of Cubans, who brought out from hiding places arms and ammunition which they had been collecting and concealing for years.
General Campos, the Spanish commander, had declared that Puerto Principe would never rise against Spain, and he proposed at once a plan to make it doubly sure. He procured special concessions from Madrid for the foreign railroads, permitting them to import iron bridges to replace their wooden structures, and pledging them $20,000 a month until they had extended their lines and made connections to complete a continuous road through the country, using the money to employ the natives. This was to insure the peace of Puerto Principe and Santa Clara, both considered conservative, and to prevent the people joining the revolutionary party.
After the plan was announced, the revolutionists burned out the wooden bridges, tore up the tracks in many places, and the roads have been, for all practical purposes, in their hands ever since. Campos, meantime, to prevent Gomez moving eastward, placed 10,000 troops on the border between the provinces of Puerto Principe and Santiago, but Gomez crossed the line on May 19th, after a battle at Boca del Dos Bios, where a loss was suffered in the death of General Marti, which was so great a blow to Cuba that Campos announced that the "death blow to the bandits had been struck."
In Puerto Principe Gomez captured every town he attempted to take, among them Alta Gracia, San Jeronimo and Coscorro. He took Fort El Mulato, and in all the places secured large quantities of ammunition. So enthusiastic was his reception in the provinces of Puerto Principe and Santa Clara that in the latter 400 Spanish volunteers joined him with their arms.
The most important battle of the summer occurred at Bayamo in July, just as Gomez was near the Spanish line between Santa Clara and Puerto Principe, where, in an engagement between the two armies, with about 3,000 men on either side, the Spanish forces were completely routed.
From that time on through the summer and far into the autumn, every day was marked by skirmishes, the taking of important places, and the threatening of the larger towns. It kept the Spanish columns moving constantly, and the exposure in the rainy season killed thousands.
Maceo now separated his forces from Gomez's command, and marched westward, fighting as he went, and everywhere meeting with success. He established the new government in the cities and towns of Mantua, San Cristobal, Remates, Palacios, Paso Real de San Diego, Guane, Consolacion del Sur, Pilotos, Alonso de Rojas, San Luis, San Juan y Martinez, and others of less importance.
Pinar del Rio City, the capital of the province, was the only city of importance that held out, but it was cut off with communication with its port, Colon, and was short of provisions. One supply sent by the Spanish for its relief, 100,000 rations, fell into Maceo's hands.
In San Cristobal the Spanish flag on the government building was replaced by the emblem of the new republic, a mayor and city officials were appointed, resolutions were adopted by the new authorities, and, after all the arms in the town had been collected, Maco remained a day to rest his men and horses, and moved on the following morning at daybreak.
Generals Navarre and Luque were ordered to crush the insurgent army at all hazards. Their combined forces consisted of 5,000 infantry, 200 cavalry, and 11 pieces of artillery. After a two-days' march they were joined by General Arizon's command, which had encountered Maceo's rear guard the previous day, with disastrous results.
Near Quivera Hacha, Navarre's skirmishers encountered a small band of insurgents, and fearing that all of Maceo's army was near, lines of battle were quickly formed. The engagement lasted for less than half an hour, when the insurgent forces withdrew, without serious losses on either side. General Navarro finally discovered that the principal part of Maceo's forces was at the Armendores estate, and the seat of operations was changed. General Luque succeeded Navarro in command, and several days now passed without any conflict of note. Finally Luque led a charge upon Maceo's vanguard, in the vicinity of Pinar del Rio, but the moment the attack was made he found himself under fire from the top of low hills on both sides of the road, where the insurgents were well protected, and he sustained severe losses without inflicting much injury upon the enemy. So hot was the encounter that Luque withdrew and prepared to charge upon two points where the enemy were making a stand. He held the road with one battalion, sending a detachment to the right, and another to the left. The attack was successful. The Spanish made a magnificent effort under withering fire, and swept Maceo's forces before them, not, however, until they had left the field scattered with their own dead and wounded.
For some reason the cavalry had not been used. The artillery was just coming up when the action had reached this point. The Spanish found that the enemy had, instead of being routed, simply fallen back and taken a position on another hill, and scattered firing went on for a considerable time, while Luque prepared to attack again. Then, against 2,000 of Maceo's men, was directed all of Luque's command, over 4,000 infantry, 200 cavalry, and eleven pieces of artillery.
At least half of Maceo's army, certainly not less than 2,000 cavalry, had been moving up to Luque's rear and came upon him, surprising him just as this second attack was being made.
For a time it was a question whether Luque's command would not be wiped out. They were practically surrounded by Maceo's men, and for fully an hour and a half the fighting was desperate. It is impossible to unravel the stories of both sides so as to arrive at a clear idea of the encounter.
When the cannonading ceased, four companies of infantry charged up the hill and occupied it before the insurgents, who had been driven out by the artillery, could regain it. Shortly the hill on the left of the road was taken in the same way, and Luque, although at a great loss, had repelled Maceo's attack from the rear.
The battle had lasted for a little over two hours. Maceo had about forty of his men wounded and left four dead on the field, taking away ten others. Twenty or more of his horses were killed. The Spanish reported that he had 1,000 killed, the next day reduced the number to 300, and finally to the statement that "the enemy's losses must have been enormous," the usual phrase when the true number is humiliating. Luque's losses have never been officially reported, but it is variously estimated at from seventy-five to a hundred men.
The Cubans give horrible details of a battle at Paso Heal, between General Luque's army and a division of Maceo's forces under Bermudez. Witnesses of the encounter claim that the Spaniards invaded the hospital and killed wounded insurgents in their beds, and that, Bermudez, in retaliation, formed a line, and shot thirty-seven Spanish prisoners.
Luque says in his report of this engagement: "The rebels made a strong defense, firing from the tops of houses and along the fences around the city. The Spanish vanguard, under Colonel Hernandez, attacked the vanguard, center and rear guard of the rebels in the central streets of the town, driving them with continuous volleys and fierce cavalry charges into the outskirts of the town. Up to this point we had killed ten insurgents."
The people of Paso Real say this report is true, as far as it goes, but that Luque neglects to add that he then attacked the hospital, and murdered twenty-eight wounded men, firing at them as they lay on their cots, through the windows, and finally breaking down the door, and killing the rest with the bayonet.
Under date of February 8th we have an account of the operations of the Spanish General Sabas Marin, who left Havana a short time before. His campaign in search of General Gomez was disastrous, and the official reports of Spanish victories were misleading. There were losses on both sides, but Marin accomplished absolutely nothing of what he intended to achieve.
The first misfortune which overtook the Spaniards was the rout of Carnellas, on the very day on which Marin left Havana, Gomez sent a detachment under Pedro Diaz to intercept him, and this force reached Saladrigas in the early morning. In this section the country is cut into small fields, divided by stone fences, and facing the road there is a high fence, with a ditch in front of it. Diaz placed 400 infantry behind this fence, and waited himself with 1,000 cavalry back of a hill close by. When the Spanish forces appeared, the advance guard was allowed to pass, and as soon as the main body was fairly in the trap, volleys were poured into them, literally mowing them down. At the sound of the first gun, Diaz led his thousand horsemen upon the enemy's flank and rear. The charge was irresistible. Half of Diaz's men did not even fire a shot, but yelling "machete," they rode furiously upon the Spanish lines, cutting their way through, and fighting with terrible effect.
The Spanish issued no official report of this battle. So far as the records show, it never occurred. One of the Spanish officers, who fought in it, conceded a loss of 200 men, but it is probable that twice that number would be nearer the correct figure.
Colonel Frederick Funston, who returned to New York in January, 1898, told an interesting story of brave Yankee boys serving under General Gomez and General Garcia in Eastern Cuba, and also gave an account of the sad death of W. Dana Osgood, the famous football player, formerly of the University of Pennsylvania.
Colonel Funston was with Gomez's army when they attacked Guimaro.They had with them a twelve-pound Hotchkiss rifle and fourAmerican artillerymen, Osgood of Pennsylvania, Latrobe and Janneyof Baltimore, and Devine of Texas.
They attacked Guimaro in the morning, at ranges of from 400 to 600 yards, the infantry being protected by a breastwork of earth, in which openings were left for the guns.
The Spanish garrison consisted of 200 men in eleven forts, and they maintained a hot fire all day. Gradually, however, the Hotchkiss rifle, the fire of which was directed by Osgood, made the largest and nearest fort untenable, and it was abandoned by the garrison. No sooner had the Spanish forces left it than a band of the insurgents took possession, and from this point of vantage the fighting was continued with renewed vigor. As soon as darkness came on one of the Cuban guns was moved forward and stationed in this fort, and on the following day a storm of shot and shell was directed at the other forts.
Naturally the rifles of the garrison were trained most of the time upon the man sighting the Hotchkiss in the captured fort, and there, leaning over his gun in the early morning, the intrepid Osgood was shot through the head. He was carried off by his comrades under fire, and died four hours later. The death of this gallant young soldier was universally lamented, and the Cubans honor his memory as one of the first Americans to give his life while fighting for their cause.
With Gomez, with Garcia, and with Maceo, in every insurgent camp, there were brave men, American born, who fought for the flag of Free Cuba, side by side with the native soldier, and who gave their lives in the war against Spanish tyranny and misrule.
First Expeditions—Expense to the United States—President Pierce'sAction—The Uprising in 1868-The Patrol of the Coasts—An Expedition onthe "Three Friends"—Arms and Ammunition for the Insurgents—DesperateChances—A Successful Landing.
The record of the last fifty years is the clearest and most convincing evidence that can be offered against the Spanish contention that the United States is not concerned with the question of government in Cuba, and has not been tremendously injured by the inability of Spanish administration to furnish the Cubans with a peaceful and satisfactory government. The first bit of evidence to be submitted comes from away back in 1848, when President Polk, on behalf of the United States, announced that while the United States was willing that Cuba should be continued under Spanish ownership and government, it would never consent to the occupation of the island by any other European nation.
It was pointed out at that time by the American government that were the United States to admit that Cuba was open to seizure by any government that was able to throw Spain out the fact that it was nearly surrounded, in Central and South America and in other West Indian islands, by territory belonging to twelve other nations would make it the ground of interminable squabbles. And these squabbles were not matters which would be without interest and damage to the commerce and peace of the United States. This was followed by an offer of $100,000,000 to Spain for the island of Cuba. The offer was promptly declined, and the United States was informed that Cuba was not on the market.
Nevertheless, there was formed in the United States the Lone StarSociety, which had as its object "the acquisition of the island ofCuba as part of the territory of the United States."
The "Conspiracy of Lopez," which is fully treated of in previous pages of this work, was the first filibustering expedition that attracted particular attention from the authorities, and it was hoped that its disastrous end would deter others from like attempts. But the hope was a vain one, for within two years a similar expedition, led by General Quitman of Mississippi, was organized in the United States. Many men were enlisted and vessels chartered, but the expedition was suppressed by the government of the United States.
It will thus be seen that the fact that Spain had not been able to govern Cuba peaceably has caused the United States great expense and irritation for a much longer period than is usually taken into consideration in these days. It is not the fault of the United States that its citizens have been stirred to sympathy with the victims of the Spanish policy of government by robbery and murder. It is not the fault of the United States that this country has been the refuge of men who have been outlawed from the country of their birth because their presence there meant the irrepressible working in them of a desire for freedom, a desire intolerable to Spanish institutions.
It is not the fault of the United States that these refugees, living in the land of civil liberty, should desire to return to their native country and drive out those who made it miserable. But it would have been the fault of the United States, under international law, if these exiled Cubans were permitted to carry out their very natural and laudable desire in concert with the Americans whose sympathy had been stirred by the story of Spanish wrongs. To ferret out the plans for expeditions conceived with such determination and perseverance was not only a task requiring tremendous expenditure of money and energy, but it was a miserably disagreeable and unpopular work for the government to engage in.
On the 31st of May, 1854, President Pierce issued a proclamation instructing citizens of the United States as to their duties in refraining from encouragement, aid, or participation in connection with the Cuban insurrections.
In the fall of 1868, after scattering uprisings and several battles during the preceding year, plans for a concerted insurrection were arranged. The plan was discovered and the insurrection was started prematurely. There followed a campaign in which Spanish forces, amounting to 110,000 men, were unable to hold in check the Cuban force of about 26,000. In May the filibustering expeditions, that were to prove such an immense expense and annoyance to the United States, began again. The Spanish navy co-operated with the United States government in the efforts to suppress these expeditions, but many of them eluded the authorities, and aided the insurgents with arms and provisions.
This was irritating to Spain and the United States alike, because it cost just as much to keep up an unsuccessful anti-filibustering patrol as it did actually to catch filibusters, and, moreover, every successful expedition weakened the authority of the Federal government. That authority in the Southern States just after the war was none too strong, and it was not a good thing that the spectacle of defiance to the United States should be flaunted along the Southern coast.
From 1878 until 1895, when the present insurrection gained strength to become openly active, the island is supposed to have been at peace, but in the latter year the open war and filibustering expeditions began again. The name of President Cleveland was added to the list of Presidents whose duty it was to interfere with efforts to aid Cuban liberty. He issued appropriate proclamations on June 12, 1895, and July 30, 1896. Revenue cutters and warships constantly patrolled the Florida coast and, indeed, all the waters of the gulf, and sometimes New York harbor, to head off filibustering expeditions. It is said to have cost more to suppress the natural desire of citizens of the United States to relieve the political distress in Cuba than it has cost to enforce customs regulations from the same territory.
As evidence of the fact that Cuban sympathizers have been successful in escaping the patrol on American coasts and the enemy's battleships in Cuban waters, we give the report of one of many expeditions that have been made during the past three years.
The steamer "Three Friends," of Jacksonville, Florida, in command of Captain Napoleon B. Broward, returned to Jacksonville on March 18th, having succeeded in landing in Cuba, General Enrique Collazo, Major Charles Hernandez, and Duke Estrada, besides fifty-four men taken off the schooner "Ardell" from Tampa, and the entire cargo of arms and ammunition of the schooner "Mallory" from Cedar Key. It was by long odds the most important expedition that has set out from this country, and the Cubans at Jacksonville, when they learned that the "Three Friends" had safely fulfilled her mission, shouted "Viva Cuba!" until they were hoarse.
They declared that it would change the character of the whole war, as the unarmed men would now be armed, and that Maceo, who had before been wary and cautious, would be more aggressive than he had ever been before. The cargo of arms landed by the "Three Friends" and the "Mallory" was as follows: 750,000 rounds of cartridges, 1,200 rifles, 2,100 machetes, 400 revolvers, besides stores, reloading tools, etc.
The "Three Friends" met the "Mallory" at Alligator Key. The "Ardell" had just finished transferring the men to her. While they were rendezvoused there behind the pines in a deep coral-walled creek, three big Spanish men-of-war steamed slowly by, but they did not discover that there was anything suspicious looking in shore, although with a glass men could be seen in their look-outs scanning the horizon, as well as searching the shore. Sunday, about noon, no vessels being in sight, the "Three Friends" took in tow the "Mallory" and steamed southward under a good head of steam.
The "Three Friends" is a powerful tug, and by Monday night was close enough to the Cuban shore to hear the breakers. Several shiplights to the west were seen, one of which was evidently a Spanish man-of-war, for she had a search-light at her bow, and was sweeping the waves with it, but the "Three Friends" was a long way off, and had no light, and so was out of the neighborhood of the Spaniard.
At ten o'clock that night, by the aid of a naphtha launch and two big surf boats, which had been taken out of Jacksonville, the "Three Friends" landed the men and ammunition from her hold, and from that of the "Mallory." It took four and a half hours to complete the job. There were hundreds of men on shore to assist, and they did it silently, appreciating the peril of the position.
The Cubans on shore recognized General Collazo immediately, and no words can describe their joy on seeing him. He is a veteran of Cuban wars, and one whom Spain fears. In fact, it is known that during his sojourn in Florida he was shadowed by detectives, who had been instructed to spare no expense to keep Collazo from reaching Cuba. When it was whispered that Collazo was really among them, they seemed not to believe their ears, but came forward and looked, and, seeing that there was really no mistake, threw up their arms and wept for joy. Major Charles Hernandez and Duke Estrada were also enthusiastically welcomed.
It was reported that night that Maceo had received the arms of the first expedition that set forth three days before the "Three Friends" landed. They were not from the "Commodore," for they reported that they were now on the lookout for that vessel. They said, too, that at the end of the week four expeditions were afloat. Two, including the "Three Friends," had landed, and two more were on the way. Tuesday morning, as the "Three Friends" was returning, she sighted a steamer that answered to the description of the "Commodore." She was headed southward, and pushing along apparently at the rate of fifteen knots an hour.
Here is the story of the capture of an expedition, by CommanderButron, of the Spanish gunboat "Mensagera":
"The 'Mensagera' was directed to watch the coast between Cayo Julia and Morrillo, about one hundred miles. It was heard on the afternoon of April 25 that a suspicious schooner had been seen near Quebrados de Uvas. The gunboat followed, and found the 'Competitor.' The usual signals were made, but the schooner tried to get closer in shore, so as to land a rapid-fire gun.
"The 'Mensagera' was then moved forward and fired a shot, which struck the schooner and exploded a box of cartridges which the men were trying to take ashore. Several occupants of the schooner became alarmed, and threw themselves into the water, fearing an explosion of dynamite. The gunboat's crew seized rifles and began shooting, killing three men. Several others reached shore.
"Three men were aboard the schooner when it was overhauled, and they surrendered without resistance. Among them was Owen Milton, editor of the Key West Mosquito. Sailors were sent ashore to capture the arms landed. In the skirmish, two men, supposed to be filibusters, and a horse were killed. They secured several abandoned cases of cartridges. A body of insurgents had come to watch the landing of the boat's crew. The 'Mensagera' came to Havana with the arms and prisoners, who were very seasick. The schooner was towed to Havana by the gunboat 'Vicente Yanez.' It is regarded as an object of great curiosity by the crowds. It had the Spanish flag floating when captured. It is a neat, strong boat, and looks fast. One of the prisoners captured steadily refuses to give his name."
An account of the trial, as sent from Havana, May 8th, reads as follows:
"The court opened at the Arsenal. The prisoners were Alfredo Liaborde, born in New Orleans; Owen Milton, of Kansas; William Kinlea, an Englishman, and Elias Vedia and Teodore Dela Maza, both Cubans. Captain Ruiz acted as president of the court, which consisted of nine other military and naval officers. The trial of the five filibusters captured aboard the 'Competitor' was proceeded with against the formal protest presented by Consul General Williams, who declared that the trial was illegal and in violation of the treaty between Spain and the United States.
"The prisoners were not served with a copy of the charges against them and were not allowed to select their own counsel, but were represented by a naval officer appointed by the government. They were not permitted to call witnesses for their defense, the prosecution calling all the witnesses. Owen Milton, of Kansas, testified through an interpreter that he came on the expedition only to correspond for a newspaper. William Kinlea, when called, was in his shirt sleeves. He arose and said in English, 'I do not recognize your authority, and appeal for protection to the American and English consuls.'"
Fortunately for these prisoners, the United States government interfered, and they were eventually released.
His Ancestry—A Soldier From His Youth—He Succeeds GeneralCampos—A Master of Diplomacy—A Slave of Spain—His PersonalAppearance—His Interview With a Woman—His Definition of War—His Resignation.
Early in 1896, when the Spanish government began to realize that the insurrection was assuming serious proportions, arrangements were made for the recall of General Campos, then Governor-General of the island, and General Weyler was sent to assume the duties of the office. It was the opinion in Spain that Campos was too mild in his treatment of the rebels, and as Weyler was known to have no lamb-like qualities, he was regarded as the ideal man for the position. That he did not succeed in putting down the rebellion was certainly not due to any lack of extreme measures on his part. He is known as the "Butcher," and his management of affairs in Cuba certainly gives him every right to the title.
Valeriano Weyler y Nicolau, to give him his full name, is only half a Spaniard. His father was a Prussian, though Weyler himself was born in Cadiz in 1839. His parents were in very moderate circumstances and not of noble birth. What Weyler has won he has acquired through his own efforts. He has made his way single-handed. He graduated from the infantry school at Toledo in 1857 and was at once sent to Cuba as a subaltern. He was quickly made a captain and his first work was to subdue a small revolt in San Domingo.
He rose rapidly in rank, and during the first Cuban revolt he was in command in the province of Santiago, where he earned the title that has since made him famous in the eyes of his supporters, but infamous from a civilized point of view. But he put down the revolt. He was rewarded with the appointment of captain general of the Canary islands. His administration was so successful that he was created Marquis of Tenerife. He was then barely thirty-nine years old. He distinguished himself in the Carlist war and at its conclusion he was made captain general of the Philippines, where he quelled an insurrection and admittedly gave the islands the best administration they had ever known. He returned to Spain in 1889 and was in command at Barcelona until the present Cuban revolution began.
Here is a mental photograph of him by a newspaper correspondent:
"Most men resemble their reputations, and if a life famously spent is in the mind of one who visits a character of world-wide repute, he quite naturally discovers peculiarities, of facial expression and physique which appear to account for the individuality of the man, fighter, philosopher, criminal, reformer or whatever he may be.
"All this is true of General Weyler. He is one of those men who create a first impression, the first sight of whom can never be effaced from the mind, by whose presence the most careless observer is impressed instantly, and yet, taken, altogether, he is a man in whom the elements of greatness are concealed under a cloak of impenetrable obscurity. Inferior physically, unsoldierly in bearing, exhibiting no trace of refined sensibilities nor pleasure in the gentle associations that others live for, or at least seek as diversions, he is nevertheless the embodiment of mental acuteness, crafty, unscrupulous, fearless and of indomitable perseverance.
"I have talked with Campos, Marin and Weyler, the three Captain-Generals to whom Spain has intrusted (thus far unsuccessfully) the reconquest of Cuba. Reconquest seems an ill-chosen word, but one of General Weyler's staff has so denominated this war, and Cuban revolutions can be settled only by conquests, Campos was an exceptional man. Marin was commonplace. Weyler is unique. Campos and Marin affected gold lace, dignity and self-consciousness. Weyler ignores them all as useless, unnecessary impediments, if anything, to the one object of his existence. Campos was fat, good natured, wise, philosophical, slow in his mental processes, clear in his judgment, emphatic in his opinions, outspoken, and, withal, lovable, humane, conservative, constructive, progressive, with but one project ever before him, the glorification of Spain as a mother-land and a figure among peaceful, enlightened nations.
"Weyler is lean, diminutive, shriveled, ambitious for immortality, irrespective of its odor, a master of diplomacy, the slave of Spain, for the glory of sitting at the right of her throne, unlovable, unloving, exalted, and doubtless justly, in self-esteem, because he is unmistaken in his estimation of his value to his Queen. His passion is success, per se, foul or fair consequences or the conventional ideas of humanity notwithstanding.
"He is a little man. An apparition of blacks—black eyes, black hair, black beard, dark, exceedingly dark, complexion, a plain black attire, black shoes, black tie, a very dirty shirt and soiled standing collar, with no jewelry and not a relief from the aspect of darkness anywhere on his person.
"It is not remarkable that I momentarily hesitated to make certain that this was actually Weyler. Doubt was dispelled with a look at his face. His eyes, far apart, bright, alert and striking, took me in at a glance. His face seemed to run to his chin, his lower jaw protruding far beyond any ordinary sign of firmness, persistence or willpower. His forehead is neither high nor receding, neither is it that of a thoughtful or philosophic man. His ears are set far back, and what is called the region of intellect, in which are those mental attributes that might be defined as powers of observation, calculation, judgment, and execution, is strongly developed. The conformation of his head, however, is not one that is generally accepted as an indication of any marked possession of philoprogenitiveness or its kindred emotions and inclinations. His nose is aquiline, bloodless and obtrusive; When he speaks it is with a high nasal enunciation that is not disagreeable, because it is not prolonged, and his sentences justify every impression that has already been formed of the man. They are short, crisp, emphatic and expressive.
"'I have an aversion to speech,' he said. 'I am an enemy of publications. I prefer to act, not to talk. I am here to restore peace. When peace is in the land I am going away. I am a soldier. When I am gone, politicians will reconstruct Cuba, and probably they will upset things again until they are as bad as they are now. I care not for America, England, anyone, but only for the treaties we have with them. They are the law. I observe the law, and every letter of the law. I have my ideas of Cuba's relation to Spain. I have never expressed them. Some politicians would agree with them, others would not. No one would agree with all of them. I know I am merciless, but mercy has no place in war. I know the reputation which has been built up for me. Things that are charged to me were done by officers under me, and I was held responsible for all things in the Ten-Years' war, including its victorious end. I do not conceal the fact that I am here solely because it is believed I can crush this insurrection. I care not what is said about me, unless it is a lie so great as to occasion alarm. I am not a politician. I am Weyler.'"
The following interview with the "Butcher" is by Mrs. Kate Masterson, who bearded the lion in his den for an American newspaper:
"His Excellency, Captain-General Weyler, graciously gave me an audience to-day. He received me with most charming courtesy, escorted me through his apartments and presented me with a bunch of roses from his own table. Before I left he had honored me with an invitation to dine with him at the Palace.
"'Your Excellency,' I said to him through my interpreter, 'the American women have a very bad opinion of you. I am very much afraid of you myself, but I have come to ask the honor of an interview with you, in order that I may write something which will reassure the women of America that you are not treating women and children unmercifully.'
"'I do not give interviews,' he said. 'I am willing, however, to answer any question you wish to ask.'
"'In the United States,' I said, 'an impression prevails that your edict shutting out newspaper correspondents from the field is only to conceal cruelties perpetrated upon the insurgent prisoners. Will your Excellency tell me the real cause?'
"'I have,' replied the General, 'shut out the Spanish and Cuban papers from the field, as well as the American. In the last war the correspondents created much jealousy by what they wrote. They praised one and rebuked the other. They wrote what the prisoners dictated, instead of facts. They even created ill-feeling between the Spanish officers. They are a nuisance.'
"'Then I can deny the stories as to your being cruel?'
"The General shrugged his heavy shoulders as he said carelessly: 'I have no time to pay attention to stories. Some of them are true and some are not. If you will particularize I will give direct answers, but these things are not important.'
"'Does not your Excellency think that prisoners of war should be treated with consideration and mercy?'
"The General's eyes glinted dangerously. 'The Spanish columns attend to their prisoners just as well as any other country in time of war,' he replied. 'War is war. You cannot make it otherwise, try as you will.'
"'Will not your Excellency allow me to go to the scene of battle under an escort of soldiers, if necessary, that I may write of the situation as it really is, and correct the impression that prevails in America that inhuman treatment is being accorded to the insurgent prisoners?'
"'Impossible,' answered the General. 'It would not be safe.'
"'I am willing to take all the danger, if your Excellency will allow me to go,' I exclaimed.
"General Weyler laughed. 'There would be no danger from the rebels,' he said, 'but from the Spanish soldiers. They are of a very affectionate disposition and would all fall in love with you.'
"'I will keep a great distance from the fighting, if you will allow me to go.'
"The General's lips closed tightly, and he said: 'Impossible!Impossible!'
"'What would happen,' I asked, 'if I should be discovered crossing the lines without permission?'
"'You would be treated just the same as a man.'
"'Would I be sent to Castle Morro?'
"'Yes,' he replied, nodding his head vigorously. That settled it.I decided not to go.
"'Why,' I asked him, 'is the rule incommunicado placed upon prisoners? Is it not cruel to prevent a man from seeing his wife and children?'
"'The rule incommunicado,' said the General, 'is a military law. Prisoners are allowed to see their relatives as a favor, but we exercise discretion in these cases.'
"'There are stories that prisoners are shot in Castle Morro at daybreak each morning, and that the shots can be plainly heard across the bay. Is this true?'
"The General's eyes looked unpleasant again. 'It is false!' he said shortly. 'The prisoners go through a regular court-martial, and no one could be shot at Morro without my orders, and I have not given orders to shoot anyone since I have been here.'
"'Do you not think it very cruel that innocent women and children should be made to suffer in time of war?'
"'No innocent women and children do suffer. It is only those who leave their homes and take part in battle who are injured. It is only the rebels who destroy peaceful homes.'
"'It is reported,' I said, 'that thirty women are fighting underMaceo. Is this true?'
"'Yes,' replied the General. 'We took one woman yesterday. She was dressed in man's clothes and was wielding a machete. She is now in Morro Castle. These women are fiercer than men. Many of them are mulattoes. This particular woman was white.'
"'What will be her fate?'
"'She will go through the regular form of trial.'
"'Will no mercy be shown her?'
"'Mercy is always shown to a woman. While the law is the same for both sexes, there is a clause which admits of mercy to a woman.'
"'There are several Cuban women insurgents in Morro and the Cabanas. Would your Excellency,' I asked, 'allow me to visit them?'
"'No,' he said. 'There is a law that no foreigner shall enter our fortresses. It is a military law. We can make no exceptions. You understand that I do not wish to be discourteous, senorita.'
"'Some of these women,' I continued, 'are said to be imprisoned for merely having Cuban flags in their homes. Is this possible?'
"'Treason,' exclaimed the General, 'is always a crime, punishable by imprisonment.'
"'There is a newspaper correspondent at present in Morro. What was his crime?'
"The General shrugged his shoulders again. 'I know nothing about him,' he said. 'I think he has been freed.'
"'Do you not think the life of a newspaper correspondent in Havana is at present a most unhappy one?'
"'I think it must be, for they make me unhappy. If they were all like you it would be a pleasure.'
"'Is it true that thumbscrews are used to extort confessions from prisoners?'
"'Not by the Spaniards. Rebels use all these things, similar to those that were used in the Inquisition tortures.'
"'What does your Excellency think of the Cubans as a race? Do you not think them progressive and brave?'
"'With the progress of all nations the Cubans have progressed,' he replied. 'There are many Cubans in sympathy with Spain, but this insurrection is a blot upon the Cuban race which nothing can ever erase. It is a stain made with the blood of the slain and the tears of the women. It injures the Cubans themselves more than any other.'"
In spite of Weyler's boasts when he assumed command of the Spanish forces in Cuba that he would quickly put down the insurrection, his failure was as complete as that of General Campos had been, and his recall was finally demanded. In his letter of protest to the home government he said:
"If the functions with which the government had entrusted me had been merely those of Governor General of Cuba, I should have hastened to resign. But the twofold character of my mission and my duty as commander-in-chief in the face of the enemy prevent my tendering a resignation.
"Nevertheless, although I can rely upon the absolute, unconditional support of the autonomist and constitutional parties, as well as upon public opinion, this would be insufficient without the confidence of the government, now more than ever necessary to me after the censure of which I have been made the object by the members and journals of the Liberal party and by public opinion in the United States, which latter is largely influenced by the former. This confidence would be necessary to enable me to put an end to the war, which has already been virtually concluded from our lines at Jucaro to Cape Antonio."
Senor Sagasta replied: "I thank you for your explanation and value your frankness, I wish to assure you that the government recognizes your services and values them as they deserve, but it thinks a change of policy. In order to succeed, requires that the authorities should be at one with the ministry."