CHAPTER XI.

One hall situate in the manor of the said abbot and convent near the said church, with a soler and chamber at one end of the hall, and with a buttery and cellar at the other. Also one other house[146]in three parts, namely, a kitchen with a convenient chamber in the end of the said house for guests, and a bakehouse. Also one other house in two parts next the gate at the entrance of the manor for a stable and cow-house. He (the vicar) shall also have a convenient grange, to be built within a year at the expense of the prior and convent. He shall also havethe curtilage with the garden adjoining the hall on the north side enclosed as it is with hedges and ditches.[147]

The present vicarage house occupies the old site, and its offices, gardens, and surroundings help to illustrate this description.

In a deed of Richard of Thornely, Chaplain of Wasseford, it is stated that when he was presented by the Prior and Convent of Hatfield to the vicarage of Silverley, he bound himself by his own free will to build a house there, with a hall, a chamber, and a kitchen.[148]

In 1352, the Bishop of Winchester decreed that the Prior and Convent of Merton, the impropriators of the benefice of Kingston-on-Thames, should provide

a competent manse for the vicar, viz. a hall with two rooms, one at one end of the hall, and the other at the other end, with a drain to each, and a suitable kitchen with fireplace and oven, and a stable for six horses, all covered with tiles, and completed within one year, such place to remain to the use of the said vicar and his successors.[149]

The deed of settlement of the vicarage of Bulmer, Essex, in 1425, describes the vicarage house as consisting of—

one hall with two chambers annexed, bakehouse, kitchen, and larder-house, one chamber for the vicar’s servant, and a hay-soller (soler = loft), with a competent garden.[150]

Ingrave Rectory house is described in the terrier of 1610 as—

a house containing a hall, a parlour, a buttery, two lofts, and a study, also a kitchen, a milk-house, and a house for poultry, a barn, a stable, and a hay-house.[151]

Ingatestone Rectory house, in the terrier of 1610, is described as—

a dwelling house with a hall, a parlour, and a chamber within it; a study newly built by the then parson; a chamber over the parlour, and another within that with a closet; without the dwelling-house a kitchen, and two little rooms adjoining it, and a chamber over them; two little butteries over against the hall, and next them a chamber, and one other chamber over the same; without the kitchen there is a dove-house, and another house built by the then parson; a barn and a stable very ruinous.[152]

Here we have an old house with hall in the middle, parlour and chamber at one end, and butteries and kitchen at the other, in the middle of later additions.

Mr. Froude gives an inventory, dated 1534, of the goods of the Rector of Allington, Kent, from which we take only the incidental description of the house which contained them.[153]

It consisted of hall, parlour, and chamber over the parlour, stairs-head beside the parson’s bed-chamber, parson’s lodging-chamber, study, chamber behind the chimney, chamber next adjoining westward, buttery, priest’s chamber [perhaps for the rector’s chaplain[154]], servants’ chamber,kitchen, mill-house, boulting house, larder, entries, women’s chamber; gate-house, still beside the gate; barn next the gate; cartlage, barn next the church, garden-house, court.

Here, again, we recognize the hall in the middle, the parlour and chamber over it at one end, with an adjoining study on the ground floor, and a chamber over it, as at Ingatestone, and at the other end the buttery, kitchen, larder, mill, boulting houses, with a priest’s chamber, and a servants’ chamber over it, women’s chamber over the kitchen, etc.; and we observe that the additional chambers for the master of the house and his family are grouped about the parlour and great chamber, while the chambers for guests and servants are added to the kitchen and offices at the lower end of the hall. These two projections backward would partially enclose a courtyard at the back of the hall.

The rectory at Little Bromley, Essex, is described (1610) as—

a large parsonage house compass’d with a mote, a gate-house, with a large chamber, and a substantial bridge of timber adjoining it; a little yard, an orchard and a little garden all within the mote, which, together with the circuit of the house, contains about half an acre of ground; and without the mote there is a yard in which there is another gate-house, and a stable, and a hay-house adjoining, also a barn of twenty-five yards long, and nine yards wide, and about seventy-nine and a half acres of glebe land.[155]

North Benfleet Rectory is described as consisting of—

a hall with a loft over it, two cross ends, with lofts and chambers, a kitchen with a hen-house, a barn and a little stable at the end of it, built in ancient time, a garden made, an orchard planned, a milk-house and a dove-house.[156]

West Hanningfield is described as—

one dwelling-house tiled, having in it a hall with a loft over it for corn, a closet in the hall, two butteries, with a loft over them for servants’ lodging, an entry, a large parlour, with two lodging chambers over it for servants, a study new built, also a kitchen tiled, with a corn-loft over it, a boulting-house with a cheese-loft over it, a brew-house newly set up, with a fair corn-lift over it, and a garret over that, and a hen-house tiled at the end of it, a barn newly built, and a porch thatched, a hay-house at the end of it, a hogs’-coat boarded, a stable, a quern-house, two small cotes to fat fowl in, a cow-house newly built, with a cart-house at the end of it; another cart-house newly built with a room over it to hold hay; one large hay-house with a cart-house at the end of it; another cart-house newly built; a gate-house, wherein is a milk-house, with a loft over it for cheese and fish; the site of the house and yards with two gardens contains two roods.[157]

We easily recognize the normal plan of the house; the large accommodation outside—some of it new—for carts and hay, and for the storing of corn inside the house, indicates that the rector was farming on rather a large scale.

We have seen in the foregoing description of the vicarage house at Kelvedon, Essex, that aspecial chamber was provided for the entertainment of guests, and at Kingston-on-Thames a stable for six horses was attached to the vicarage house. This was no doubt needed because the one was on the high-road from London into Essex, and the other on the high-road from London into Surrey, and so westward, and the accommodation was needed for travellers. In those times there were no inns at convenient distances along the main roads of the country, nor even in the towns, except in some of the largest. Few people travelled except on business, so that hospitality was little liable to abuse; and travellers sought entertainment for man and horse at the monasteries and the parsonage houses.

It was regarded as a duty of the clergy to “entertain strangers,” and to be “given to hospitality;” and the duty was fulfilled ungrudgingly, without fee or reward, and entailed a heavy charge upon the income of the clergy. One of the common reasons which a monastery[158]alleges for asking the bishop to allow them to impropriate an additional benefice is that their expenditure on the entertainment of travellers is beyond their means; the country rectors, also, in their remonstrance against the exactions of the popes, complain that they will be left without means to fulfil their duty of hospitality;[159]and the matter isvery frequently alluded to and illustrated by examples in mediæval history. Off the great roads, the rector would put an extra pewter platter and horn drinking-cup on the board for an accidental passenger who claimed hospitality—he brought his own knife, and there were no forks—and gave him a liberal “shakedown” of clean straw, or at best a flock mattress, in a corner of the hall. But, just as in the monasteries it was necessary to have a special guest-house for travellers, so that they should not interfere with the seclusion of the religious, so it would seem at the rectories along the great roads it was necessary that there should be special provision made for the frequent influx of guests. This is the explanation of the chamber for guests at Kelvedon, and for the vicar’s six-stall stable at Kingston.

It is clear that some of the rectory houses thus described were like some of the smaller manor houses, enclosed by moat or wall, and the entrance protected by a gate-house, and that the house contained all the accommodation needed by a small squire.[160]But therewere smaller houses more suited to the means of a poor vicar or a parish chaplain.[161]Thus, on the settlement of the Vicarage of Great Bentley, Essex, in 1323, it was required that a competent house should be built for the vicar, with a sufficient curtilage, where the parish chaplain has been used to abide. At the settlement of the Vicarage of St. Peter’s, Colchester, the impropriators, the Convent of St. Botolph, were required to prepare a competent house for the vicar in the ground of the churchyard, where a house was built for the parish chaplain. At Radwinter, Essex, in 1610, there were two houses attached to the benefice, on the south side of the church towards the west end, one called “the Great Vicarage, and in ancient time theDomus Capellanorum, and the other the Less Vicarage,” which latter “formerly served for the ease of the parson; and, as appears by evidence, first given to the end that if any of the parish were sick, the party might be sure to find the parson or his curate near the church, ready to go and visit him.” There are little houses in some churchyards whichmay have been houses for the parish chaplain. At Laindon, Essex, a small timber-house is built on to the west end of the church.[162]The Chapel of our Lady at Great Horkesley, Essex, has the west end walled off and divided into two stories for a priest’s residence.[163]

Laindon Church, Essex.

The question of dilapidations of the parsonage house and its dependent buildings is not a matter of much general interest, but it was then, as it is now, of much practical importance to the beneficed clergy, and it is worth while to say a few words about it. We find examples in the episcopal registers which we assume represent the universal practice.

In the register of John de Grandisson, Bishop of Exeter, June 21, 1328, a commission was issued to inquire into the defects in the church and its furniture and the manse of the Rectory of Lydeford, by the carelessness and neglect of Stephen Waleys, late deceased. The commissioners were laudably prompt in action, for, on the 4th July, they made their return of defects, etc., to the amount of 42s.; and the bishop at once issued his mandate that the amount should be paid out of the goods of the defunct rector.[164]There was a similar process in the same year at Didesham.

FURNITURE AND DRESS.

There was a continual fight going on all through the Middle Ages between the rulers of the Church and the rest of their brethren on the subject of the ordinary costume of the clergy. It seems to have been a part of the Hildebrandine plan of making the secular clergy a kind of semi-monastic order. Wherever there is a strong canon on enforcing celibacy, there we are sure to find another canon enjoining a well-marked tonsure, and forbidding long hair, and worldly fashions of dress and ornaments.

Consecration of Archbishop Thomas Becket. (MS., Royal 2 B., vii.)

It is not worth while to trouble the reader with a long series of laws and canons; it will be enough to quote one which condescends to be argumentative and persuasive as well as minatory. It is from the “Injunctions of John Stratford, Archbishop of Canterbury,” made at St. Paul’s Cathedral, inA.D.1342.

The external costume often shows the internal character and condition of persons; and although the behaviour ofclerks ought to be an example and pattern of lay people, yet the abuses of clerks, which have prevailed more than usual in these days, in tonsure, clothing, horse trappings, and other things, have created an abominable scandal among the people; because persons holding ecclesiastical dignities, rectories, honourable prebends, and benefices with cure of souls, even men in Holy Orders, scorn to wear the tonsure, which is the crown of the kingdom of heaven and of perfection, and distinguish themselves by hair spreading to the shoulders in an effeminate manner, and walk about clad in a military rather than a clerical dress, with an outer habit very short and tight-fitting, but excessively wide, with long sleeves which do not touch the elbow; their hair curled and perfumed (?), their hoods with lappets of wonderful length; with long beards, rings on their fingers, and girded belts studded with precious stones of wonderful size, their purses enamelled and gilt with variousdevices, and knives openly hanging at them like swords, their boots of red and green peaked and cut in many ways; with housings to their saddles, and horns hanging from their necks; their capes and cloaks so furred, in rash disregard of the canons, that there appears little or no distinction between clergymen and laymen; whereby they render themselves unworthy through their demerits of the privilege of their order and profession. Wherefore we decree that they who hold ecclesiastical benefices in our province, especially if ordained to Holy Orders, do wear the garments and tonsure proper to their condition, but if they offend by using any of the foresaid abuses, too wide sleeves or too short outer coats, or long hair, or untonsured head, or long beard, and do not when admonished desist within six months, they shall incur suspension from their office until absolved by the bishop—to whom their absolution is reserved—when they shall forfeit a sixth of one year’s income from their ecclesiastical benefices to the poor of their benefices; and if while the suspension lasts, they perform any act of their office they shall be deprived. [On the other hand] unbeneficed clerks publicly and habitually carrying themselves like clerks, if they exceed in these things, and do not, when admonished, correct themselves within four months, shall not be capable of holding a benefice. If living in universities, and bearing themselves as clerks, they offend in these respects, they shall be incapable of ecclesiastical degrees or honours. Yet we intend not to abridge clerks of open wide surcoats called table-coats with fitting sleeves to be worn at seasonable times and places, nor of short and close garments while travelling in the country at their own discretion. Ordinaries are commanded to make inquiry by themselves or by others every year, and to see that this canon is observed.[165]

ARCHDEACON, CLERGY IN SECULAR COSTUME.XIV. CENT. MS., 6 E VII., f. 197.

ARCHDEACON AND CLERGY.XIV. CENT. MS., 6 E VI., f. 132.

We shall see hereinafter that by ages of worrying legislation the canons succeeded in compelling the clergy to keep their wivesin petto; but the sumptuary canons were a dead failure.

The authorities made attempts to get them observed. It is related that at a certain Visitation, the bishop ordered the canon to be read and then had the hair of the clergy cut short on the spot. Grostete of Lincoln refused to institute to a cure of souls a deacon who came to him untonsured, dressed in scarlet, and wearing rings, in the habit and carriage of a layman, or rather of a knight, and almost illiterate.[166]Some of the vicars of York Cathedral[167]were presented to the bishop in 1362 “for being in the habit of going through the city in short tunics ornamentally trimmed, with knives and basilards hanging at their girdles.” Similarly, in the diocese of Bath and Wells, from an inquiry made by Bishop Beckington (1443-1465), we learn that the vicars of the cathedral affected the dress of the laity: they had the collars of their doublets high and standing up like lawyers, and the collars of their gowns and cloaks very short and low; against which practices the bishop made ordinances.

Many of the clergy, however, persisted in wearing the same sort of clothes as their neighbours of similar position in society, very much as they do now, with little differences which were enough to mark their clerical character. They wore the tonsure—thecomplaint was they would not make it larger, like the monks; they wore a special head-covering—or some of them did—which is mentioned in their Wills as a “priest’s bonnet;”[168]but they persisted in wearing their hair cut like other people’s, and short-skirted coats when it was convenient; their ordinary dress was of red or blue, or half a dozen other colours, instead of grey or black; and nothing could prevent them from wearing “zones” ornamented with silver, and a basilard—a hanger, or short sword—hanging at their silver zone, instead of a girdle of leather and a pair of beads. The mention of coloured gowns (togas) and of silver zones and basilards[168]in the wills of the clergy is so general as to produce the conviction that the wearing of them by the more well-to-do of the secular clergy was almost universal.

In the illuminated MSS. of all ages there are to be found representations of the secular clergy not only in their official robes, but also in their ordinary dress. The best and clearest examples of these which we have met with are in the Catalogue[169]of Benefactors of the Abbey of St. Albans, already quoted, and we are able to give engravings[170]of some of them.

Sir Richard de Threton.Sir Bartholomew de Wendon.

On fol. 100 v. is a portrait of one Lawrence, a clerk, who is dressed in a brown gown (toga); another clerk, William by name, is in a scarlet gown and hood. On fol. 93 v. Leofric, a deacon, is in a blue gown and hood. The first of the accompanying engravings from fol. 105 represents Dom. Ricardus de Threton, sacerdos—Sir Richard Threton, priest—who was executor of Sir Robert de Thorp, knight, formerly chancellor of the king, who gave twenty marks to the convent. In the illumination, the gown and hood are of full bright blue, lined with white; the under sleeves which appear at the wrists are of the same colour; and the shoes are red. The next illustration from fol. 106 v. represents Dom. Bartholomeus de Wendone, rector of the church of Thakreston, and the character of the face leads tothe conclusion that it is a portrait, and to the conjecture that all the others were intended to be so. His gown, hood, and sleeves are scarlet, with black shoes. Another rector, on fol. 105, Dom. Johannes Rodland, rector of the church of Todyngton, has a green gown and scarlet hood. Still another rector of the church of Little Waltham is represented at half length in pink gown and purple hood. On fol. 108 v. is the full-length portrait of Dom. Rogerus, chaplain of the chapel of the Earl of Warwick at Flamsted; over a scarlet gown, of the same fashion as those in the preceding pictures, he wears a pink cloak lined with blue; the hood is scarlet of the same suit as the gown; the buttons at the shoulder of the cloak are white (perhaps silver), the shoes red. It will be observed that they all wear the moustache and beard.

Sir Roger, Chaplain.

The priest on horseback represents John Ball, who was concerned in Wat Tyler’s rebellion. He is in a churchyard, preaching from the pulpit of his saddle to a crowd of people on the left side of the picture.

The subject receives some illustration from literary sources; the “Instructions to Parish Priests” enjoins—

In honeste clothes thow muste gonBasdard ne bawdryke were thou non.

But “Piers Plowman” notes their contrary practice. It would be better, he says—

If many a priest bare for their baselards and their broochesA pair of beads in their hand and a book under their arm.Sire John and Sire Geffrey hath a girdle of silver,A baselard and a knife, with botons over gilt.

John Ball, priest.(From MS. of Froissart’s “Chronicle.”)

A little later he speaks of proud priests habited in patlocks (a short jacket worn by laymen), with peaked shoes and large knives or daggers.

In the poems of John Audelay, in the fifteenth century, a parish priest is described in—

His girdle harneshed with silver, his baselard hangs by.

Examples will be found in the Wills and Inventories,which we have placed at the end of this chapter (p. 173, etc.). We may add here that the silver ornaments of these zones were probably plates more or less ornamented with repoussé work and sometimes with enamel and precious stones; that the plates must have been of considerable substance is indicated by the following—

Thomas Sufwyk, Rector of Burton Noveray (not dated—c. 1390), leaves to his parish church his great missal and best vestment, and also his best silver zone to make a chalice.[171]

Sometimes a clergyman had not only a basilard habitually hanging at his girdle, but also a sword for use on occasion. Chaucer says—

Bucklers brode and swerdes longBaudrike with baselardes keneSech toles about her necke they hong:With Antichrist seche prestes been.

Robert Newby, Rector of Whyttchurche, and official of the Archdeacon of Oxford, in his will made in 1412, leaves to his brother his best sword, and to his niece his scarlet gown;[172]and in the wills subsequently given it will be seen that the Vicar of Gaynford, in 1412, leaves his best suit of armour and all his arrows; the Rector of Scrayningham, in 1414, leaves a suit of armour; and the dean of the collegiate church at Auckland leaves his best sword and a complete suit of armour.[173]

There are some quaint illustrations of these offending clergymen in the MSS. so often quoted here, Royal 6 E. VI., and 6 E. VII.Clerici pugnantes in duelloat 6 E. VI., f. 302verso;Clericus venatorat f. 303verso. Under the titleDe habitu Clericorum, in 6 E. VII. f. 197, there are three clerics on the left properly habited in red tunic and blue cloak and blue tunic and red cloak, and on the right three startling examples of the costume against which the Canons wage war, of short tunics and belted swords. See Plate.

Here are some brief extracts from various wills[174]which bear upon the subject.

In the Bury St. Edmunds Wills, Adam de Stanton, a chaplain,A.D.1370, bequeaths one girdle with purse and knife valued at 5s., a considerable sum in those days. In the York wills, John Wyndhill, Rector of Arnecliffe,A.D.1431, leaves an amber pair of beads, such as Piers Plowman says a priest ought “to bear in his hand, and a bookunder his arm;” and, curiously enough, in the next sentence, he leaves an English book of “Piers Plowman;” but he does not seem to have been much influenced by the popular poet’s invectives, for he goes on to bequeath two green gowns, and one of murrey, and one of sanguine colour, besides two of black, all trimmed with various furs; also one girdle of sanguine silk ornamented with silver gilded; and another zone of green and white, ornamented with silver gilded; and he also leaves his best silver girdle and a baselard with ivory and silver handle. John Gilby, Rector of Knesale,A.D.1434-35, leaves a red toga furred with bryce, a black zone of silk with gilt bars, and a zone ornamented with silver. J. Bagale, Rector of All Saints, York,A.D.1438, leaves a little basilard with a zone harnessed with silver to Sir T. Astell, a chaplain. W. Duffield, a chantry priest at York,A.D.1443, leaves a black zone silvered, a purse called a “gypsire,” and a white purse of “burdeux.” W. Swerd, chaplain, leaves to H. Hobshot a hawk-bag, and to W. Day, parochial chaplain of Calton, a pair of hawk-bag rings, and to J. Sarle, chaplain, “my ruby zone silvered, and my toga furred with bevers;” and to the wife of J. Bridlington a ruby purse of satin. R. Rollerton, provost of the church of Beverley,A.D.1450, leaves a “toga lunata” with a red hood, a toga and hood of violet, a long toga and hood of black trimmed with martrons, and a toga and hood of violet. J. Clyft, chaplain,A.D.1455, leaves a zone of silk ornamented with silver.

The following extracts from wills of clergymen are full of points of interest, which want of space compels us to leave, without note or comment, to the reader’s discrimination:—

Roger de Kyrby, Perpetual Vicar of Gaynford, 1412, leaves his body to be buried in the choir of his parish church, near the altar, on the south side [where it stilllies, with an inscription on a brass plate on the stone which covers his grave]. To a priest to celebrate for his soul and the souls of all the faithful departed for three years after his burial, £15. To the Abbot and Convent of Eglyston, 20s.To every priest of Castle Barnard present at his obsequies, 2s.; to every other priest present, 12d.; to be distributed on the day of his burial four marks. He leaves to the chapel of Castle Barnard a “Legenda Aurea” to Sir John Drawlace, junior chaplain, a book which is called “Gemma Ecclesiæ,” and all his other books he gives and bequeaths to William de Kirkby, son of Ada de Kyrkby, my late brother, “and this if it so happen that he shall have been made a presbyter, but if not they shall be sold and the price of them given for my soul,” as his executor shall think best. He leaves to Sir Thomas of Langton, chaplain, a toga of sanguine color furred; a chalice worth 40s., or 40s.of English money (monetæ Angliæ), to keep up the altar light of the blessed Mary of Castle Barnard. He leaves to William, his brother, a horse, viz. Bay, and 20s.; to Thomas de Kyrkby, his cousin (cognatus), 6 stone of wool and 2 marks; to Richard de Kyrkby, hiscognatus, a cow, viz. the best, and a bed suited to his condition, and 4 stone of wool, with 20s.; to Elizabeth, hiscognata, a younger cow, a basin and ewer and a bed suited to her, and 2 stone of wool, with 13s.4d.To Thomas of Gedworth, his chamberlain, a grey horse, a cow, a red bed, and all his arrows, a best hauberk, a “brestplate,” and a pair of vambraces and also of rerebraces, a pair of “Whysshewes Grenyce,” a basinet with aventale, and a pair of gauntlets of plate, and 20s.He leaves to Henry Smyth 9 matrices (ewes?), with 5 lambs, or the price of them, and two pair of sheets, and 6s.8d.He leaves to Thomas de Kyrkby, clerk, a green toga and 6s.8d.To Alice Kyrkby, his brother’s widow, 12 best silver spoons worth 36s., and a covered piece of silver (unam peciamcoopertam argenteam) ... and a best bed, with 4 marks of lawful money (monetæ legalis). He leaves to John Drawlace, junior, chaplain, a silver piece not covered, and 6 silver spoons, and a best toga. To Thomas Sowrale, chaplain, another toga, viz. of Sendry, and a piece not covered, and 6 silver spoons. The rest of all my goods he gives and bequeaths to the foresaid John Drawlace and Thomas Sowrale, chaplains. Inventory:—In told money (pecunia numerata), £36 13s.4d.; 3 pieces of silver with covers, 11 marks, 6s.8d.; 2 pieces without covers, 12s.; a silver-gilded zone, 5 marks; another silver zone, 10s.; 3 silver basilards, 2s.4d.; a pair of bedes of amber and an Agnus Dei, 10s.; two beds of red colour covered with tapestry, 20s.; two beds sanguine, 10s.; a little bed of sanguine worstett, 6s.8d.; a white bed, 3s.4d.; 2 coverlets (coopercla), 6s.; a whylt with 4 materesse, 6s.8d.; 14 “lodices,” 14s.; 19 pair of sheets, 31s.8d.; a mantle of red “fresed,” 20s.; 3 furred gowns, 40s.; a “pylche of stranlion,” 20s.; 3togæ singulæ, 13s.4d.; 4 ells of woollen cloth, viz. of sendry colour with a web of russet, 26s.8d.; “armatura,” 26s.8d.; 8 lb. of wax, 4s.; a pair of trussyngcofers, 4s.; a wyrehatte, 5s.; total, £62 6s.8d.In thehall, 2 dorsors with a banwher (banker),[175]13s.4d.; 12 whysshynes (cushions), 12s.; 2 tables with trestles, 12s.; a cupboard (coppeburd), 6s.8d.; 2 basins and ewers, 4s.In thecellar, a napkin (mappa) with 1 towel newly made, 3s.; 10 old napkins with 3 towels, 2s.6d.; 38 ells of linen cloth, 11s.1d.; 3 pair of silver knives, 6s.8d.; 9 ells of linen cloth of lake, 4s.6d.; 2 barrels and 4 stands, 2s.In thekitchen, 7 brass pots, 7s.; 4 griddles (patellæ), 2s.6d.; 1 “veru ferreum,” 8d.; 2 “dresshyng knyves,” 7d.; one lead (unum plumbum) containing 32 bottles (lagenas), with 3 small leads, 8s.; 2 dozenvasorum de electro, 20s.; a dozen of oldvasorum, 6s.8d.; 5 plates (perapsides) and 10 dishes (disci), 2s.; afrying-pan, 6d.; a Rostyngiryn, 4d.In thestable, 2 grey palfreys, £4; 2 horses, 26s.8d.; a mare, 4s.4d.; 5 saddles with 4 bridles, 16s.8d.; a cart bound with iron with all fittings (omni apparatu), 16s.; 3 cows, 20s.; 15 pigs with 5 little pigs, 30s.; 1 boar, 6s.8d.Granary, 10 quart’ of malt (brasii mixti), 33s.4d.; wheat, barley, oats and peas not ground, £8. Owing to him, £10 10s.; 10 stone of iron, 5s.; other utensils, 10s.; sum total, £99 11s.3d.[176]Peter de Bolton, Rector of Scrayngham, diocese of York (1414), leaves 2½ silver marks to the glass windows on the south side of the chancel of his church. To the poor parishioners of Howshom and Scrayngham, 20s.between them. For wax to be burned around his body on the day of his burial, 10 lb. in 5 wax candles and 2 torches; to the chaplain celebrating Divine service for one year in the said chancel for the safety of his soul, 100s.“if my goods amount to such a sum when my debts are paid.” To the foresaid church of Scrayngham a chalice and a white vestment (vestimentum) with a chasuble (casula) powdered with red roses, and with albe, amice, stole, and fanula (maniple), and corporal, with “singulo” and frontal of the same work, and towell (tuall’) annexed to the frontal, with another tuall’ for the altar; provided that the parishioners of the said church of Scrayngham grant to him an old chasuble (casula), in which I intend to be buried. He leaves to John Haydok 40s.for his support at the schools; to William Bugdeyn 6s.8d.; to Alice Laycester, of York, a toga talarem, long, reaching to the ancles of tawny; to his clerk a hauberk (lorica), with ventaled basenet, a pair of vanbraces and a pair of rerebraces, and a pair of gauntlets of plate; to Robert Rokesby, servant of Master Robert Ragonhyll, 6s.8d.; to the said Master Robert Ragonhyll, 13s.4d.; to Thomas Byrkdale, my cousin, a basilard ornamented with silver and 6s.8d.; to the wife of William Bugden, 40d.;to Robert Saundby, 2s.; to Master John Stanton, 6s.8d.; to Sir Gilbert Haydok, knyght, all my vessels of pewter; the rest to my executors.[177]Stephen le Scrop, Archdeacon of Richmond (1418), leaves, to the high table of the altar of the church of St. Peter of York, my great jewel,ordinatum pro corpore Xti.(to be appropriated to the Pyx?), and three silver chargers of the best of my vessels, and a gold crucifix, and an entire vestment of red cloth of gold with two copes of the same suit.... To the fabric of the said church, £20; to each residentiary canon with the precentor of the said church present at my obit, 6s.8d.; to each parson, 2s.; to each vicar, 20d.; to each deacon, sub-deacon, and thuribularius of the said church present at my obit, 12d.; to the sacrist, 10s.; to the clerks (clerus vestibuli) of the said church, 10s.; to the “mumdator,” 2s.To each of my churches of Esyngwald, Knaresburgh, Thorntonsteward, Clapham, Bolton, Arlecden, and Tallagham 10 marks, or a vestment of the value of 10 marks; to my church of Horneby, 5 marks; to my church of Bishophill, 5 marks, or a vestment at the discretion of my executors. To the monastery of the blessed Mary of York, 40s., provided they ring and celebrate my obit; to the friars of St. Leonard of York, 20s., provided they ring and celebrate my obit; to the house of Monkton, 100s., and 2 pieces of silk of red and green colour, for the high altar; to every house of monks (monalium), and to each house of friars within my archdeaconry, 20s.; to the friars of St. Robert of Knaresburgh, 40s.; to his lady mother, a golden covered ciphum (cup) with the inscription on the coverGood zereto his brother William, 12 best silver dishes (discos) and 12 best silver “saucers;” to his sister Matilda, 10 marks and a covered silver ciphum with the inscriptionBENEDICTUS QUI VENIT IN NOMINE DOMINI, and a tablet of ivory of two leaves bound with silver; toMaster John Ermyn, his official, a covered silver ciphum with the inscriptionCUJUS FINIS BONUS TOTUM IPSUM BONUM, and a silver salt cellar (salsarium) not covered; to Sir William Bamburgh a covered silver cipum with the nameJesuson the top; to Master Peter Meland, a covered silver ciphum with knop on the top; to the Hall of the Annunciation of the Blessed Mary, in Cambridge, in whichhabitavihis Catholicon, etc., and a tall silver-gilt covered ciphum with a long foot andsignatumwith “ivyn leves” (ivy leaves); to Brian of Plumpton, £10 and a covered silver ciphum, with the arms of Yvo Souche on the top; to William Normanvyle, 10 marks and a best ciphum not covered.... To John Semer, his chamberlain, his best scarlet robe witharmilansa, tabard, hood, and theirpumates, and fur trimmings, and 100s., Stephen del Courte, armiger, John Hewet, his clerk, William Heth, Henry of the Kitchen, Robert del Myre, William of the Chamber, Peter of the Kichen, William Lynne, Walter Flette, his clerk, Godfrey the Cook, John Percy, Robert of the Bakehouse, John Brod, Robert Walton, Robert Scolle, page of his chamber, Thomas Baker; and whatever day of the year he may die that the fees or wages of his servants be paid in full for that whole year. Also he leaves a silver-gilt chalice cup, with a long foot, with a knop at the top, a homiletorium and pair of gold beads, a pair of beads of coral ornamented with gold and knops of perrle, 2 silver-gilt covered ciphum of a suit, viz. chalice cups with knops of azure; 6 dishes and 6 “saucers” of silver, with his arms, to John Newhouse, chaplain; 8 marks a year for 5 years to celebrate at the altar of St. Stephen,[178]in the Church of York, for the souls of himself, his parents, brothers, sisters, his lord the archbishop, William Plumpton, his friends, his servants, and of all the faithful departed, and that he say daily theexequiæ defunctorum. Also toWilliam Tadcaster, chaplain, the same sum for the same duties. 10 marks to the poor at his burial. He leaves books of Sextum and the Constitutions of Otho and Othobon, with John Aton, Decretales, Decreta, Hostiensis, to friends for life, and afterwards to the Library of York.Thomas Hebbeden, Dean of the collegiate church of St. Andrew, of Aukland, leaves to John Holhom, his nephew, his best sword andunam integram armaturam.[179]Sir Richard Towgall, priest, 1441 (apparently a chantry priest at one of the altars in Gateshead Church), leaves “unto Sir Johane huchinson, my sister’s soone, my best govne, and another govne that was Sir Will’m Goolands, my best tippett, the best bonet, ... a rachytt, a hangher, a mesbooke, a manuall, a doseyn aum’ beids with a gyemis ring, and all my books, with my bedde, that is to know a ffedour bedde, a bowster, 2 codds ... blankets, 2 coverletts, 2 scheyts.... To Robert huchinson my second gown, two dovbletts, and my hose. To the aforesayd Robert’s wyfe, a govn whiche I ware on Sondays, and to bessy chawmere, my blake govne. I give unto Jennet appelbe a yron chimnaye, a coffer, and a mantil. Unto Marg, his sistar, a counter and a pair of amber (avmer) bedys garded with silver gardis. To St. Cuthbart’s gilde, if it shall go on, 2 westments with ther albs, 2 altare cloythes, 1 towell, 2 candlesticks, 1 antiphonal, 1 prosessiner, a dirige book, and a pax. To Jennet Wawton 111d.and my dayly govne. My chalys unto the chirche of this condition, and if it please God that thair fawll a chantre within this forsayth chirche beyinge at the p’oshinars gyfte, and the p’oshinars be so good unto my cousinge, Sir Johane, as to gyve and promote hym beforr another, this doven, than this chalys to stand as gyft, and if not, to go to my executors.”[180]By his will, dated 1491, Sir John Newys, Vicar ofTillingham, makes various bequests to his church, and leaves £6 8s.4d.for a priest to sing for his soul for a year; he gives to Sir Richard Mortimer, his parish priest [i.e.his assistant curate], his portuous, and his long gown of musterdeviles with the hood; he leaves, besides, to different people, his best gown, his two red doublets, and best pair of hozen, his satten doublet, his new furred gown, his long green gown, and his long russet gown, and his old hozen.[181]Robert Hyndmer, Rector of Sedgefield’s will, 1558, is accompanied by a very full inventory of the house furniture and belongings of a well-to-do man. He leaves, among other things, a ring of gold with a dark ruby in it, and another gold ring with a red seal of an image; 180 ounces of plate at 5s.the ounce, and in money and gold, £116.John Honynghym, Rector of Waldegrave, 1417, leaves 100s.for the making of a vestment for use at the high altar of the church of St. Peter, in Walgraf, London. He leaves his “best bible,” which begins In Sofilio dei in actibus [sic], also his portiforium of the Use of York. He leaves to William Bryht, Rector of S. Michael’s, Cornhill, a gilt zone, which is in his hospitium in London, as recompense for having kept a book of his called “Gorham Copwood”; and leaves his sword to Nicholas Dixon. He leaves a book called “Speculum Curatorum,” a book of sermons which the late Prior of Bartholomew’s composed, Gorham super Mattheum, Bartholomeus de Casibus, his great missal, and great new portiforium.Robert Newby, Rector of Whyttchurche, and official of the Archdeacon of Oxford, 1412, leaves to his brother his sword, etc., and to his daughter his scarlet gown.Thomas de la Mare, Canon of York,A.D.1258, bequeaths 2 falcons to his brother and cousin. He mentions hisfalconer among his servants, and leaves him a “laner” and 20s.He had several horses, the names of some being given; one was “Turnebull,” another, “Bayard de Wirethorp,” and a third, “Morell de Welwick.”Says the author of “Dives and Pauper,” “These men of holy church that buckle their shoes of silver and use great silver harness in their girdles and knives, and men of religion—monks and canons and such like—that use great ouches of silver and gold on their capes to fasten their hoods against the wind, and ride on high horses with saddles harnessed with gold and silver more pompously than lords, are strong thieves and do great sacrilege, so spending the goods of holy church on vanity and pride, in lust of the flesh, by which things the poor should live.”

Peter de Bolton, Rector of Scrayngham, diocese of York (1414), leaves 2½ silver marks to the glass windows on the south side of the chancel of his church. To the poor parishioners of Howshom and Scrayngham, 20s.between them. For wax to be burned around his body on the day of his burial, 10 lb. in 5 wax candles and 2 torches; to the chaplain celebrating Divine service for one year in the said chancel for the safety of his soul, 100s.“if my goods amount to such a sum when my debts are paid.” To the foresaid church of Scrayngham a chalice and a white vestment (vestimentum) with a chasuble (casula) powdered with red roses, and with albe, amice, stole, and fanula (maniple), and corporal, with “singulo” and frontal of the same work, and towell (tuall’) annexed to the frontal, with another tuall’ for the altar; provided that the parishioners of the said church of Scrayngham grant to him an old chasuble (casula), in which I intend to be buried. He leaves to John Haydok 40s.for his support at the schools; to William Bugdeyn 6s.8d.; to Alice Laycester, of York, a toga talarem, long, reaching to the ancles of tawny; to his clerk a hauberk (lorica), with ventaled basenet, a pair of vanbraces and a pair of rerebraces, and a pair of gauntlets of plate; to Robert Rokesby, servant of Master Robert Ragonhyll, 6s.8d.; to the said Master Robert Ragonhyll, 13s.4d.; to Thomas Byrkdale, my cousin, a basilard ornamented with silver and 6s.8d.; to the wife of William Bugden, 40d.;to Robert Saundby, 2s.; to Master John Stanton, 6s.8d.; to Sir Gilbert Haydok, knyght, all my vessels of pewter; the rest to my executors.[177]

Stephen le Scrop, Archdeacon of Richmond (1418), leaves, to the high table of the altar of the church of St. Peter of York, my great jewel,ordinatum pro corpore Xti.(to be appropriated to the Pyx?), and three silver chargers of the best of my vessels, and a gold crucifix, and an entire vestment of red cloth of gold with two copes of the same suit.... To the fabric of the said church, £20; to each residentiary canon with the precentor of the said church present at my obit, 6s.8d.; to each parson, 2s.; to each vicar, 20d.; to each deacon, sub-deacon, and thuribularius of the said church present at my obit, 12d.; to the sacrist, 10s.; to the clerks (clerus vestibuli) of the said church, 10s.; to the “mumdator,” 2s.To each of my churches of Esyngwald, Knaresburgh, Thorntonsteward, Clapham, Bolton, Arlecden, and Tallagham 10 marks, or a vestment of the value of 10 marks; to my church of Horneby, 5 marks; to my church of Bishophill, 5 marks, or a vestment at the discretion of my executors. To the monastery of the blessed Mary of York, 40s., provided they ring and celebrate my obit; to the friars of St. Leonard of York, 20s., provided they ring and celebrate my obit; to the house of Monkton, 100s., and 2 pieces of silk of red and green colour, for the high altar; to every house of monks (monalium), and to each house of friars within my archdeaconry, 20s.; to the friars of St. Robert of Knaresburgh, 40s.; to his lady mother, a golden covered ciphum (cup) with the inscription on the coverGood zereto his brother William, 12 best silver dishes (discos) and 12 best silver “saucers;” to his sister Matilda, 10 marks and a covered silver ciphum with the inscriptionBENEDICTUS QUI VENIT IN NOMINE DOMINI, and a tablet of ivory of two leaves bound with silver; toMaster John Ermyn, his official, a covered silver ciphum with the inscriptionCUJUS FINIS BONUS TOTUM IPSUM BONUM, and a silver salt cellar (salsarium) not covered; to Sir William Bamburgh a covered silver cipum with the nameJesuson the top; to Master Peter Meland, a covered silver ciphum with knop on the top; to the Hall of the Annunciation of the Blessed Mary, in Cambridge, in whichhabitavihis Catholicon, etc., and a tall silver-gilt covered ciphum with a long foot andsignatumwith “ivyn leves” (ivy leaves); to Brian of Plumpton, £10 and a covered silver ciphum, with the arms of Yvo Souche on the top; to William Normanvyle, 10 marks and a best ciphum not covered.... To John Semer, his chamberlain, his best scarlet robe witharmilansa, tabard, hood, and theirpumates, and fur trimmings, and 100s., Stephen del Courte, armiger, John Hewet, his clerk, William Heth, Henry of the Kitchen, Robert del Myre, William of the Chamber, Peter of the Kichen, William Lynne, Walter Flette, his clerk, Godfrey the Cook, John Percy, Robert of the Bakehouse, John Brod, Robert Walton, Robert Scolle, page of his chamber, Thomas Baker; and whatever day of the year he may die that the fees or wages of his servants be paid in full for that whole year. Also he leaves a silver-gilt chalice cup, with a long foot, with a knop at the top, a homiletorium and pair of gold beads, a pair of beads of coral ornamented with gold and knops of perrle, 2 silver-gilt covered ciphum of a suit, viz. chalice cups with knops of azure; 6 dishes and 6 “saucers” of silver, with his arms, to John Newhouse, chaplain; 8 marks a year for 5 years to celebrate at the altar of St. Stephen,[178]in the Church of York, for the souls of himself, his parents, brothers, sisters, his lord the archbishop, William Plumpton, his friends, his servants, and of all the faithful departed, and that he say daily theexequiæ defunctorum. Also toWilliam Tadcaster, chaplain, the same sum for the same duties. 10 marks to the poor at his burial. He leaves books of Sextum and the Constitutions of Otho and Othobon, with John Aton, Decretales, Decreta, Hostiensis, to friends for life, and afterwards to the Library of York.

Thomas Hebbeden, Dean of the collegiate church of St. Andrew, of Aukland, leaves to John Holhom, his nephew, his best sword andunam integram armaturam.[179]

Sir Richard Towgall, priest, 1441 (apparently a chantry priest at one of the altars in Gateshead Church), leaves “unto Sir Johane huchinson, my sister’s soone, my best govne, and another govne that was Sir Will’m Goolands, my best tippett, the best bonet, ... a rachytt, a hangher, a mesbooke, a manuall, a doseyn aum’ beids with a gyemis ring, and all my books, with my bedde, that is to know a ffedour bedde, a bowster, 2 codds ... blankets, 2 coverletts, 2 scheyts.... To Robert huchinson my second gown, two dovbletts, and my hose. To the aforesayd Robert’s wyfe, a govn whiche I ware on Sondays, and to bessy chawmere, my blake govne. I give unto Jennet appelbe a yron chimnaye, a coffer, and a mantil. Unto Marg, his sistar, a counter and a pair of amber (avmer) bedys garded with silver gardis. To St. Cuthbart’s gilde, if it shall go on, 2 westments with ther albs, 2 altare cloythes, 1 towell, 2 candlesticks, 1 antiphonal, 1 prosessiner, a dirige book, and a pax. To Jennet Wawton 111d.and my dayly govne. My chalys unto the chirche of this condition, and if it please God that thair fawll a chantre within this forsayth chirche beyinge at the p’oshinars gyfte, and the p’oshinars be so good unto my cousinge, Sir Johane, as to gyve and promote hym beforr another, this doven, than this chalys to stand as gyft, and if not, to go to my executors.”[180]

By his will, dated 1491, Sir John Newys, Vicar ofTillingham, makes various bequests to his church, and leaves £6 8s.4d.for a priest to sing for his soul for a year; he gives to Sir Richard Mortimer, his parish priest [i.e.his assistant curate], his portuous, and his long gown of musterdeviles with the hood; he leaves, besides, to different people, his best gown, his two red doublets, and best pair of hozen, his satten doublet, his new furred gown, his long green gown, and his long russet gown, and his old hozen.[181]

Robert Hyndmer, Rector of Sedgefield’s will, 1558, is accompanied by a very full inventory of the house furniture and belongings of a well-to-do man. He leaves, among other things, a ring of gold with a dark ruby in it, and another gold ring with a red seal of an image; 180 ounces of plate at 5s.the ounce, and in money and gold, £116.

John Honynghym, Rector of Waldegrave, 1417, leaves 100s.for the making of a vestment for use at the high altar of the church of St. Peter, in Walgraf, London. He leaves his “best bible,” which begins In Sofilio dei in actibus [sic], also his portiforium of the Use of York. He leaves to William Bryht, Rector of S. Michael’s, Cornhill, a gilt zone, which is in his hospitium in London, as recompense for having kept a book of his called “Gorham Copwood”; and leaves his sword to Nicholas Dixon. He leaves a book called “Speculum Curatorum,” a book of sermons which the late Prior of Bartholomew’s composed, Gorham super Mattheum, Bartholomeus de Casibus, his great missal, and great new portiforium.

Robert Newby, Rector of Whyttchurche, and official of the Archdeacon of Oxford, 1412, leaves to his brother his sword, etc., and to his daughter his scarlet gown.

Thomas de la Mare, Canon of York,A.D.1258, bequeaths 2 falcons to his brother and cousin. He mentions hisfalconer among his servants, and leaves him a “laner” and 20s.He had several horses, the names of some being given; one was “Turnebull,” another, “Bayard de Wirethorp,” and a third, “Morell de Welwick.”

Says the author of “Dives and Pauper,” “These men of holy church that buckle their shoes of silver and use great silver harness in their girdles and knives, and men of religion—monks and canons and such like—that use great ouches of silver and gold on their capes to fasten their hoods against the wind, and ride on high horses with saddles harnessed with gold and silver more pompously than lords, are strong thieves and do great sacrilege, so spending the goods of holy church on vanity and pride, in lust of the flesh, by which things the poor should live.”

Some of these clergymen, it will be noticed, had one black toga, not for usual wear in Divine service, for we shall see elsewhere that the clergy wore their albes over the red and blue gowns of ordinary use, but perhaps for mourning occasions. Thus, in the presentations of York Cathedral, in 1519, “we thynke it were convenient that whene we fetche a corse to the churche, that we shulde be in our blak abbettes mornyngly (habits mourningly) wtour hodes of the same of our hedes, as is used in many other places.”

The use by the clergy of clothes of a dark colour was probably coming in in the latter part of the fifteenth century. Holinshed, the chronicler of Elizabeth, attributes this change to the influence of the universities:

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