It. A preist for to be surveyour of my lorde’s lands.
It. A preist for to be secretary to my lorde.
It. A preist for to be amner (almoner) to my lorde.
It. A preist for to be sub-dean for ordering and keaping the quoir in my lorde’s chapell daily.
It. A preist for riding chaplein for my lorde.
It. A preist for a chaplein to my lorde’s eldest son, to wait uppon him daily.
It. A preist for my lorde’s clerk of the closet.
It. A preist for a maister of gramer in my lorde’s house.
It. A preist for reading the Gospel in the chapel daily.
It. A preist for singing of our Ladie’s Mass in the chapell daily.
The number of these persons as chapleins and priests in household are xi.
The gentlemen and children of my lord’s chappell which be not appointed to attend at no time but only in exercising of Godde’s service in the chapell daily at Matteins, Lady-Mass, Highe-Mass, Evensong, and Compeynge:—
First, a bass.
It. A second bass.
A maister of the childer, or counter-tenor.Second and third counter-tenor.A standing tenor.A second, third, and fourth standing tenor.
A maister of the childer, or counter-tenor.
Second and third counter-tenor.
A standing tenor.
A second, third, and fourth standing tenor.
The number of these persons as gentlemen of my lorde’s chappell xi.
Children of my lorde’s chappell—
Three trebles and three second trebles, in all vi.
A memorandum of all the offerings of my lorde and my lady and my lorde’s children customably used yearly at principall feasts, and other offeringe dayes of the yere—
Furst. My lorde’s offeringe accustomede upon All hallow-Day yerely, when his lordshippe is at home at the Highe Mass, if he kepe Chapell, xijd.
Item. My lade’s offerringe accustomede upon All hallowe-Day yerely, if she offer at the Highe Masse, if my lorde kepe chapell, to be paid out of my lord’s coffures, if she be at my lorde’s fyndinge and not at her owen, viij.
And, not to repeat the formal verbiage in every entry—
On Xmasday my lord gave xij, and my lady viij.
On St. Stephen’s Day, when his lordeshipp is at home, a groit to bow at a Low Mass in his closet.
On New-Yers-Day, my lord, if he be at home and keep chapel, offers xij, and my lady viij.
On Twelfth Day my lord offers xij, and my lady viij.
On Candilmas-Day to be sett in his lordschippe’s candil to offer at the High Mass v groits for the v Joyes of our lady xxd., and my lady xij. And my lord useth and accustomyth yerely upon Candilmas-Day to caus to be delyveride for the offeringe of my lords son and heire the lorde Percy to be sett in his candil ij, and for every one of my yonge masters, my lords yonge sonnes to be sett in the candils affore the offeringe j for aither of them, iiij. On St. Blaye’s Day to be sett in his lordsshippe candil to offer at Hye Mass, if his lordschyp kepe chapell iiijd., and my lady iiij, and my lorde sone and heire j, and my lords yonger sonnes j for every of them. Upon Goode-Friday when his lorschippe crepeth the cros, iiij, my lady iiij, and my lord Percy ij, and my yonge masters, when they crepe the cross, j.
On Easter Even, when his lordshipp taketh his rights, iiij, and my lady, when her ladischipe taketh her rights, iiij, and his lordschippe’s children that be of aige to take their rights, ij, to every of them. And my lord useth yerely to caus to be delyvrede to every of his lordschippe’s wardes or Hausmen, or anny other yonge gentilmen that be at his lordschippe’s fynding, and be of aige to take their rights after ij, to every such person.
On Easter day, in the mornynge, when my lord crepeth to the cross after the Resurreccion iiij, and my lady iiij, and the lord Percy, and my yonge masters every of them j.
On Easter day at High Mass my lord offers xjj, my lady viij, and his children each j.
On St. George’s Day, when my lord is at home, and kepith St. George’s Feast, xd.
My lorde’s offeringe accustomed at the Mas of Requiem, upon the morrow after Seyne George-Day, when his lordschip is at home, and kepith Sayn George Feast, which is accustomed yerely to be don for the soulles of all the knightes of the Order of the Garter departede to the mercy of God, iiij.
My lord useth when he is at home, and kepith Dergen over night, and Mas of Requiem upon the morrowe of my lord his Father xij month mynde, to offer at the Mas of Requiem iiij, and his sons, every of them, at the Mas of Requiem done for my lord’s father xij month mynde j.
On Ascension Day my lord offers xij, my lady viij.
On Whitsonday xjj, my lady viij, and his children j.
On Trinity Sonday xij, my lady viij.
On Mychaelmas iiij, for his lordschipe offeringe to the Holy Blode of Hailles (Hales) iiij; for his offeringe to our Lady of Walsyngeham iij; to Sayne Margarets, Lyncolinschire iiij.
My lord useth yerely to sende for the upholding of the light of waxe, which his lordschip fynds byrnynge yerely before the Holy Blode of Hailles, containing xvj lb. of wax in it after vijd., ob. for the fyndynge of every lb.; if redy wrought by a covenant maide by gret with the monk for the hole yere for fynding of the saide light byrnying xs.
The same for a light at Walsingham vjs., viiid., and at St. Margaret’s x. And for a light to burne before our Lady in the Whitefrers of Doncaster of my lord’s foundation at mas-tyme daily xiijs.iiijd.
Presents at Xmas to Barne Bishop [the Boy Bishop?] of Beverley and York, when he comes, as he is accustomed, yearly.
Rewards to the children of his chapell when they do sing the responde calledExaudiviat the mattynstime for xi in vespers upon Allhallow Day, 6s.8d.
On St. Nicholas Eve, 6s.8d.
To them of his lordshipe’s chappell if they doe play the play of the Nativitie upon Xmas Day in the mornynge in my lorde’s chappell before his lordship xxs.
For singingGloria in Excelsisat the mattens time upon Xmas Day in the mornyng.
To the Abbot of Miserewle [Misrule] on Xmas (?)
To the yeoman or groom of the vestry for bringing him the hallowed taper on Candlemas Day?
To his lordship’s chaplains and other servts. that play the play before his lordship on Shrofetewsday at night xxs.
That play the play of Resurrection upon Estur Daye in the mg. in y lorde’s chappell before his lordship.
To the yeoman or groom of the vestry on Allhallows Day for syngnge for all christynne soles the saide nygthe so it be past mydnight 3s.4d.
The Earl and Lady were brother and sister of St. Christopher Gilde Yorke, and pd. 6s.8d.each yearly; and when the Master of the Gild brought my lord and my lady for their lyverays a yard of narrow violette clothe and a yard of narrow rayed cloth, 13s.4d.(i.e.a yard of each to each).
And to Proctor of St. Robert’s, Knasbruge, when my lorde and my lady were brother and sister, 6s.8d.each.
At pp. 272-278 is an elaborate programme of the ordering of my lord’s chapel for the various services.
At p. 292 is an order about the washing of the linen of the chapel for a year. Eighteen surplices for men, and six for children, and seven albes, and five altar cloths for covering of the altars, sixteen times a year against the great feasts.
At p. 285 is an order that the vestry stuff shall have at every removal [for it was carried about from one to another of my lord’s houses] one cart for the carrying of the nine antiphoners, the four grailles, the hangings of the three altars in my lord’s closet and my ladie’s, and the sort [suit] of vestments and single vestments and copes “accopeed” daily, and all other my lord’s chappell stuff to be sent afore my lord’s chariot before his lordship remove (“Antiq. Repertory,” iv. 242).
[455]Whose emoluments at the beginning of the sixteenth century are all given in the “Valor” of Henry VIII., vol. ii. p. 317.
[456]“Valor,” ii. p. 153.
[457]“Taxatio,” p. 298.
[458]Where there was a single chaplain, he probably always had a boy who “served” him at mass, and also acted as his personal attendant.
[459]Whitaker’s “Craven.”
[460]“Taxatio,” p. 18.
[461]Page’s “Yorkshire Chantries.”
[462]“Early Lincoln Wills,” p. 6.
[463]“Valor Eccl.,” ii. 403.
[464]An oratory differs from a church; a church is appointed for public worship, and has an endowment for the minister and others; an oratory is not built for saying mass, nor endowed, but ordained for a family to perform its household worship in. A bell might not be put up in an oratory, because it was not a place of public worship.
[465]The exemption from the jurisdiction of the ordinary of royal chapels is recognized by a bull of Innocent IV. (“Annales de Burton,” p. 275).
[466]Grostete summoned Earl Warren and his chaplain for having Divine service celebrated in his hall at Grantham, being an unconsecrated place (“Letters of Grostete,” Rolls Series, p. 171).
[467]Eyton’s “Shropshire,” ix. 326.
[468]There are similar conditions in a licence in 1310, to Dame Matilda de Hywys for her chapel of Tremetherecke, in the parish of Duloc (Register of Bishop Stapledon of Exeter, “Hingeston-Randolph,” p. 300).
[469]Newcourt’s “Repertorium,” ii. 434.
[470]See “Description of the Vyne,” by the late Mr. Chute, the proprietor.
[471]The clerk whose duty it was to keep the bishop’s register sometimes grew weary of writing the so-frequent record in full, and simply noted that licence was granted to so-and-so,in formâ communi, orin formâ consueta(“Grandisson’s Register,” pp. 492, 509, etc.).
[472]Canon Hingeston-Randolph’s “Register of Edmund Stafford,” p. 271.
[473]Edit. J. Raine, p. 58.
[474]Edit. J. Raine, p. 271.
[475]“Register of Bath and Wells” (Rev. T. Hugo’s “Extracts”), p. 158. There are other instances, at Maystoke, Hoddesdon, Atthorpe, in the “Papal Letters,” vol. i. pp. 192, 522.
[476]Edited by Mr. George Nichols for the Camden Society.
[477]“Sussex Archæol. Coll.,” iii. 112.
[478]G. Offor, “Life of Tyndale.”
[479]A. Gibbons, “Early Lincoln Wills,” p. 136.
[480]“Richmondshire Wills,” p. 34.
[481]“Test. Ebor.,” p. 220.
[482]A. Gibbons, “Early Lincoln Wills,” p. 57.
[483]Ibid., p. 111.
[484]“Lichfield,” p. 168, S.P.C.K.
[485]“Eccl. Proceedings of Courts of Durham,” p. 44.
[486]“Register” of Bishop Gray of Lincoln.
[487]In 1348 the Convent of St. Augustine, Canterbury, and in 1365 the Convent of Westminster, petitioned the pope to have Divine offices celebrated in the chapels of their manors and churches,i.e.rectories (“Papal Letters,” vol. i. pp. 139, 506).
[488]“Hingeston-Randolph,” p. 319.
[489]Ibid., p. 378.
[490]Walcott’s “Chichester Registers.”
[491]Alternate vertical stripes of white and red (?).
[492]“Fifty Earliest English Wills,” etc., E. E. Text S., p. 5.
[493]The longest time allowed for saying a mass is an hour; those who say it in less than half an hour are reproved (J. H. Dickenson, “The Sarum Missal”).
[494]Mallory’s “History of Prince Arthur.”
[495]“Autobiography of Anne Murray,” in the time of James I. (Camden Society).
[496]In Saxon times the priest and brethren of Bath admitted Sæwi and Theodgefu his wife to brotherhood and bedrœdenne (prayer) for life and death (Thorpe’s “Diplomatarium,” p. 436). Gilbert Tyson,temp.William I. or II., gave land to Selby “for the soul of my lord King William, and for my soul and the souls of my wife and children, ... on condition that I beplenarius fraterin the said church.” Sir Roger Tromyn and Dame Joan his wife were admitted, in 1307, to share in the prayers of the Abbey of Wymore, and to have their obsequies celebrated when they deceased as for a brother of the house (“Eccl. Documents,” Camden Society, pp. 49, 72).
[497]Osborn, Abbot of St. Evroult (1063), instituted an anniversary, on the 26th June, for the fathers, mothers, brothers, and sisters of all the monks of St. Evroult. The names of all the brethren were registered in a long roll when professed. This roll was kept near the altar throughout the year, and an especial commemoration was made before God of the persons inscribed, when the priest says in celebrating mass, “Animas famulorum famularum que tuorum,” etc. “Vouchsafe to join to the society of Thine elect, the souls of Thy servants, both men and women, whose names are written in the roll presented before Thy holy altar.” At the anniversary, on 26th June, the roll of the deceased was spread open on the altar, and prayers were offered, first for the dead and afterwards for living relations and benefactors and all the faithful in Christ (“Orderic Vitalis,” i. 447).
William de Ros, clerk of Bayeux, gave £40 sterling to the monks of St. Evroult.... His name was inscribed in the register by the monks of St. Evroult for the many benefits he conferred on the abbey, and masses, prayers, and alms were appointed for him as if he had been a brother there professed (i. 269).
Some of the monks of St. Evroult contributed largely to the monastery, and procured from their relations, acquaintances, and friends donations of tithes and churches, and ecclesiastical ornaments for the use of the brethren.
[498]Surtees Society, the “Liber Vitæ of Durham.”
[499]There were, in fact, a few others;e.g.the Domestic Chapel at the Vyne, Hampshire, had been founded as a chantry.
[500]In Yorkshire, less than a dozen are recorded before the fourteenth century, about a quarter of the whole number were founded between 1300 and 1350, the greatest number from 1450 to 1500 (Page’s “Yorkshire Chantries,” Surtees Society).
[501]If groups of united chantries be reckoned as one, or 53 if each be counted separately; served by 52 priests, with an average income of £7 9s.6d.The chantry priests lived in a mansion founded for them called Priest’s House, or in the chambers of their respective chantries (“St. Paul’s and Old City Life,” p. 100, W. S. Simpson).
[502]For another example of a foundation deed of a chantry, see that of Thomas, Earl of Derby (p. 469), in Blackburn parish church, 1514 (Whitaker’s “Whalley,” ii. 322)
[503]Dan John Raventhorpe leaves a wooden side altar with a cupboard beneath the said altar (almariolum subtus idem altare) to keep the books and vestments. So also in the will of Richard Russell, citizen of York, 1435 (“Test. Ebor.,” ii. 53).
[504]Wodderspoon, “Memorials of Ipswich,” p. 352.
[505]Chantry Certificates, Co. York, Roll 70, No. 6.
[506]“York Fabric Rolls,” p. 87.
[507]“Register” of Bishop Buckingham, p. 282.
[508]A. Gibbons, “Early Lincoln Wills,” p. 91.
[509]S.P.C.K., “Diocese of Lichfield,” p. 161. So at the Free Chapel at Kingston (seep. 125).
[510]“Early Lincoln Wills,” p. 29.
[511]Ibid., p. 60.
[512]Ibid., p. 150.
[513]Newcourt’s “Repertorium.”
[514]“Diocesan Hist. of Hereford,” S.P.C.K.
[515]“Lichfield Diocese,” p. 115, S.P.C.K.
[516]Here are a few examples from Lincoln Diocese only, within fifty years. William Aghton, Archdeacon of Bedford, 1422, left a bequest for masses for his soul. Richard of Ravenser, Archdeacon of Lincoln, 1385, leaves 2s.to every nun of the Order of Sempringham and every anchorite or recluse in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire, and numerous other bequests to religious houses, besides a manor and certain tenements to be sold in aid of a chaplain of the vicars [choral] of Lincoln, to celebrate at St. Giles’s Without, Lincoln, for him, etc. William Wintringham, Canon of Lincoln, 1415, left 200 marks for mortuary masses. Richard Croxton, Canon of Lincoln, 1383, left £50 for masses for ten years. John of Haddon, Canon of Lincoln, 1374, left £21 to find two chaplains for two years. Robert of Austhorpe, Doctor of Laws and Licentiate in Arts, 1372, left 20s.for masses. Stephen of Hoghton, Rector of the Mediety of Lesyngham, 1390, left 20s.and two books to the Prior and Convent of Nocton for a perpetual anniversary. Robert of Lottryngton, Rector of Gosberkyrk, 1391, left £10 and his portiforium and psalterium to his church, and a bequest for two chaplains to celebrate for him for a year. Richard Morys, Rector of Bryngton, 1396, leaves £4 to Mr. William Ynflet, to celebrate for him (A. Gibbons, “Early Lincoln Wills”).
[517]“Early Lincoln Wills,” p. 158.
[518]There are chantry chapels in two stories at Hereford and Gloucester Cathedrals, and Tewkesbury, and two at East Horndon, Essex.
[519]A. Gibbons, “Early Lincoln Wills,” p. 201.
[520]Baines’s “Manchester” (Harland’s edition), p. 45.
[521]“Test. Ebor.,” iv. 121.
[522]See calendar of perpetual obits in St. Paul’s Cathedral in appendix to Milman’s “Annals of St. Paul’s.”
[523]In the “Sarum Manual” the rules which follow death began with aCommendatio Animarum[Exequiis] consisting of psalms and prayers for the dead. The body was then washed and laid on a bier; vespers for the day were said, followed by theVigiliæ Mortuorum, divided into several parts, the special vespers and special matins known from their respective antiphons as thePlaceboandDirige. The body was then carried in procession to church. There theMissa Mortuorumwas said, and after it came theInhumatio defuncti.
[524]Seep. 348.
[525]Hingeston-Randolph, “Stafford’s Register,” p. 399.
[526]Wodderspoon, “Ipswich,” p. 392.
[527]Ibid., p. 399.
[528]It was a very humble imitation of the primitive custom of giving a funeral feast.
[529]Ibid., p. 393.
[530]“Essex Arch. Trans.,” vol. i. part iii. p. 150 (New Series).
[531]“Diocese of Bath and Wells,” p. 136, S.P.C.K.
[532]“Diocesan Histories, Lincoln,” p. 81, S.P.C.K.
[533]Ibid., p. 197.
[534]“Early Lincoln Wills,” p. 209.
[535]“Early Lincoln Wills,” p. 164.
[536]Ibid., p. 107.
[537]Ibid., p. 158.
[538]Gibbons, “Early Lincoln Wills,” p. 185.
[539]Ibid., p. 210.
[540]Hamo, Bishop of Rochester, in 1341 endowed a chantry for himself in the cathedral, the prior and convent engaging to give the chantry priest lodging and the food of a monk and 24s.yearly.
[541]Archbishop Sudbury, 1378, ordered Annuellers to be content with 7 marks, and others who serve cure of souls with 8 marks, or diet and 4 marks.
[542]This is the same year as the statute quoted above; and is clearly the ecclesiastical counterpart of that civic legislation.
[543]The Black Death, in 1348.
[544]In 1391, the dean and chapter made a regulation that henceforth no beneficed person should hold a chantry in St. Paul’s excepting their own minor canons.
[545]In 1323, J. de Taunton, priest and vicar in the Church of Wells, was collated by the Bishop to “annuate” in the Church of St. Mary, Wells, to celebrate for the soul of F. de Bullen (?) and all faithful souls (Rev. T. Hugo’s “Extracts,” p. 88). In the register of Montacute, Bishop of Ely, 1337, licence was given to Mr. Nicho. de Canterbury,stare in obsequiisof J. de Polleyne for two years, and this at the instance of Dnus. John de Polleyne. The same year licence was given to Dnus. Richard Rupel, Rector of the Church of Carltonquod possit stare in obsequiisof Dni. Paris Lewen for two years.
[546]The chantry priests of London, having been summoned by the bishop in 1532, and desired to contribute towards the £100,000 demanded by King Henry VIII. of the clergy, made such a stir that the bishop dismissed them for the time, and afterwards had some arrested and imprisoned (Stow’s “Chronicle,” p. 559).
[547]Enough.
[548]Also at Bromley. See Whitaker’s “Whalley.”
[549]Page’s “Yorkshire Chantries.”
[550]“Lay Folks’ Mass Book.”
[551]“York Fabric Rolls.”
[552]In the “Calendar of Chantries” there are forty-two such schools recorded.
[553]Whitaker’s “History of Whalley,” ii. 322.
[554]Whitaker, “Craven,” p. 147.
[555]Ibid., p. 326.
[556]Whitaker, “Whalley,” p. 326.
[557]Whitaker, “Whalley,” p. 155.
[558]Whitaker, “Craven,” p. 438.
[559]For example, the chantry chapel of Billericay, Essex, continued in this condition until Bishop Blomfield induced the trustees to surrender the chapel and the right of presentation to it to the bishop, on condition of a stipend of £120 being settled upon it from Queen Anne’s Bounty Fund.
[560]The rule of the Ludlow Gild was that, “if any of the brethren or sisters be brought to such want that they have not enough to live upon, then, once, twice, thrice, but not a fourth time, as much help shall be given them, out of the goods of the gild, as the rectors and stewards, having regard to their deserts, and to the means of the gild, shall order.... If any brother or sister be wrongfully cast into prison, the gild shall do its utmost, and spend money, to get him out.... If any fall into grievous sickness, they shall be helped, both as to their bodily needs and other wants, out of the common fund of the gild, until their health is renewed as before. If any one becomes a leper, or blind, or maimed, or smitten with any incurable disorder (which God forbid), we will that the goods of the gild shall be largely bestowed on him.... If any good girl of the gild cannot have the means found her by her father, either to go into a religious house or to marry, whichever she wishes to do, friendly and right help shall be given her out of our means, and our common chest, towards enabling her do whichever of the two she wishes.” The rules of one of the gilds in Hull enact that “inasmuch as the gild was founded to cherish kindness and love, the alderman, steward, and two helpmen in case of a quarrel between two members shall deal with the matter, and shall earnestly strive to make them agree together without any suit or delay, and so that no damage either to body or goods shall in any wise happen through the quarrel.” If the officials neglect to interpose their good offices, they are fined four pounds of wax among them; and if the disputants will not listen to them, they shall pay four pounds of wax; and, finally, all the members of the gild shall be summoned to meet, and the difficulty shall be referred to them for settlement.
[561]By the rules of the Lancaster Gild, “on the death of a member of the gild all the brethren then in the town shall come to placebo and dirge, if summoned by the bellman, or pay 2d.” “All shall go to the mass held for a dead brother or sister; each brother or sister so dying shall have at the mass on the day of burial six torches and eighteen wax-lights, and at other services two torches and four wax-lights.” “If any of the gild die outside Lancaster, within twenty miles, twelve brethren shall wind and deck the body at the cost of the gild, and if the brother or sister so dying wished to be buried where he died, the same twelve shall see that he has fitting burial there where he died.” Some of the gilds had a hearse and embroidered pall which were used at funerals of members of the gild, and sometimes let out to others.
[562]A return was made into Chancery, in the twelfth year of Richard II. (1387), of the original objects, endowments, and extent of gilds generally, and the masters and wardens; the records of more than 500 exist and form the substance of Toulmin Smith’s book on English gilds.
[563]Page’s “Yorkshire Chantries,” p. 83.
[564]See chap. xxiv. p. 417.
[565]S.P.C.K., “Worcester Diocese,” p. 138.
[566]From the “Valor Eccl.,” iii. 315, we learn that at Thetford, in Norfolk, there was a Gild of the Blessed Virgin Mary in a certain chapel in the Bayly end, with a master whose income was £6 13s.4d., two priests with £5 6s.8d.each, and two clerks with 20s.each.
From the same source we learn that at Boston, Lincolnshire, there were three gilds, one of the Blessed Virgin Mary with five chaplains, whose revenues amounted to £24 a year; one of Corpus Christi with six chaplains, income £32; and one of St. Peter with two chaplains, income £10 13s.4d.
Alice Lowys, widow of Lowys of Boston, merchant, 1350, leaves bequests to the High Altar, and to the Gilds of Blessed Mary, St. Katharine, St. George, etc. (“Early Lincoln Wills,” p. 175).
Isabella Longland, widow, of Henley-upon-Thames, 1527, leaves “to the hye aulter of Henley Church 20d., and hye aulter of our Ladye a diapur cloth of iij elles and more. To the Fraternity of Jesus in the said church, 4s.; to the Gilde of our blessed lady of Boston in the dioces of Lincoln, whereof I am suster, to have masses ofScala celianddirgeshortly after my departing, 6s.8d.; to the Brotherhood of St. George and St. Christopher of York for ditto, 6s.8d.To my sone my Lorde of Lincoln, a standing cup of silver and gilt with a kever, having the image of St. Mighell, and a droigon in the toppe, and borne with iij aungells in the foote.... To my prestes for to bere me to the churche ev’y preste, 8d.She was the mother of John Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, 1521-1547” (Ibid., p. 208).
[567]“Valor Eccl.,” iii. 237.
[568]Page 468.
[569]Thus Stamford had in All Saints’ Church the Gild of All Saints, the Gild of St. John and St. Julian, the Gild of Corpus Christi, and Philip’s chantry. In St. Mary’s Church an endowment for stipendiaries and a chantry; in St. Stephen’s Church a chapter; in St. Clement’s Church a gild.
[570]Wm. Trenourth of St. Cleer, Cornwall, 1400, leaves to the store of St. Cleer, three sheep; to the store of St. Mary in St. Cleer Church, two sheep; to the store of Holy Cross therein, one sheep, and the same to the store of St. James (Hingeston-Randolph, “Stafford’s Register,” p. 380).
[571]W. Haselbeche, clark, 1504, leaves to the Fraternity of St. Peter, holden within the Church of Littlebury, Essex, his best brass pot and a dozen of great platters marked with C.
To the Fraternity of Our Lady’s Assumption in the Church of Haddestoo, in Norfolk, toward the buying and building of a hall for the Fraternity, 26s.8d.(“Essex Arch. Trans.” (New Series), vol. i. p. 174).
In an inventory of the goods at Chich St. Osyth Church, 6 Ed. VI., occurs: “There be the ymplements sometime belonging to the Trinity Gylde. In the hands of the churchwardens—brasse pott, weighing 3 c. 4 li.; brass pott, weying 35 li. (much obliterated by decay), ... spitts remaining; dozen of peuter, waying 31 li. And also in the hands of Sir J. Harwy, church pryst, one garnyshe of peuter” (Ibid., p. 28).
[572]This is illustrated in two charming pictures of the end of the fifteenth century in the Royal MS. 19 cviii. cap., folios 3 and 90, where the town with its wall, round towers, moat and bridge, and one great church dominating the houses, rises out of the park-like meadows with a castle on a neighbouring height. In the lower margin of the late fourteenth-century MS. (Royal 13 A iii.) the scribe has given a number of sketches, very neatly executed, of towns mentioned in his narrative. They are probably for the most part fancy sketches, but they serve to show that the idea of a town in the mind of a mediæval draughtsman was a wall and gates with a grove of towers and spires soaring above. See folios 27, 32, 33, 34, etc., and especially “London,” folio 56. An interesting view of a town with a great church and several smaller towers and spires appearing over the walls is in Lydgate’s “Siege of Thebes,” 18 D. 11, folio 148.
[573]It seems likely that sometimes the same proprietor built more than one church for his tenants,e.g.Abbot Ursin is said to have built three churches for his burgh of St. Alban (seep. 513). The Abbey of St. Edmund seems to have built two within a very short period (seep. 511). At Lincoln, a lay proprietor, Colsuen, shortly after the Conquest, built thirty-six houses and two churches on a piece of waste ground outside the city given to him by the king (“Domesday Book”).
[574]References to the plan ofNorwich. Places within the city indicated by letters—
A. St. Leonard’s.B. Bishop’s Gate.C. The Cathedral Church.D. St. Martin’s at the Pallis Gale.E. St. Bathold’s.F. St. Clement’s.G. St. Augustine’s.H. St. Martin’s at the Oke.I. The Castle.K. St. Peter’s Permantigate.L. St. Martin’s on the Hill.M. St. John’s on the Hill.N. St. Michael’s.O. St. John’s at the Gate.P. St. Stephen’s.Q. The Market Place.R. St. Gyles’s Gate.S. Hell Gate.T. St. Benet’s Gate.V. St. Stephen’s Gate.W. Pockethorpe Gate.X. The New Milles.Y. Chapell in the Field.Z. St. Martin’s Gate.
[575]“Historic Towns: London.” Rev. W. I. Loftie.
[576]“Stowe’s Survey of London,” vol. ii. p. 26 (by Strype,A.D.1720).
[577]“It may be that the parochial system was not fully organized in Exeter till the time of the Ordinance (of 1222), and that while some of the chapels were suppressed, others were now raised to the rank of parish churches” (E. A. Freeman, “Historic Towns”: Exeter).
[578]References to the Plan ofExeter. Places of the city indicated by figures—
1. East Gates.2. St. Lawrence.3. The Castle.4. Corrylane.5. St. Ione Cross.6. St. Stephen’s.7. Bedford House.8. St. Peter’s.9. Bishop’s Pallace.10. Palace Gate.11. Trinity.12. Bear Gate.13. St. Marye’s.14. Churchyard.15. St. Petroke’s.16. High Stret.17. Guild Hall.18. Alhallowes.19. Goldsmith Stret.20. St. Paule.21. Paule Stret.22. St. Pancres.23. Waterbury Stret.24. North Gate.25. Northgate Stret.26. St. Keran’s.27. Cooke Row.28. Bell Hill.29. Southgate Stret.30. South Gate.31. Grenny Stret.32. St. Gregorie’s.33. Milk Lane.34. The Shambles.35. St. Olaves.36. St. Mary Arche.37. Archer Lane.38. St. Nicholas.39. St. John’s.40. Friar Waye.41. Little Britaine.42. Alhallowes.43. St. Marie’s Steps.44. West Gate.45. Smithen Stret.46. Idle Lane.47. Postern Stret.48. Racke Lane.
[579]Its thirteenth century hall and fourteenth century dormitory still exist.
[580]The existing fabric was built early in the second half of the fifteenth century, at the joint cost of the Abbot of Glastonbury, to whom the benefice belonged, and of the parishioners; John Shipward, the mayor, adding the handsome tower.
[581]On the suppression of the religious houses, the fine church of the Austin Canons supplied the Cathedral Church of the new diocese of Bristol—now happily restored to the dignity and usefulness of a separate see.
[582]References to the plan ofBristol. Places of the city indicated by letters—
A. Great St. Augustine.B. Little St. Augustine.C. The Gaunt.D. St. Michael.E. St. James.F. Froom Gate.G. St. John’s.H. St. Lawrence.I. St. Stephen’s.K. St. Leonard.L. St. Warburg’s.M. Christ Church.N. Allhallowes.O. St. Mary Port.P. St. Peter’s.Q. St. Phillip.R. The Castle.S. St. Nicholas.T. St. Thomas.V. The Temple.W. Ratcliff Gate.X. Temple Gate.Y. Newgate.
[583]J. Raine, “Historic Towns”: York.
[584]Ellis’s “Introd. to Domesday Book,” ii. p. 491.
[585]Ellis’s “Introd. to Domesday Book,” ii. p. 491.
[586]A very complete inventory of the possessions of this Priory taken room by room, at the time of the suppression, is printed in J. Wodderspoon’s “Ipswich,” p. 314.
[587]See an account of this chantry atp. 444.
[588]There is a diagram of it, with the chapel at the west end, in theGentleman’s Magazinefor 1751, p. 296.
[589]Vol. iii. p. 147. At p. 145 the sum is given as £23.
[590]In 1233 the convent obtained a prohibition from the pope to erect an oratory or chapel within a Roman mile of their altar (“Papal Letters,” vol. i. p. 137, Rolls Series).
[591]When the Countess of Clare, the lady of one of the manors at Walsingham, gave the Franciscans a site for a house here, in 21 Henry II., the prior and convent petitioned her against the foundation, but without success.
[592]See Wingham and Wye inAppendix III.,pp. 564,566.
[593]Ecclia de Roderham divisa est, Pars Abbis de Clervall, £16 13s.4d.; vicar ejusdem ptis, £5; pars Rogeri cum vicar ejusdem partis, £21 13s.4d.; Pens’ Prioris de Lewes in eadem eccles de Roderham, £1 6s.8d.(“Taxatio,” p. 300).
[594]The example set by the cathedrals for gathering the cantarists into a college, was followed by private benefactors in several towns,e.g.Newark, p. 525.
[595]At the time of the “Taxatio,” the portion of the prior of Worksop in the Church of Sheffield was worth £10 (“Taxatio,” p. 299).
[596]The Augmentation Commissioners of Ed. VI. return that the Parish of Newnham, Gloucestershire, where are houselying people, ciijx, has certain lands, tenements, and rents given to the parishioners to bestow the profits according to their discretion, “in reparying the p̄m̄isses, sometyme in mendyng of high weyes and bridgs within the same p̄s̄he; and sometymes, and of late, in findinge a prieste ther to serve for the soles of the givers and founders, and for c̄t̄en Xtn works, worth £14 0s.1d.Ornament, plate, and juellry to the same, none, r value xs.” (Notes on the Borough and Manor of Newnham.—R. I. Kerr, Gloucester, “Transactions,” 1893).
[597]The castle chapel, dedicated to St. Philip and James, “was anciently given to the mother church” of Newark.
[598]A suburb outside the borough, called the North End, had a Hospital of St. Leonard, and was a separate parish.
[599]Dedicated to St. Mary Magdalen.
[600]p. 403.
[601]It was probable that he was the chaplain of the Castle Chapel.
[602]An effigy of Alan Fleming, merchant, who died in 1361, engraved, with canopy and ornamental work, on a great sheet of brass, is one of the finest of the “Flemish brasses,” and one of the treasures of the church. It is engraved in Waller’s and in Boutell’s “Monumental Brasses.”
[603]Thoroton records the epitaph of R. Browne, armiger, late Alderman of the Gild of Holy Trinity of this church, and Constable of the Castle, and principal seneschal of the liberty of the town and receiver for Thomas Wolsey, Cardinal of York, and for the Lord John Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, and for the vice-count of the Counties of Notts and Derby, who died 1532.
[604]Seep. 519.
[605]Seep. 125.
[606]Thoroton gives the inscription on the tomb of Robert Kirkclaye, the first master of the Long School for forty-two years, who died in 1570 (?).
[607]See an account of them in “Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages.” Virtue and Co.
[608]“Valor,” v. p. 157.
[609]Ibid., ii. p. 54.
[610]Matthew Paris (under 1250A.D.) relates a case in which Bishop Grostete deprived a clerk accused of incontinency; the clerk refused to give up his benefice; the bishop excommunicated him; at the end of forty days of grace, the clerk still refusing to submit, the bishop sent word to the sheriff to take and imprison him as contumacious; the sheriff, being a great friend of the clerk and no friend of the bishop, delayed or refused; the bishop thereupon excommunicated the sheriff; he complained to the king; the king applied to the pope, and obtained an order restraining the bishop (M. Paris, v. 109).
[611]“Greenfield’s Register,” quoted inChurch Times, March 11, 1898.
[612]“Grostete’s Letters,” Rolls Series, p. 48.
[613]S.P.C.K., “Lichfield,” p. 178.
[614]“Durham Ecclesiastical Proceedings,” p. 47.
[615]There is a picture of the confession of clerics in the MS. 6 E. VII. f. 506verso.
[616]S.P.C.K., “Rochester,” p. 224.
[617]Matthew Paris, v. 223.
[618]S.P.C.K., “Hereford,” p. 87.
[619]“Papal Letters,” vol. iii. p. 142, Rolls Series.
[620]“Gray’s Register,” York, p. 269.
[621]S.P.C.K., “Diocesan Histories: Bath and Wells,” p. 129.
[622]Whitaker, “Craven,” p. 149.
[623]S.P.C.K., “Diocesan History of Rochester,” p. 189.
[624]Ibid., p. 231.
[625]S.P.C.K., “Rochester,” p. 231.
[626]“Durham Eccl. Proceedings,” p. 64.
[627]“Durham Eccl. Proceedings,” Surtees Society, p. 107.
[628]S.P.C.K., “Rochester,” p. 224.
[629]S.P.C.K., “Diocesan Histories: Bath and Wells,” p. 128. We are reminded of the story told by Sismondi (chap. xlix.), that when Pope Urban V., in 1369, sent two legates with a bull of excommunication to Bernabo Visconti, Duke of Milan, that strong-willed prince compelled the legates to eat the documents, parchment, leaden seals, silk cord, and all. So Walter de Clifford, in 1250, compelled a royal messenger to eat the letters he brought, with the seal (Matthew Paris, ii. 324). The writ of summons was sometimes a small slip of parchment, or perhaps paper, and the seal a thin layer of beeswax covered with paper, so that the story is not impossible. There are other instances on record in which the summoner was compelled by violence to destroy his writ—in what manner is not stated—instead of serving it (“Calendar of Entries in Papal Registers,”A.D.1247-48, pp. 239, 243).
[630]The castigation by the schoolmaster of a scholar hoisted on a man’s back after the hardly obsolete fashion of our public schools is depicted in the same MS., 6 E. VI., at f. 214, under the heading “Castigatio;” and again in the second volume of the work (6 E. VII.), at f. 444, under the heading “Master;” as if the word “castigatio” naturally suggested “schoolboy,” and the primary function of a “master” were to use the rod.
[631]“Ecclesiastical Proceedings from the Courts of Durham,” p. 20.
[632]Ibid., p. 21.
[633]S.P.C.K., “Diocese of Lichfield,” p. 171. See other examples in “Diocesan Histories of Bath and Wells,” p. 130.
[634]There are forms of it in “The York Manual,” Rev. J. Raine, Surtees Society, pp. 86, 119.
[635]See “The Repression of Overmuch Blaming of the Clergy,” by Reginald Pecock, Bishop of Chichester. Rolls Series.
[636]The host asks him—
“Sire preest, quod he, art thou a vicary,Or art thou a parson? say soth by thy fay,”
but the poet does not, by answering the question, narrow the class represented.
[637]Sparing nor proud.
[638]Rebuke.
[639]Scrupulous.
[640]“Camden Society,” p. 23.
[641]Whitaker’s “Whalley,” p. 58.
[642]It appears, by a subsequent document, that he had a domestic oratory in his Hall, which stood at the east end of the churchyard.
[643]United by Act of Parliament. c. 1734.
[644]Morant says that a chantry was founded here in 1328.
[645]Appropriated to Abbey of Stratford Langthorne.
[646]The chantry was founded at and for the little town of Billericay, 1½ miles from the parish church.
[647]The advowson belonged to Bilegh Abbey. Morant says (i. p. 247) West Leigh was a parish held at the Conquest by the canons of St. Paul’s adjoining this. In 1432 the abbey and the canons agreed to unite the two parishes, the abbey taking two turns of presentation and the canons one.
[648]Among the smaller benefices (p. 24); the greater part of their income having been apportioned to the Religious Houses.
[649]Built by the family of Barringtone Barnton on their estate here.
[650]Rectory belonged to Prittlewell Priory.
[651]“Taxatio,” pp. 1, 2.
[652]“Valor,” i. pp 36, 92.
[653]Elder brother of the Archbishop, Archdeacon of Canterbury, “Valor,” i. p. 32.
[654]William Warham, nephew of Archbishop Warham, late Archdeacon of Canterbury, “Valor,” i. p. 32.
[655]In Saxon times the manor belonged to a family named Liveing; soon after the Conquest it was in the possession of a family named Beke.
[656]“Revolving in his mind God’s wonderful and great mercies to him in leading him and preferring him to such riches and eminence in Church and State, and in preserving him from danger both by sea and land, and out of gratitude to the memory of his parents and friends, at whose charge he was educated and brought to that pitch of honour, he thought he could not pay a more grateful acknowledgment than to set apart a very considerable part of his estate in this manner.”—Preface to his Statutes for his College, Hasted’s “Kent,” iii. 173.