BOOK XII

Page49, lines 5-18—'Launcelot on the sword-bridge battled.' This passage to line 18 contains numerous allusions to the knightly tales of the day, some of which have been previously referred to. Launcelot's fight with Meljakanz and subsequent freeing of Queen Guinevere is mentioned in BookVII.(pp. 205, 219 and Note).

The story of Garel and the lion is not known to us; he was the hero of a later poem by Pleier, but this adventure does not appear in it. Garel and Gaherjet we find again in BookXIII.p. 96, according to Chrêtien they were Gawain's brothers, but Wolfram seems to regard them merely as kinsmen. (The fact that Wolfram knows onlyonebrother, Beau-corps, whereas Chrêtien mentions two, if not three, seems to indicate that he was here following a different source.) 'The Perilous Ford' we shall meet with presently; and Erec and the venture of Schoie-de-la-kurt have been alluded to in BookIII.pp. 76 and 100, and Note; and BookVIII.p. 245.

The allusion to Iwein is taken from Hartmann's poem of that name, which relates that in the wood Briziljan (Broceliande) there was a spring beside which hung a golden basin; if any one drew water from the spring in this basin, and poured it upon a stone near by, a violent storm immediately arose which devastated the wood, and slew the game therein.As soon as the tempest was over the lord of the spring appeared in full armour and demanded satisfaction for the mischief done. Iwein withstands this venture, slays the knight, and eventually, by Lunete's counsel, marries his widow. Cf. BookV.p. 143, and BookIX.p. 252.

Page50, lines 39-64—'They yielded thee loyal service,'etc.Mazadan, cf. BookI.p. 31 and BookVIII.230 and Note. Ither of Gaheviess needs no further notice. Ilinot has already been alluded to, BookVII.p. 217 and BookXI.p. 43. This is the first full account given of this prince, hitherto his fate has only been alluded to; we know nothing of this character, but it is quite evident from such passages as these, and BookVI.p. 171, that Wolfram was familiar with Arthurian romances other than those which have come down to us. Ilinot, being Arthur's son, was of course first cousin to Gawain; the relationship with Parzival is much more distant, and, though Arthur speaks of Parzival as his 'nephew,' the term must be taken in a much wider sense than we should now understand it; from Wolfram's own account Parzival cannot have been more than very distantly connected with the House of Pendragon.

Galoes and Gamuret, cf. BookII.pp. 46, 52, and 59.

The loves of Itonjé and Gramoflanz occupy a considerable part of the next two books. Surdamur was Gawain's sister, and married the Emperor of Greece, Alexander; their son was Cligés, the hero of Chrêtien's poem of that name, in the early part of which the tale of their love is fully told. (Cf. Note to BookVI.'Sir Klias.') None of these allusions are to be found in Chrêtien, whose books, as a rule, lack introductory passages; but, as noted in BookXI., from the conclusion of the Lit-Merveil incident onwards the two poems diverge widely in detail, though the outline of the story is identical.

Page52, line 89—'Arras.' A town in Picardy, famous in the Middle Ages for its stuffs.

Page52, line 97—'A shining pillar.' This magic pillar, of which a full account is given further on (lines 109 and 143), is peculiar to Wolfram's version. In Chrêtien we have simply a watch-tower, from the windows of which Gawain can see the country. Later on we find the deadly fight between Parzival and Feirefis mirrored on this pillar, and the news of the encounter conveyed to Arthur's court before the arrival of the heroes.

Page52, line 98—'The coffin of Kamilla.' Cf. BookX.p. 4 and Note. Heinrich von Veldeck gives a minute account of this coffin.

Page52, line 101—'Master Geometras.' It is curious to find geometry thus personified. The same mistake has apparently been made by Heinrich von Veldeck, who makes Geometras the designer of Kamilla's coffin.

Page53, line 119—'Came the agèd queen Arnivé.' According to Chrêtien there are two queens, mother and daughter, and a maiden, daughter to the younger queen, who is named Clarissant. Gawain's mother he does not name at all, the old queen has her original name of Yguerne. In Chrêtien the elder lady asks Gawain at once if he is one of King Arthur's knights, and questions him closely as to King Arthur, King Lot, and the sons of the latter; but apparently Gawain's curiosity is in no way aroused, and he makes no attempt to learn who the ladies are, though he makes a compact with the old queen that she shall not askhisname for seven days. The account, so humorously given by Wolfram of Arnivé's curiosity and unavailing attempts to discover Gawain's identity, is lacking in the French poet. It is difficult to understand how it is thatGawainhas no suspicion of the real facts of the case till enlightened by Gramoflanz, but, as remarked above, the whole episode is mysterious and perplexing.

Page54, line 174—'The Turkowit.' This seems to be the name for a lightly-armed soldier, an archer. This particular knight, we learn later, was captain of Orgelusé's night-watch, or body-guard; his name was Florand of Itolac; and he subsequently marries Sangivé, Gawain's mother.

Page58, line 282—'Tamris and Prisein.' Tamris-Tamarisk, has been mentioned in BookVIII.(p. 242 and Note). Prisein has not been identified, Bartsch suggests ProvençalBresil.

Page58, 294—'The Perilous Ford.' Wolfram's expression here is 'Ligweiz prelljus,' evidently the French 'Li guex perelleus.' Chrêtien's description of the episode is much the same, but he represents Gawain as being well acquainted with the character of this venture, and of the fame that will accrue to the knight who achieves it. In the French poem there does not appear to be one tree in especial guarded by Guiromelans, but Gawain is bidden 'Quellir de ces flours que veés. A ces arbres et a ces prés.'

Page60, line 332—'King Gramoflanz.' This character has been already referred to in BookIX.p. 258. In Chrêtien he is called Le Guiromelans, and Wolfram's name for him is undoubtedly derived from some such original (cf. Appendix B, vol. i.). The account of his meeting with Gawain differs in many respects in the French version; there his quarrel with Gawain seems to be much more of a personal matter, not only has King Lot slain his father, as here, but Gawain himself has slain seven of his kinsmen. Chrêtien's description of the king's dress and appearance is far less gorgeous than is Wolfram's.

Page60, line 340—'Sinzester.' Bartsch suggests thatWinchesteris here meant. In BookVI.we find Kondrie wearing a hat with plumes of 'the English peacock.'

Page60, line 353—'Eidegast.' Cf. BookII.p. 39 and Note on 'The Tourney.' In Chrêtien Orgelusé's lover is not named but he has been slain by Guiromelans, and, as here, it is her desire for vengeance that has led her to urge Gawain to the venture; but in the French poem Orgelusé is a much less imposing personage, and her attempts at vengeance are of a less organised character.

Page61, line 374—'Yet alas! I have ne'er beheld her.' Such instances of a knight vowing himself to the service of a lady whom he had never seen were by no means rare in mediæval times. (Cf. the well-known story of Rudel and the Lady of Tripoli.) In Chrêtien, also, Guiromelans is the lover of Gawain's sister, whose name there is Clarissant. In the French poem Guiromelans gives a full history of all the queens, here he only states the identity of Itonjé, and Gawain apparently takes the rest for granted.

Page62, line 419—'Löver.' This name has been mentioned in BookIV.p. 121. The derivation is uncertain, but in each instance Arthur's kingdom, as a whole, seems to be meant. The curious name 'Bems by the Korka' has exercised critics much; Chrêtien has 'A Pentecouste est la cors le roi Artu en Orcanie,' andKorkais evidently a form of Orcanie. Some have suggested that 'Bems bei' is a misunderstanding of Pentecouste (couste =côte), but the derivation seems far-fetched and unsatisfactory; all that can be said with certainty is that the name points to a French source.

Page62, line 425—'Rosche Sabbin.' This also seems to be derived from the French; Chrêtien calls the castle 'Roche de Sanguin,' and Wolfram seems to have transferred the name to Gramoflanz' kingdom.

Page64, line 471—'True as the one-horned marvel.' Cf. BookIX.p. 277, where the story of the Unicorn's love for a pure maiden is given. We learn from this passage that advantage was taken of its slumber to slay it.

Page65, line 511—'For the winning his death.' Here we have a full explanation of the connection between Orgelusé and Anfortas. The tent given to the Lady of Logrois by Anfortas was, we learn from theWillehalm(which abounds in allusions to theParzival), sent to that monarch by Queen Sekundillé as a love-token.

Page66, line 547—'And never a man beheld me.' This account of Orgelusé's bargain with the knights who fought for her, and her relations with Parzival and Gawain, throws a most curious light on the conventionalities of the day. It is quite evident thatOrgelusé in no way transgressed against the code of manners then prevailing, she is throughout treated as a great lady, and is well received at Court.

Though this is the only episode of the kind recounted, it is quite clear from BooksXIV.pp. 130-131 andXVI.173 that Orgelusé was not the only lady who had proffered her love to Parzival and been refused. (Those familiar with Wagner'sParzivalwill not need to have it pointed out to them what fine dramatic use he has made of the fact that it is Anfortas' love, and the indirect cause of his wound, who thus offers herself to Parzival. With wonderful skill Wagner has combined the characters of Kondrie and Orgelusé, thereby, in some ways, assimilating Kondrie more closely to the original form of the legend.)

Page69, line 625—'The Swallow.' Bartsch says that this was an English harp, so called from the fact that the lower part of the frame was shaped like the fork of a swallow's tail.

Page69, line 639—'The Buhurd.' Cf. BookII.Note on 'The Tourney.' There is no trace of this formal knightly reception in Chrêtien,—there the old queen receives them seated outside the castle, and the maidens dance and sing around them.

(From this point onwards there is no resemblance between Wolfram's poem and any other known Romance of the Grail-cycle.)

Page74, line 39—'One lived of yore named Sarant.' Cf. note to BookI.'Silk ofOrient.' Bartsch identifies the name of the skilful weaver with that of an Asiatic people, probably the Chinese. Thasmé is named later on as part of Feirefis' kingdom. His battle-cry is 'Tabronit and Thasmé!' 'Akraton,' cf. BookVIII.p. 230.

Page75, line 66—'Itonjé.' This is the French name 'Idonie.' In Chrêtien the maiden is named Clarissant, and Gawain wins her confidence in the same manner. Chrêtien's share of theConteends so abruptly that we cannot tell how he intended to treat her love-story; here, it plays a considerable part in the development of the poem.

Page77, line 147—'Now the hour it was come.' The account of the feast here given is very interesting from the light it throws on mediæval manners and customs. In those days it was very usual for two to eat from one plate, in fact, this was one of the rules of the Knights Templars; the reason assigned being that one brother might care for the other, and all share alike (cf. Feast at Monsalväsch, BookV.p. 136). On great occasions the principal guests seem to have had ladies assigned to them as their table companions (cf. BookVI.p. 178). One would gather from this passage, and that in BookVI., that the lady of highest rank had the hostess for companion, thus we find Arnivé eating with Orgelusé, and Guinevere having a queen (probably Ekuba) for companion; while Kunnewaare is Arthur's table-mate, as here Itonjé is Gawain's.

Page78, line 180—'Ne'er was it night in her presence.' Cf. BookII.p. 48.

Page79, line 194—'Thuringia.' San Marte remarks on this passage that at thisperiod music and song invariably went together, the one was necessary to the complete understanding of the other; separately, they were unintelligible. In many instances the lyrical poems of the day were wedded to dance music, the flowing graceful rhythm of which made it an appropriate vehicle for the illustration of poetry. The Thuringian Court being the centre of the literary life of the time many of these dances would naturally originate there; though it must not be supposed that danceswithoutthe accompaniment of song were not also known.

Page81, line 262—'Kancor, and Thèbit, and Trebuchet.' San Marte says that Thèbit is Thabet Ben Korka, a famous Arabic physician, mathematician, and philosopher of the ninth century. Kancor is probably Kenkeh, an astronomer and physician of the same period. Trebuchet has been mentioned before. Cf. BookV.p. 144 and Note.

Page81, 279—''Twas yet in the early morning.' Chrêtien gives no account of the delivery of the squire's message, but simply states that he finds Arthur and his knights plunged in grief at the prolonged absence of Gawain, and then breaks off abruptly in the middle of a sentence before they have learnt of his safety. From this point onward Wolfram's version is entirely independent of theConte del Graal, but his poem shows no dislocation or contradiction, such as one would expect would have been the case had he been following a source that suddenly failed him; on the contrary, there is a far more complete harmony between all the parts of Wolfram's poem than we find in any other Romance of the cycle.

Page82, lines 301-10—'Meljanz de Lys.' Cf. BookVIII.p. 239, and Introduction to BookX.and Note. If there was no account of Gawain's intermediate adventures Wolfram is evidently anxious to make his hearers believe in the existence of such a record, by means of well-timed and appropriate allusions. The fact that the combat was to be in the presence of Meljanz de Lys is only casually mentioned in BookVIII.For the allusions to Kunnewaare, Jeschuté, and Ekuba cf. closing pages of BookVI.with the account of the dispersal of the company at Plimizöl. The whole passage is a proof of the care with which the poem has been constructed, and the details brought into harmony with each other.

Page83, line 339—'Brought he news of some gallant venture?' Cf. BookVI.p. 176 and Note.

Page87-88, lines 466-506—'His doings, Sir Knight, I to thee will tell.' This history of the magician Klingsor, as noted in BookX., is found in Wolfram only, and the indications seem to point to aFrenchsource. Terre de Labûr is undoubtedly a French rendering of Terra di Lavoro, in Calabria. Kalot Enbolot is Kalota-Belota, a fortress on the south-eastern coast of Sicily, well known in the days of the Hohenstauffen. This location of Klingsor's kingdom in Southern Italy may have been introduced in order to lend a colour to his supposed relationship to Virgil, who by the twelfth century was firmly established in popular belief as a magician. The name Iblis, Bartsch refers to the Sicilian town Hybla; Ibert may be a form of the French Guibert. It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that in the lord of the Château Merveil, wounded as a punishment of unlawful love, we have a parallel to the King of Monsalväsch, whose wound is due to a similar cause. (A reference to the original German will show how close this resemblance is); as mentioned before, it seems to be a parallel, rather than a contrast, which Wolfram intended to draw between his two heroes. It may well be that in the original version of the story from which both Chrêtien's and Wolfram's poems are derived the Gawain episodes were unfinished, and that in their original form Gawain, too, was brought to the Grail Castle, but to regard them as unfinishedhereseems a clear misunderstanding of the meaning of the poem. We are distinctly given to understand (p.97, line 780) that Gawain's lot in life is finally settled, the Grail Quest, which was originally in the Gawainstory, has been quietly dropped, and this adventure of the Château Merveil has taken its place; an alteration which artistically can only be considered an improvement, as it clearly marks Gawain's position as secondary to Parzival. Whether the story of Klingsor was introduced for the purpose of emphasizing the parallel between Monsalväsch and Château Merveil it is difficult to say. Certainly, the incident of Parzival's missing the adventure of the Magic Castle, as he did that of Monsalväsch, by failing to ask the question must, as noted above, be due to this idea. With the end of this book Gawain's adventures are practically concluded; Wolfram promptly clears the stage for the winding-up of the history of his real hero, Parzival, by bringing the two knights into contact, when Gawain is naturally worsted, and takes the second place. Whether it be due to Wolfram or to his source, it is certain that theParzivalis far simpler in construction than the majority of the Grail Romances, in which the adventures of various heroes succeed each other with such bewildering rapidity and similarity of incident that it is difficult to tell who is the real hero of the tale!

Page89, line 519—'A child was born of a mother.' A well-known mediæval riddle, which Wolfram might easily have derived from a German source.

Page90, line 531—'Of joy had I once full measure.' It is somewhat curious that in Chrêtien Gawain eulogizesGuineverein similar terms. It rather looks as if the original passage had been the same in both instances, though it would be difficult to tell to which queen it originally referred.

Page91, line 566—'Maurin.' This name occurs in theLancelotof Ulrich von Zatzikhoven, from which it was probably borrowed.

Page92, line 601and seq.—'And either side had suffered.' Garel and Gaherjet: cf. Note to BookXII.Iofreit, son of Idol: cf. BookV.p. 155 and Note. Though this character only plays an unimportant part in the poem, he is yet very frequently mentioned, it may be that in the original French source he was more prominent. Friam is probably the same name as Urian, in BookX.Vermandois and Nevers point to a French origin.

Page94, line 658—'Save the tent of Eisenhart only.' Cf. BookI.p. 16 and Note. Tents seem to have been favourite love-gifts at this time, note the Booth in BooksXI.andXII.given by Anfortas to Orgelusé, and, as we know fromWillehalm, sent to that king in the first instance by Sekundillé.

Page96, line 733—'Meljanz of Lys.' How Meljanz of Lys came to be there is not explained. It is worthy of note that in BookVII.we find the King of Lirivoin fighting against Meljanz, and taken captive by Parzival;herethe men of Lirivoin are evidently on the same side.

Page97, line 763—'The wounds of Kay had been healed.' Cf. BookVI.p. 169 and Note to BookIII.

Page99. line 819—'A knight his bridle drew.' This knight is, of course, Parzival, though how he came to be there is not explained. In theConte del GraalPerceval does not appear on the scene for some time, and passes through a variety of wild and fantastic adventures before finally winning the Grail. The poem, as we possess it, is more than twice as long as Wolfram's.

[With reference to the Klingsor and Iblis story, it is noteworthy that Chrêtien's first continuator relates a long story of King Carduel of Nantes and his reputed son Carados. The wife of King Carduel is beloved by a magician, Garahiet, who is in truth the father of Carados. The latter grows to manhood and goes to King Arthur's court to receive knighthood, there a stranger knight appears and offers to allow his head to be cut off provided the knight who accepts the challenge will submit to the same ordeal a year later. Carados accepts, and strikes off the head of the knight whopicks it up and walks off. Returning after a year he finds Carados ready to fulfil his part of the bargain, and then acquaints him with the fact that he, and not Carduel, is in truth his father. Carados returns to the court of Carduel and tells him what he has learnt from the magician; the king in anger imprisons his wife in a tower; she is nevertheless still visited by her lover, whom the king eventually surprises and punishes in a manner appropriate to his crime. This story, in its outline, appears to be the basis of the Klingsor and Iblis episode, but it has been very freely handled by the compiler, and, as suggested above, not improbably altered so as to draw out the parallel between Klingsor and Anfortas.

A feature of importance in this connection is that the episode of Carados and his magician father, a most famous story of the Arthurian cycle, is elsewhere invariably associated withGawain;e.g.in the well-known Middle-English poem of 'Sir Gawain and the Green Knight,' and it is difficult to understand why, in a part of the poem specially devoted to the adventures of this knight, the French poet should have attributed this, one of his greatest and most famous feats, to another hero.

Here again we find a parallel in Irish literature; in the 'Fled Bricrend,' Bricriu's feast, the feat by which Cuchulainn establishes his claim to be regarded as the chief Ulster hero is precisely this one; though the French poem in making the magician the father of the hero seems to have retained an archaic trait which has disappeared from the, in point of redaction, centuries older Irish story. But from other Irish stories we know that Cuchulainn was the son of a god who is sometimes represented as carrying off the mortal mother to his fairy home, sometimes as visiting her in animal shape.

The foregoing facts warrant, I think, the conclusion that Gawain originally occupied in the Brythonic hero-saga of Arthur much the same position as Cuchulainn in the Goidelic hero-saga of Conchobor, both being par excellencetheadventurous hero. Both, too, it should be noted, are sister's son to the king of the cycle; the same position being occupied by Diarmaid,theadventurous hero of the Finn or Ossianic cycle.

The nature of the connection between these cycles of romantic legend cannot be dealt with here. It is sufficient to show that in the French Arthurian poems of the twelfth century (which in one form or another undoubtedly form the basis of theParzival) we have piecings together of originally disconnected narratives about separate heroes, many of which are found in more archaic form in the stories told of the Irish hero Cuchulainn and his compeers. In the process of piecing together, adjusting to the genealogical requirements of the cycle and to the social conceptions and literary modes of the twelfth century, the early Celtic narratives suffered sadly as far as order and significance are concerned, though gaining immensely in other respects. The changes are of course greatest where such far-reaching new ideas as the symbolical representation of Christian doctrine, or the exemplification of lady-service, affect the original narrative.—AlfredNutt.]

Page103, line 13—'From Monsalväsch they came, the chargers.' This fact that both Parzival and Gawain are riding Grail steeds is constantly insisted upon by Wolfram, and may be intended to emphasise the parallel obviously drawn between the two heroes. It does not seem very clear why Gawain, who here has nothing to do with Monsalväsch, should ride a Grail steed; if Wolfram took over the fact from his French source it may, perhaps, be a survival of Gawain's original connection with the Grail Castle, which, as noted above, has been dropped out of the German poem. The history of Gawain'scharger has been told more than once, cf. BookVII.p. 196 and BookIX.p. 272. Parzival's horse is, of course, the one ridden by the Grail knight, cf. BookIX.p. 258.

Page104, line 38—'Poinzacleins.' Bartsch considers that the name of this river points to a French source, and indicates the sloping nature of its banks, the old French word for which would beaclins, Provençalaclis.

Page105, line 52—'Punt, the water-locked city.'Punt=pont= bridge; GermanBrückeorBrügge. The name of this town is decidedly suggestive ofBruges, and considering the fact that Chrêtien confessedly derived his version of the story from a book given to him by the Count of Flanders, the frequent allusions throughout the poem to men of 'Punturtois' should not be ignored.

Page105, line 57—'Count Bernard of Riviers.' A name of undoubtedly French origin. His father, Count Narant, has been mentioned in BookIV.p. 119. Uckerland is probably a misunderstanding for Outre-land.

Page105, line 74—'Ecidemon-woven.' This is a curious passage, as we are distinctly told in BookXV.p. 136 that Ecidemon is an animal; and as such it is named in BookIX.p. 276 among the list of poisonous serpents. As we hear in BookXV.p. 136 thatSalamanderswove the robe of Feirefis it is possible that the same power was ascribed to the Ecidemon. But the passage is somewhat ambiguous, andherea country, and not an animal, may be meant.

Page107, line 127and seq.—'Killicrates.' This name is of distinctly Greek origin. We find in BookXV.p. 154 that he was King of Centrium (which Bartsch identifies with the land of the Centaurs), and one of the princes conquered by Feirefis. In the same list of names we find Kalomedenté and Ipopotiticon; according to Bartsch the former name is a compound of Kálamos, and signifies Reed-land; the latter he suggests may be a variation of Hyperponticon, the land beyond the Pontus. Agatyrsjenté may perhaps be the same as Assigarzionté mentioned in BookXV.p. 136, as famous for its silks. 'Akraton,' cf. BookVIII.p. 230.

Page108, line 150—'He cast from his hand his weapon.' It is worth remarking how strongly Wolfram insists on this tie of brotherhood, both of arms, as here, and of blood, as in BookXV.To fight with one closely related by friendship, or one near of kin, is in his eyes a sin against one'sself, one's own personality. Other writers of the cycle do not seem to consider such a combat, provided it were not to death, in so serious a light. The etiquette connected with the naming themselves by the knights should be noted; it was the right of the victor to demand the name of the vanquished. Here, Parzival has heard Gawain's name from the pages, and therefore makes no objection to revealing himself; in the next Book when Feirefis asks his name he refuses to give it, the combat between them is practically undecided, and he will not admit Feirefis's right to put the question. That Feirefis names himself is an act of courtesy on his part. This unwillingness to name themselves was probably originally connected with the idea of the identity ofnameandperson—once so universal; to this day the superstition that it is unlucky to mention the name of a person exists among certain races, and circumlocution and nicknames are employed to avoid the necessity for disclosing the real appellation of the individual referred to.

Page110, line 237—'In wrath spake the lips of Bené.' We have already been told in BookX.p. 24, that the Ferryman, Bené's father, was of knightly birth, but it seems strange to find her addressing so powerful a monarch as King Gramoflanz in such discourteous terms. As noted before, the character of Bené and the part she plays are peculiar to Wolfram's version, and difficult of explanation.

Page113, line 325—'Yet, Sire, when I saw thee last.' Cf. BookVI.p. 179, and BookXV.p. 158. Nevertheless, the other knights do not seem in any way to have held Parzivalas really dishonoured; they receive and welcome him as one of their body, though he hasnotwon the Grail, nor, so far, apparently expiated his sin in failing to put the question.

Page114, line 339—'He should eat without on the meadow.' Cf. BookV.p. 154.

Page115, line 402—'Did women with wealth o'erburdened,'etc.That gifts of armour and warlike trappings were usual on the part of the lady is evident from many passages, cf. BookII.p. 47 and BookXV.pp. 139, 147, 155.

Page117, line 460—'Affinamus of Clitiers.' This knight has not been named before. The same name occurs in the list of princes overcome by Feirefis, BookXV.p. 154, but it is evidently a different individual. Bartsch suggests that the name is of Greek origin, Clitiers being derived from Clitorium.

Page117, line 467—'Then out spake King Lot's son gaily.' Cf. p.110, line 225.

Page120, line 543—'Thy sister Surdamur.' Cf. Note to BookXII.

Page121, line 587—'Now greeting to whom I owe greeting.' Bartsch remarks that this love-letter and that addressed by Anflisé to Gamuret, BookII.p. 44, are specially interesting as being almost the oldest specimens of love-letters in German literature.

Page124, line 675—'Beau-corps.' Cf. BookVI.p. 183. From the passage on p.114it would seem as if Gawain had other brothers, as in most stories of the cycle he has, but Wolfram mentions none but Beau-corps.

Page129, line 830and seq.—'Arthur gave maid Itonjé.' It has been suggested that here Wolfram is indulging in sly mockery at the many weddings which, as a rule, wound up the mediæval romances. In the original tales the whole character of King Arthur and his court was far less stamped with the rigid morality we have learned to associate with them, and the somewhat indiscriminate promotion of love-affairs and marriages (cf. BookXV.p. 157) is quite in keeping with what we elsewhere read of the king. (See note to BookX.p. 204, for Mr. Nutt's remarks on the marriage of Gawain being celebrated at the Château Merveil, instead of at court.)

Page130, line 869—'But Parzival, he bethought him,'etc.It cannot be too strongly insisted upon that this presentment of Parzival as a married man, and absolutely faithful to his wife is quite peculiar to Wolfram's version of the story. Whether it isentirelydue to the German poet we cannot now tell, but we meet with such constant instances of Wolfram's sense of the sanctity of the marriage vow, and the superiority of lawful, over unlawful, love, it seems most probable that it is to his genius we owe this, the most beautiful feature of the story. There is nothing answering to it either in Chrêtien or his continuators, although in Gerbert the hero's successive failures are declared to be due to his forsaking Blanchefleur.

Page135, line 22—'His armour a knight displayed.' The riches of Feirefis and his costly raiment are dwelt upon at such length that one suspects that the aim of the poet was to exalt the importance of the House of Anjou; of which Feirefis, rather than Parzival, must here be considered the representative.

Page136, line 31—'Agremontein.' Cf. BookIX.p. 284.

Page136, line 42—'Thopedissimonté,'etc.This place has not been named before, and critics have not identified it with any known name. Assigarzionté may, as suggested in Note to BookXIV., be the same as Agatyrsjenté. Thasmé we already know, BookXIII.p. 74 and Note.

Page137, line 59—'Parzival rode not lonely.' The expression of an idea which seems to be a favourite one with Wolfram, cf. BookV.p. 139 and BookVIII.242.

Page137, line 81—'As the lion-cub,'etc.This fable, a belief in which was general in the Middle Ages, is also mentioned by Wolfram in hisWillehalm.

Page139, line 120—'My brother and I are one body,'etc.As remarked before, Wolfram has an extremely high idea of the binding nature of family relationships, cf. BookIII.p. 97 and further on p. 145.

Page139, line 121—'Asbestos.' Cf. BookIX.p. 281.

Page139, line 138—'Kaukasus.' It is rather curious to find Sekundillé associated with Kaukasus, as we are elsewhere told that she was queen of Tribalibot,i.e.India. In BookX.p. 11 we are told that she had golden mountains in her kingdom, which may have suggested the connection.

Page140, line 155—'And the other, the precious jewels,'etc.It has already been remarked (Note to BookIX.) that the attribution of strengthening virtue to precious stones, and the prominence given to them throughout the poem, is a special feature of theParzival. In the next book we meet with a remarkable instance of this peculiarity.

Page140, line 161—'Kardeiss and Lohengrin.' This is the first intimation we have of the existence of Parzival's sons; from Kondrie's speech on p.159, he seems himself to have been unaware of their birth. We hear of Parzival sending the knights conquered by him to yield themselves captives to Kondwiramur (BookVII.p. 220 and BookVIII.p. 243), and she, therefore, would be in some degree aware of her husband's movements during the five years of separation; but we have no indication of his having received any message from her; and from the wandering life he led during these years (cf. Introduction to BookIX.), and the fact that he had no squire in attendance who could act as go-between, it seems most probable that Parzival heard nothing of his wife throughout the entire time—a fact which makes his fidelity to her even more striking.Kardeisswas doubtless named after his mother's brother, whose death is referred to in BookVI.p. 167.Lohengrin, or as the name stands in the original, with an additional syllable,Loherangrin, has been derived fromLothringen, the German form Lorraine. If so, this may indicate the source of the story of the Swan-knight, which did not, of course, originally belong to the Grail legend.

Page140, line 170—'Pelrapär!' seq. It is very curious that though Wolfram emphasizes the fact (p.139) that Parzival had regained his faith in God, yet it is not this faith which stands him in good stead in the hour of his greatest peril; neither is it his devotion to the Grail; but it is his loyal love for, and fidelity to, his wife that proves his salvation. If the aim of the poem were, as some critics contend, a purely religious one, then we should surely find that at the crucial moment of the hero's career religion, and notLove, would be the saving power. As it is, Parzival's words to Gawain, BookVI.p. 188, are abundantly borne out, and itishis wife, and no heavenly power, that acts as Guardian Angel. (The lines 170-71 are not of course to be taken literally, 'o'er kingdoms four' is used in other old German poems as equivalent for 'a great distance.' It is not to be supposed that Kondwiramur was in any sense, even mystically, aware of her husband's danger, though doubtless it is the conviction that her love for him is as steadfast as his for her that strengthens his arm.) Throughout this conflict between the two brothers it is love, in the twelfth century form ofMinne-Dienst, which is regarded as the animating power on either side; though the fact that they are respectively Christian and heathen is insisted on by the poet, yet we do not find the conflict regarded as a struggle between the two religions, nor any sign given of the superiority of the God of the Christian to the heathen deities, in fact the same Divine Power is invoked to shield them both (p.139). It certainly seems here as if theknightlyinterpretation had, in a great measure, overborne theethical. That therewasan ethical signification attached to the episode seems evident, not only from the fact that this conflict with Feirefis, whose peculiar parti-coloured appearance recalls so strongly the contrast between Doubt and Faith, drawn in the Introduction, is the last stagein Parzival's long expiation; but also from the fact of the breaking of Ither of Gaheviess' sword, of which special mention is made in lines 173 andseq.The poet evidently intends us to regard this as a token that Parzival's youthful sins have been atoned for, and there seems little doubt that the incident was introduced here for that purpose. That the sword here broken was originally theGrailsword, and that the change was made by Wolfram from the difficulty of reconciling that fact with previous statements (cf. BookIX.p. 252), as Simrock suggests, is most improbable, there would have been no reason for theGrail Swordbreaking in this rather than in any other combat (accepting Chrêtien's statement that the sword would break only inone peril; it had withstood considerably more thanone blow), quite the contrary, as here Parzival is practically the Grail champion; but there is a deep significance in this shattering of the last token of the headstrong folly of his youth. It seems most probable that Wolfram found this incident in his source; and that the original meaning of the combat was to depict the last desperate struggle of the soul with Doubt, wherein bysteadfast resistance(absolute conquest is not at once to be looked for) the sins of the past are wiped out, and the soul becomes finally worthy of reward.

Page141, line 195—'Thro' fear shall I tell my name?' Cf. Note to BookXIV.The courteous and knightly bearing of Feirefis, both here and on p.142, should be noted. In everything but faith he is quite the equal of his Christian brother; indeed it must be admitted that, compared with either Feirefis or Gawain,Parzivalgives the impression of being a much less courtly and polished figure. His character seems stamped throughout with a rugged simplicity and directness, quite in keeping with what we are told of his wild and lonely youth. It is noticeable, too, how very little, comparatively speaking, Parzival says; though all the speeches put into his mouth have an earnestness and depth of feeling which we do not find in the much more frequent utterances of Gawain. Wolfram's tolerant treatment of heathen, generally, has often been a subject of remark by critics; and, with regard to Feirefis, the number of allusions to him which theWillehalmcontains lead one to the conclusion that this character, in particular, was a favourite with the poet.

Page141, line 202—'How shall "Angevin" be thy title?' The reader will probably by this time have noticed that, King of Anjou as Parzival is, he is never called an Angevin, but is invariably referred to as a 'Waleis,' his mother's country. It is hismother'skingdoms of which he has been deprived (cf. BookIII.pp. 73, 80, 87), and this is really the first indication we have that he knows himself to be also lord of Anjou. Gamuret is alluded to, and gives his name as, Gamuret Angevin; Feirefis, is always Feirefis Angevin; but Parzival, the hero of the story and the real glory of his house, is not an Angevin but a 'Waleis.' This shows clearly that theAngevinelement formed no part of the original Perceval legend, but that it has been grafted on to a previously existing Celtic basis.

Page141, line 205—'Béalzenan.' Cf. BookV.p. 147 and Note.

Page142, line 230—'As written parchment.' Ekuba didnotsay this in Wolfram's version, cf. BookVI.p. 186, possibly the simile was in the French source and has been dropped out. It is a curious idea to occur to a man who, like Wolfram, could not write; and it is also a curious speech to put into the mouth of one who, like Parzival, had been brought up in the desert, and deprived of the ordinary training due to his rank.

Page143, line 241—'Blest be Juno,'etc.This ascription of Latin gods and goddesses toallthe non-Christian races was not unusual in the Middle Ages; Apollo was the god most commonly thus transferred. It is rather curious though to find the mistake made in a poem so obviously tinged by Oriental influences as theParzival. Wolfram, too, seems to have known that the Saracens had other gods, inWillehalmhe names as such Apollo, Mahmet, and Tervigant.

Page144, line 275—'When King Eisenhart's life was run.' Cf. BookI.p. 28.

Page144, line 294—'Till King Ipomidon.' Cf. BookII.p. 59.

Page146, line 353—'From Château Merveil,'etc.Cf. BookXII.p. 53.

Page147, line 377—'Saranthasmé.' Cf. BookXIII.p. 74 and note.

Page149, line 458—'Wizsant.' A haven on the coast of France, near Boulogne, much frequented at that time. Writers of the period frequently allude to it.

Page153, line 583 andseq., page154, line 615 andseq.The list of kings conquered by Feirefis and Parzival contain some very perplexing names, the originals of which have evidently been corrupted in process of transmission from one language to another. Bartsch, who has devoted considerable time to the study of the proper names in theParzival, has endeavoured, with varying success, to identify the majority; and the following suggestions are taken from his article on the subject, already quoted in Appendix B, of vol. i.

In the first list, that of the princes conquered by Feirefis, names of Greek origin are of frequent occurrence; thus Papirus of Trogodjenté, Bartsch identifies as the king of the Troglodytæ; Liddamus of Agrippé was originally Laodamus of Agrippias; Tinodent, the island of Tenedos; Milon is, of course, a well-known Greek name, as is Kallicrates, here Killicrates, Filones of Hiberborticon is the GreekPhilon; and it may be taken as a general rule that all the names ending inon, in this list, may be traced more or less directly to a Greek source. Possizonjus is a version of Poseidonios (having probably passed through a Latin medium); Atropfagenté is the land of the Androphagi, or Anthropophagi; Acheinor is the GreekArchenor.

In the list of the heroes conquered by Parzival we have, on the contrary, few classical names; Jeropleis,i.e.Hieropolis, seems to be almost the only example. The majority of the names appear to be of Romance origin, or at least to have passed through a Romance source. Thus Mirabel, the name of a place in Southern France, and Serabel, here the endingbelindicates the French origin; Villegarunz is the Prov.Villagrana; Jovedast of Arles, a Provençal, proclaims his own nationality.

It is probably no accident that this majority of classical names appear in the first list, that of Feirefis, since, as noted above, Greeks and Romans alike were classed by the mediæval writers as heathens, and they would see nothing incorrect in giving Saracens classical names, in the same way as they provided them with classical deities.

Page154, line 608—'Olympia and Klauditté.' Here again we find the names of the three queens beloved by Feirefis of distinctly classical origin: Klauditté being a French derivation from Claudia. Sekundillé is the only queen of whom we hear elsewhere, the other two are mentioned by name only.

Page155, line 643—'Heraclius or Hercules.' Heracles was the hero of a German poem of the twelfth century, which attributes to him a knowledge of the properties of precious stones. The Alexander here referred to is Alexander the Great; not the lover of Surdamur, mentioned in BooksXII.andXIV.(cf. note toXII.)

Page156, line 664—'Drianthasmé.' Apparently a combination of Triande and Thasmé, cf. BookXIII.p. 74.

Page158, line 723—'With turtle-doves, all shining.' Kondrie does not seem to have borne the badge of the Grail on her first visit (BookVI.p. 177); this, her second appearance, seems to bear more of an official character.

Page158, line 741—'Without a kiss.' A kiss was the customary sign and seal of forgiveness (cf. BookV.151, 152; BookVI.177; BookXIV.129), but Kondrie is fully aware of her repulsive appearance, and would, therefore, release Parzival from the fulfilment of a distasteful duty. It must be noted that, throughout the poem, Kondrie is in no sense represented as a malicious character. Her brother, Malcréature, on the contrary, seems to have been thoroughly evil-disposed, cf. BookX.p. 12.

Page159, line 767—'Now rejoice with a humble heart.' Kondrie's announcement toParzival appears, in some points, to be a direct contradiction of what we have already been told with regard to the promised healing of Anfortas. In BookIX.p. 278, Trevrezent distinctly says that the question must be asked on thefirstnight of the visit to the Castle; that no warning must be previously given; and thatifthe knight fulfils these conditions, then, and then only, will he become king of the Grail. Now Parzival apparently traverses all these conditions, he omits to ask the question on his first visit, he is told of the sin he has thereby committed, and on this, his second visit, is made well aware of what is expected of him (cf. lines 774 andseq.), while the Grail announces him as kingbeforehe has asked the question. It is true that no one tells him the exact words in which he is to put the query, but Parzival is well aware that he is to ask Anfortas the cause of his anguish, and it scarcely seems likely that the virtue of the question depends upon the form in which it is put. Are we to consider from Trevrezent's words, BookXVI.p. 171, that Parzival's valour and steadfastness of purpose have wrought a change in the Divine Counsels, and that the bliss which he had in his folly forfeited is to be granted to him on his fulfilment of thespiritof the Grail conditions, the fulfilment of theletterbeing dispensed with? The question is a perplexing one, and difficult to solve satisfactorily.

Page160, line 779—'Seven stars did she name unto him.' The introduction of these Arabic names is decidedly curious in view of Wolfram's emphatic statement that the origin of theParzivalwas an ArabicMS., though Bartsch remarks that the names in question were not necessarily derived from the source, there being still extant a German astronomical poem of the twelfth century which contains a number of Arabic names. Still it is strange that Wolfram's version should be as close as it is to the original form of the words, thus Zevâl is the ArabicZuhal, Saturn; Almustri,El-musteri, Jupiter; Almaret,El-mirrêk, Mars; Samsi,Shams, the Sun; Alligafir and Alkamer cannot be exactly identified with the remaining two planets, Venus and Mercury, but seem to represent rather the names of two constellations, respectively called El-gafir and El-kidr. Alkamer is the moon, ArabicEl-kamer.

Page160, line 799—'If thou speakest, Lady.' The humility of this speech of Parzival's, contrasted with the indignant outbreak of wounded pride in BookVI.pp. 187, 188, is the most decisive proof which the poem affords of the spiritual change which has passed over him, and of his fitness to become king of the Grail, a blessing which Anfortas has forfeited through lack of humility (cf. BookIX.p. 272 and BookXVI.p. 182).

Page161, line 817—'From the bright eyes of Orgelusé.' Cf. BookXII.p. 65.

Page162, line 861—'Triant.' Cf. BookXIII.p. 74. Nouriente = von ourient,i.e.Orient.

Page165, line 5,and seq.—'Then he spake to the knights of Monsalväsch.' Those readers who are familiar with Wagner'sParzivalwill see in this speech of Anfortas to the knights, and his attempt to win death for himself by shutting his eyes to the Grail, the germ of the scene in the Grail Temple in Act III. of the Drama. It will be noted thathereAnfortas does not injure any one but himself by this attempt at self-destruction. Titurel is still alive, cf. p.178. It is noteworthy that the knights still await the advent of the promised Healer; though, as we gather from Trevrezent's speech, BookIX.p. 278, 'The knight, he hath come, and hath left us,' they were aware thatParzivalwas he, and had failed to fulfil his mission.

Page166, line 49—'Teriak.' Cf. BookIX.p. 278, Ambra=Amber.

Page167, line 67,and seq.—'Carbuncle and Balas ruby,'etc.It has before been remarked that the belief in the virtue of precious stones was very real and very general in the Middle Ages. Similar lists are given by various writers, Albertus Magnus among them; and San Marte remarks that, if this list is compared with mediæval writings, it will be found that the names have not been put together in a haphazard fashion, but that the special virtue ascribed to each stone has a direct bearing on Anfortas' sufferings.Jewels, in the strict sense of the term, these stones are not exclusively,e.g.we find Asbestos and Pyrites among the list; the expression 'precious stones' was freely construed in those days. The Latin equivalent of all these names can be found in writings of the period, but it would scarcely be interesting to give a minute description and identification.

Page169, line 119—'And e'en as was there the custom.' Cf. BookV.p. 132.

Page169, line 130—'O'er-long have I waited.' Anfortas' speech to Parzival is curious; some critics have opined that he alone was not aware of the lately read Grail writing, and of Parzival's election to the Grail kingdom, and was, therefore, in doubt as to whether or not he was the destined Deliverer. But, if that were the case, how did he come not only to know Parzival's name, but to lay such stress upon it ('IfParzivalmen shall call thee,then, etc.'),i.e.'If thou art indeed the chosen ruler of these knights, then exercise thine authority on my behalf.' We learn from BookIX.p. 271, that thenameof the elect knights appeared on the Grail. If Anfortas had learnt it from Trevrezent, the only other source of information he could have had, he would have had no doubt of the identity of the promised Deliverer with the knight who had already paid an abortive visit to the Castle; as it is, he recognises him at once, but is in doubt whether he is the 'Parzival' named by the Grail. The meaning of his speech seems to be that Anfortas was unaware how far Parzival himself was acquainted with therôleassigned to him, and feared to transgress the Grail's commandment, and risk the promised healing by saying too much.

Page169, line 141—'Now say where the Grail It lieth?' It is remarkable that though Parzival is well aware of the nature of the question which he is to put to Anfortas, and of the happy results which will follow (p.159), yet he fully realises that this healing can only be brought about by the blessing of God; it is as God's Messenger, and not in his own power, that he speaks. He feels himself, and wishes the knights to regard him, merely as the instrument in God's hand; there is no trace of self-assertion or presumption in his action, the grace of humility has been fully won. The beautiful touch in lines 155-56 seems to show that to Anfortas, also, the long ordeal issued in distinct spiritual gain. It is worth noting that, from this point onwards, Anfortas is spoken of as a knight in the prime of life, worthy to be compared in skill and prowess with his nephew, Parzival, and excelling him in physical beauty; whereas Trevrezent, who was considerably the younger (cf. BookIX.p. 275), is always spoken of as an old man. This is, of course, due to the youth-preserving powers of the Grail (cf. BookIX.p. 270), so Répanse-de-Schoie, who had been in the service of the Grail from her childhood, would have retained the appearance of a young girl, and there is nothing surprising, therefore, in Feirefis becoming enamoured of her beauty.

Page178, line 147—'By the mouth of His saint, Sylvester.' An allusion to a well-known story told of S. Sylvester; how when he was defending Christianity against a Jew, in the presence of the Emperor Constantine, he restored to life, by the invocation of Christ, a steer which the Jew had slain by whispering the most Holy Name into its ear, but had failed to revivify by the same means.

Page170, line 168—'The wood when they fought of old.' Cf. BookVI.p. 160 andseq.This reunion of Parzival and Kondwiramur on the very spot where he had been overcome by the mystic love-trance is a most poetical feature of Wolfram's version, and one found nowhere else.

Page171, line 183—'Greater marvel I ne'er may see.' Cf. BookIX.p. 267. This passage, with its practical unsaying of much that Trevrezent has said in BookIX., is extremely difficult of explanation. That there is a distinct discrepancy, not to say contradiction, between the statements of BookIX.and those of BookXVI.is undoubtedly the fact; the most probable solution appears to be that suggested in Excursus C at p.194of this volume;i.e.the original interpretation, that of Kiot, was purely religious, and it was that which Wolfram in BookIX.was mainly following; he himself, however, had grafted another meaning on to that originally suggested, that of salvation by fidelity to the knightly ideal, the power of theunverzagter mannes muot. By the time Wolfram had reached the end of the poem, he found that his interpretation had dominated that of Kiot, he had practically made Parzival do that which Trevrezent says is impossible ('Wouldst thou force thy God with thine anger?' BookIX.p. 267. 'Thou by thy wrath hast won blessing'), and this passage seems to be an attempt to harmonise these two conflicting ideas. It is certainly not easy of interpretation, for on the face of it, while Trevrezent is asserting the unchanging nature of God's decrees, as illustrated by the history of the rebel angels, he is also implying that Parzival himself has been the object of special and peculiar favour on the part of the Deity, and that the foreordained course of events has in his case been at least modified.

Page172, line 213—'Duke Kiot of Katelangen.' Cf. BookIV.p. 107, and BookIX.p. 274.

Page174, line 277—'When many a year had flown.' This is the only indication we have of the eventual recovery of Parzival's inheritance. From the emphasis laid upon the episode in BookIII.one would have expected to find Parzival himself making some effort for the recovery of his kingdoms, but he never seems to have done so (cf. Notes to BookIII.pp. 308, 309).

Page174, line 302—'Schoysiané, the dead maid's mother.' In Wolfram's poem,Titurel, we find exactly the reverse of this statement;i.e.Siguné, whose mother died at her birth (as we are repeatedly told), was given into the care of the mother of Kondwiramur, and the two children were brought up together till Siguné was five years old, when Herzeleide persuaded Duke Kiot to transfer his daughter to her charge. How this discrepancy arose is not clear; Wolfram may perhaps have forgotten what he had said inTiturel, or he may have followed his French source.

Page174. line 306—'Nor my tale like the bow shall be bended.' Cf. BookV.p. 137.

Page175, line 310—'A Templar of Patrigalt.' Cf. BookII.p. 39.

Page175, line 319—'Garschiloie of Greenland.' Cf. BookV.p. 144. Greenland here is not to be understood as the Greenland we know, but as part of Norway. The Grail maidens have not been individually named before, though the Countess of Tenabroc and the daughter of Jernis were mentioned in BookV.pp. 133, 134. Florie of Lünel may be the daughter of the Count ofNonelnamed in conjunction with Jernis.

Page177, line 373—'Claret, Morass, or Sinopel.' Morass seems to have been a wine made from mulberries; Sinopel, wine mixed with sweet syrups.

Page178, line 411—'The Tourney hath fashions five.' Cf. Note to BookII.'The Tourney.'


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