Chapter 10

293.The visitations of the archdeacons were highly unpopular, creating any number of spies and informers; seeEcclesiastical Courts Commission, p. xxiv. London, 1883.

294.1 Cor. vi. 3.

295.Ibid.2.

296.Rufinus,Hist. Ecc.lib. i. cap. ii. p. 184, ed. of Basel. 1611.

297.On the packing and intimidating of juries until, as Wolsey observed, “they would find Abel guilty for the murder of Cain,” see W. Eden (Lord Auckland),Principles of Penal Law, p. 176. London, 1771.

298.H. C. Lea,Studies in Church History, p. 171. Philadelphia, 1869.

299.C. Agathense, c. 32.

300.C. Epaonense, c. 11.

301.The same was also referred to by the eighteenth Canon of the Council of Verneuil about 755.

302.C. Matisconense, i. c. 7.

303.C. Matisconense, i. c. 8.

304.C. Aurelian, iii. c. 32.

305.C. Parisiense, v. c. 4.

306.Gregor. I.lib. vi. Epis. xi.

307.Haddan and Stubbs,Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents, i. p. 133.Canones Wallici, c. 40 (37). Oxford, 1869.

308.Lea,Studies, p. 178.

309.Lea,Studies, p. 179.

310.Ibid.p. 182.

311.Epis. xcvii. 70. Migne,Patrologiae, tom. 119, p. 1006.

312.C. Ravennense, c. 4.

313.For instance, by Charlemagne in 789 and at the Synod of BambergA.D.1491;videLea,Studies, pp. 178, 192, 196.

314.Privilegia Clericorum, Constitutio Frederici Imperitoris, p. iii.B. M. Cat.i. a. 6515,Constitutio Caroli, 1498.

315.G. H. Pertz,Monumenta Germaniae Legum, tom. ii. p. 244. Hanover, 1837.Lea,Studies, pp. 191, 196.

315.G. H. Pertz,Monumenta Germaniae Legum, tom. ii. p. 244. Hanover, 1837.

Lea,Studies, pp. 191, 196.

316.Ibid.pp. 191, 192.

317.P. F. Lecourayer,Histoire du Concile de Trente, tom. ii. p. 658; and see p. 585, etc. 1736.

318.For post-Tridentine claims,videLea,Studies, p. 216, etc.

319.Holdsworth,Hist. Eng. Law, iii. p. 253.

320.Eveninsidiatores viarum et depopulatores agrorumwere ultimately allowed clergy by 4 Hen. IV. c. 2,A.D.1402.

321.Matthew Hale,Pleas of the Crown, ii. p. 333. London, 1800.

322.Lingard,Hist.ii. p. 192, etc.

323.Holdsworth, i. p. 382.

324.Lea,Studies, pp. 213, 218.

325.Lingard, ii. p. 127.

326.D. Rock,The Church of Our Fathers, i. p. 144. London, 1903.

327.J. F. Stephen,Hist. Crim. Law, i. p. 461.

328.A. S. Green,Henry II., p. 85. London, 1903.

329.Lea,Studies, pp. 178, 203.

330.Johnson,Laws and Canons, ii. p. 194.

331.25 Ed. III. c. 4.

332.J. F. Stephen,Hist. Crim. Law, i. p. 461.

333.Meiklejohn,Hist. Eng.vol. i. p. 165. London, 1895.

334.Lord Auckland,Principles, p. 173.

335.Thomas Smith,De Republica Anglorum, Alston’s ed. p. 103. Cambridge, 1906.

336.D. Barrington,Observations on the More Ancient Statutes, p. 443.

337.Hale,Pleas of the Crown, ii. p. 372.

338.J. F. Stephen,Hist. Crim. Law, i. p. 460.

339.Pollock and Maitland,Hist. Eng. Law, i. p. 426.

340.W. Stanford,Plees de Coron., lib. ii. cap. 48. London, 1560.

341.Holdsworth,Hist. Eng. Law, i. p. 382.

342.J. F. Stephen,Hist. Crim. Law, i. p. 461.

343.See Bingham,Antiquities of the Christian Church, v. p. 459.

344.Concilium Tarragonense, c. 4,A.D.516.C. Autissiodorense, c. 34,A.D.578.C. Toletanum, xi. c. 6,A.D.675.

344.Concilium Tarragonense, c. 4,A.D.516.

C. Autissiodorense, c. 34,A.D.578.

C. Toletanum, xi. c. 6,A.D.675.

345.Excerptiones Ecgberti, Arch. Ebor.156.

346.Johnson,Laws and Canons, ii. p. 60.

347.C. Lat.iv. c. 18.

348.C. Toletanum, iv. c. 31,A.D.633.

349.C. Autissiodorense, c. 33,A.D.578.

350.As, for instance, Theodosius, fourth century; Emperor Henry IV., eleventh century; Henry II., twelfth century.

351.Thrupp,Anglo-Saxon Home, p. 238.

352.Ibid.p. 243.

353.King Æthelwulf, in the ninth century, obtained an ordinance from the Pope that no Englishman was to be condemned to make a pilgrimage in irons outside his own country.—Lappenburg,Saxon Kings, ii. 26. A pilgrim from Canterbury would be recognised by his carrying back a bottle or a bell; a shell if he had arrived from Santiago de Compostela (Spain), and a palm from the Eastern Land.—R. F. Littledale,Ency. Brit.

354.Thrupp,Anglo-Saxon Home, p. 256.

355.See W. J. Thoms,Early English Prose Romances, i. p. 31, etc. London, 1858.

356.Johnson,Laws and Canons, ii. p. 449.

357.So much would depend upon the view taken by the penitentiary. See, for instance, Charles Reade’s historical story,The Cloister and the Hearth.

358.Usually for half the time, and often for three days in a week for the second half. VidePen. Ecgberti, Arch. Ebor.etc.

359.Lea,Studies in Church History, p. 245.

360.Thorpe, fol. ed. pp. 280, 315.

361.See the Penitential of Archbishop Theodore of Canterbury (A.D.673), Thorpe, p. 278.In the year 1139 a Council of Lateran condemned murderers of the clergy to excommunication, removable by the Pope alone (Labbé, tom. xxi. p. 530). Nevertheless we find Archbishop Richard complaining of want of protection (Petrus Blesensis,Opera, Epistola 73, Giles’s ed. i. p. 217, Oxford, 1847; also Hook,Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, ii. p. 577, London, 1862); and Henry II. provided lay penalties (Reeves,Hist. Eng. Law, i. p. 133; Lingard,Hist.ii. p. 193; Carte,Hist.i. p. 689; C. H. Pearson,History of England during the Early and Middle Ages, p. 511. London, 1867).

361.See the Penitential of Archbishop Theodore of Canterbury (A.D.673), Thorpe, p. 278.

In the year 1139 a Council of Lateran condemned murderers of the clergy to excommunication, removable by the Pope alone (Labbé, tom. xxi. p. 530). Nevertheless we find Archbishop Richard complaining of want of protection (Petrus Blesensis,Opera, Epistola 73, Giles’s ed. i. p. 217, Oxford, 1847; also Hook,Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, ii. p. 577, London, 1862); and Henry II. provided lay penalties (Reeves,Hist. Eng. Law, i. p. 133; Lingard,Hist.ii. p. 193; Carte,Hist.i. p. 689; C. H. Pearson,History of England during the Early and Middle Ages, p. 511. London, 1867).

362.VidePenitential of Theodore,De Temperantia Poenitentium, etc.

363.Penitential of Ecgberht, Archbishop of York (eighth century), Thorpe, p. 377.“The common penance for murder” (ninth century) was seven to ten years.

363.Penitential of Ecgberht, Archbishop of York (eighth century), Thorpe, p. 377.

“The common penance for murder” (ninth century) was seven to ten years.

364.J. Johnson,Laws and Canons, note E, ii. p. 11.

365.C. Ancyranum, c. 5,A.D.314.C. Nicaeni, c. 12,A.D.325.C. Chalcedonense, c. 16,A.D.451.C. Ilerdense, c. 5,A.D.524.

365.C. Ancyranum, c. 5,A.D.314.

C. Nicaeni, c. 12,A.D.325.

C. Chalcedonense, c. 16,A.D.451.

C. Ilerdense, c. 5,A.D.524.

366.For England, see Thorpe, i. p. 278; Johnson,Laws and Canons, ii. pp. 10, 11, note D.

367.Johnson, p. 446.

368.Marshall,Penitential Discipline, pp. 109, 110.

369.The king’s familiar friends and associates were to be received into the communion of the Church and were not to be cast out, decreed a Council of Toledo.—C. Toletanum, xii. c. 3,A.D.681; Labbé, tom. xi. p. 1030; Marshall,Penitential Discipline, p. 126.

370.C. Clovenhonense, cc. 26, 27,A.D.747.

371.Maitland,Domesday Book, p. 281.

372.St. Ambrose,De Elia et Jejunio, c. xx.; Migne,Patrologiae, tom. xiv. p. 724.

373.See J. Johnson and B. Thorpe; also Lea,Middle Ages, i. pp. 464, 473.

374.Carte,Hist.i. p. 581. I think it was Herbert Spencer who remarked how completely mere outward material performance or conformity could generally satisfy the mediæval claims.

375.5 Rich. II. c. 5,A.D.1382.2 Hen. IV. c. 15,A.D.1400.2 Hen. V. c. 7,A.D.1414.

375.5 Rich. II. c. 5,A.D.1382.

2 Hen. IV. c. 15,A.D.1400.

2 Hen. V. c. 7,A.D.1414.

376.C. Triburiense, c. 3,A.D.895.Lea,Studies, p. 384.Stubbs, in Appendix II.Ecc. Courts Comm., 1883, pp. 55, 56.

376.C. Triburiense, c. 3,A.D.895.

Lea,Studies, p. 384.

Stubbs, in Appendix II.Ecc. Courts Comm., 1883, pp. 55, 56.

377.He might even be proceeded against on suspicion of heresy if he continued contumelious. See twenty-fifth session of the Council of Trent, Lecourayer, tom. ii. pp. 648, 653.

378.Stubbs,Const. Hist.iii. p. 374.

379.Chaucer, John Saunders’ ed. p. 83. London, 1889.“Significavit is a Writ which issues out of the Chancery pon a Certificate given by the Ordinary of a man that stands obstinately excommunicate by the space of forty days, for the laying him up in prison without Bail or Mainprice, until he submit himself to the Authority of the Church.” “And it is so called because Significavit is an emphatical word in the Writ.”—T. Blount,Law Dictionary. London, 1717.

379.Chaucer, John Saunders’ ed. p. 83. London, 1889.

“Significavit is a Writ which issues out of the Chancery pon a Certificate given by the Ordinary of a man that stands obstinately excommunicate by the space of forty days, for the laying him up in prison without Bail or Mainprice, until he submit himself to the Authority of the Church.” “And it is so called because Significavit is an emphatical word in the Writ.”—T. Blount,Law Dictionary. London, 1717.

380.See A. Abram,Social England in the Fifteenth Century, p. 111 (London, 1909); alsoChancery Warrants for Issue, The Patent Rolls, etc.; J. Johnson,Laws and Canons, ii. p. 192,De Excommunicato Capiendo, and p. 399; Holdsworth,Hist.i. pp. 358, 433.

381.Henry II. of England was severely scourged by eighty ecclesiastics; the bishops present gave each five strokes, and every monk gave three. The king’s penance brought on illness.—Lea,Middle Ages, p. 464; Meiklejohn,Hist.i. p. 102.

382.Bingham,Antiquities of the Christian Church, vi. p. 172.

383.Bingham, ii. p. 128.I once saw a cell belonging to a Spanish prelate at Majorca; it was a little dark lock-up and was untenanted.

383.Bingham, ii. p. 128.

I once saw a cell belonging to a Spanish prelate at Majorca; it was a little dark lock-up and was untenanted.

384.For instance, Tinmouth Priory was employed as a prison by the abbots of St. Albans. See W. Dugdale,Monasticum Anglicanum, iii. p. 309. London, 1846.Bingham, vii. p. 43.Ingulph’sChronicle of the Abbey of Croyland. Riley’s ed. p. 98.

384.For instance, Tinmouth Priory was employed as a prison by the abbots of St. Albans. See W. Dugdale,Monasticum Anglicanum, iii. p. 309. London, 1846.

Bingham, vii. p. 43.

Ingulph’sChronicle of the Abbey of Croyland. Riley’s ed. p. 98.

385.Lea,Middle Ages, i. p. 488.

386.Ibid.p. 490.Charles Molinier,L’Inquisition au XIIIeet au XIVesiècle, pp. 435, 440, etc. Paris, 1880.Concilium Albiense, c. 24,A.D.1254.Lea,Superstition and Force, p. 426.Findings of the Commission of Cardinals sent by Pope Clement V. in 1306; see Molinier, p. 450, and B. Hauréau, Bernard Delicieux, p. 134, etc. Paris, 1877.

386.Ibid.p. 490.

Charles Molinier,L’Inquisition au XIIIeet au XIVesiècle, pp. 435, 440, etc. Paris, 1880.

Concilium Albiense, c. 24,A.D.1254.

Lea,Superstition and Force, p. 426.

Findings of the Commission of Cardinals sent by Pope Clement V. in 1306; see Molinier, p. 450, and B. Hauréau, Bernard Delicieux, p. 134, etc. Paris, 1877.

387.C. Tolosani, c. 11.

388.Lea,Middle Ages, i. p. 491.

389.C. Biterrense, c. 23, etC. Biterrense,A.D.1233;De Custodia Claustria, Labbé, tom. xxiii. p. 275.

390.Lea,Middle Ages, i. p. 487.

391.Lea,Middle Ages, p. 486.

392.In 1234 a Council of Albi decreed that the holders of confiscated property of heretics should make provision for the imprisonment and maintenance of its former owners.

393.For instance, inA.D.1300 we find certain prisoners at Albi condemned “Ad perpetuum carcerem stricti muri ubi panis doloris in cibum et aqua tribulationis in potum, in vinculis et cathenis ferreis solummodo ministrentur.”—Molinier, p. 94, quoting Doat, tom. xxxv.

394.“We do with special injunction ordain that every bishop have one or two prisons in his bishopric; he is to take care of the sufficient largeness and security thereof for the safe keeping of clerks according to canonical customs that are flagitious, that is, caught in a crime or convicted thereof. And if any clerk be so incorrigibly wicked that he must have suffered capital punishment if he had been a layman, we adjure such an one to perpetual imprisonment....”—J. Johnson, ii. pp. 207, 208;Constitutions of Archbishop Boniface,A.D.1261.

395.Dugdale,Monasticum Anglicanum, vi. p. 238.

396.Lea,Middle Ages, p. 487.

397.James Stephen,Studies in Ecclesiastical Biography, p. 38. London, 1907.

398.J. W. Willis Bund,Episcopal Registers, ii. p. 182. Oxford, 1902.

399.H. T. Riley,Gesta Abbatum Monasterii Sancti Albani, i. p. 266. London, 1867.

400.History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages, i. p. 487 and note; and see H. R. Luard,Annales Monastici, t. ii. p. 296, t. iii. p. 76; F. W. Maitland,Law Quarterly Review, ii. p. 159.

401.Bund,Epis. Registers of the Diocese of Worcester, ii. p. 189.

402.Bingham,Antiquities of the Christian Church, vii. p. 18.

403.Ibid.p. 12.

404.Addis and Arnold,Cath. Dict.p. 276.

405.S. Lugio,Cath. Ency.iv. p. 678. New York, 1908.

406.Coulton,Chaucer and His England, p. 288.Lea,Studies in Church History, p. 189.“Degradation was a penalty rarely inflicted, since the Church was reluctant to admit that the sacred office once conferred could be taken away for any offence short of heresy.”—Davis,Normans and Angevins, p. 207.

406.Coulton,Chaucer and His England, p. 288.

Lea,Studies in Church History, p. 189.

“Degradation was a penalty rarely inflicted, since the Church was reluctant to admit that the sacred office once conferred could be taken away for any offence short of heresy.”—Davis,Normans and Angevins, p. 207.

407.Degraded clerks were forbidden to live in the world as laymen by a Council of Rouen.—C. Rothomagense, c. 12,A.D.1074.Those who threw off their habit were not to be admitted into the army or into any convent of clerks, but were to be esteemed excommunicate.—Lanfranc’sCanons, c. 12,A.D.1071; J. J. ii. 9.

407.Degraded clerks were forbidden to live in the world as laymen by a Council of Rouen.—C. Rothomagense, c. 12,A.D.1074.

Those who threw off their habit were not to be admitted into the army or into any convent of clerks, but were to be esteemed excommunicate.—Lanfranc’sCanons, c. 12,A.D.1071; J. J. ii. 9.

408.Lecourayer,Concile du Trente, tom. i. p. 543.

409.Stubbs,Ecc. Courts Comm., 1883, Appendix ii. p. 57.

410.A lay officer was supposed to be present to take over the fallen cleric into his custody.—Cath. Ency.iv. p. 678.

411.C. Remense,A.D.1157.

412.C. Oxoniense,A.D.1166.

413.C. Turonense,A.D.1163.

414.2 Hen. IV. c. 15.

415.Lea,Hist. Inq. Middle Ages, i. p. 222.A deacon was burned at Oxford in 1222, having been tried before Archbishop Langton for embracing Judaism in order to marry a Jewess.[418]From that time until 1400 no one is said to have been burned to death for heresy in England.—Maitland,Law Quarterly Review, ii. p. 153. London, 1886.

415.Lea,Hist. Inq. Middle Ages, i. p. 222.

A deacon was burned at Oxford in 1222, having been tried before Archbishop Langton for embracing Judaism in order to marry a Jewess.[418]From that time until 1400 no one is said to have been burned to death for heresy in England.—Maitland,Law Quarterly Review, ii. p. 153. London, 1886.

416.Professor E. P. Evans throws an interesting side-light on this offence. “It seems rather odd,” he observes, “that the Christian lawgivers should have adopted the Jewish code against sexual intercourse with beasts, and then enlarged it so as to include the Jews themselves. The question was gravely discussed by jurists whether cohabitation of a Christian with a Jewess, orvice versa, constitutes sodomy. Damhouder (Prax. rer. crim.c. 96, n. 48) is of the opinion that it does, and Nicolaus Boër (Decis, 136, n. 5) cites the case of a certain Johannes Alardus or Jean Alard who kept a Jewess in his house in Paris and had several children by her; he was convicted of sodomy on account of this relation and burned, together with his paramour, ‘since coition with a Jewess is precisely the same as if a man should copulate with a dog’ (Döpl. Theat.ii. p. 157). Damhouder includes Turks and Saracens in the same category.”—The Criminal Prosecution and Capital Punishment of Animals, p. 152. London, 1906.

417.Lea,Middle Ages, i. pp. 220, 221, etc.

418.A pious old lady left a bequest to the city of London to defray the expenses of incinerating misbelievers.—Meiklejohn,Hist.i. 223.

419.W. Stubbs,Charters, p. 136.

420.G. B. Adams,Political History, p. 270. London, 1905.

421.It was represented to him that in the nine years through which he had reigned innumerable offences and one hundred murders had been committed by clerks who had escaped all punishments save the light sentences of fine and imprisonment inflicted by their own courts.—W. R. W. Stephens,The English Church, p. 165. London, 1901.William of Newburgh, lib. ii. p. 130, H. C. Hamilton’s ed. London, 1856.

422.In the thirteenth century there were, for instance, twelve clerks in the village of Rougham.—Augustus Jessopp,Coming of the Friars, p. 84. London, 1889. See also J. E. Thorold Rogers,Six Centuries of Work and Wages, i. pp. 24, 160, 161.

423.Carte,Hist.i. p. 581.

424.Eirikr Magnusson,Thomas’ Saga Erkibyskup, i. p. 144, note.

425.William FitzStephen; J. C. Robertson’sMaterials for the History of Thomas Becket, iii. p. 45. London, 1881.David Hume,Hist. Eng.i. p. 391. London, 1818.

425.William FitzStephen; J. C. Robertson’sMaterials for the History of Thomas Becket, iii. p. 45. London, 1881.

David Hume,Hist. Eng.i. p. 391. London, 1818.

426.See Herbertus de Boseham; Robertson,Materials, iii. pp. 264, 265.

427.Magnusson,Thomas’ Saga Erkibyskup, i. p. 145.

428.William of Canterbury; Robertson’sMaterials, i. pp. 12, 13.Edward Grim; Robertson, ii. p. 375.Anonymous; Robertson, iv. p. 24.K. Norgate,England under the Angevin Kings, ii. p. 21. London, 1887.

428.William of Canterbury; Robertson’sMaterials, i. pp. 12, 13.

Edward Grim; Robertson, ii. p. 375.

Anonymous; Robertson, iv. p. 24.

K. Norgate,England under the Angevin Kings, ii. p. 21. London, 1887.

429.R. de Diceto,Works, Stubbs’s ed. i. p. 313. London, 1876.

430.F. W. Maitland,Eng. Hist. Rev.vii. p. 226. London, 1892.

431.Stephens,Hist. Eng. Church, p. 166.

432.Nahum, i. 9.

433.Norgate,Angevin Kings, ii. p. 23.

434.Stephens,Hist. Eng. Church, p. 166.

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