Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, was recognized by the Democrats in the Senate as their leader. He was a broad-shouldered, sturdily built man, with a large square head and ruddy complexion, gray hair and beard, and a positive manner that commanded respect. Earnest, outspoken, and free in his criticisms of men and manners, he would wave his red bandana pocket handkerchief like a guidon, give his nose a trumpet-blast, take a fresh pinch of snuff, and dash into the debate, dealing rough blows, and scattering the carefully prepared arguments of his adversaries like chaff. When he sat down he would signal to a Republican friend, and they would leave the Senate Chamber by different doors and meet in a committee-room, where there was a supply of old Bourbon whisky.
Senator Bayard, of Delaware, who was also prominent in the Democratic ranks, never forgot that he was the descendant of a long line of eminent statesmen. Tall and straight, his movements were graceful, and his cleanly shaven face and iron-gray hair were classic in beauty. Broad in intellect, he was patient and courteous in debate, rarely losing his dignity or his temper.
Senator Beck, of Kentucky, enjoyed the rare advantage of being ineligible to the Presidential chair, and he did not consequently feel hampered by what he might add in debate to his "record." He was a stalwart, farmer-like looking man, with that overcharged brain which made his tongue at times falter because he could not utter what his furious, fiery eloquence prompted. Entirely different in personal appearance and manner was Senator Pendleton, of Ohio, whose courteous deportment had won him the appellation of "Gentleman George," and who adorned every subject on which he spoke. Senator Saulsbury, of Delaware, a spare, grim, uncompromising bachelor, with a tall, slender figure like that of Thomas Jefferson, would have made a glorious Puritan leader, and Senator Pinckney Whyte, of Maryland, a gentleman by birth and education, was evidently restive at times under the political restraint of the party "bosses" in his State.
Senator Cockrell, of Missouri, was an able lawyer, who had the good sense not to parade his gallant services in the Confederate army, and who was ever on the watch for some extravagant appropriation. He, with Ransom, of North Carolina, and other Confederate brigadiers, saw opposite to them, as their equal, Senator Bruce, of Mississippi, round-faced, bright-eyed, and sepia-hued, the emancipated slave who had reached the full stature of citizenship through the flame of battle that discomfited them.
Another eloquent debater was Senator Lamar, of Mississippi, whose influence in molding public opinion at the South had been as healthy as it had been powerful. Senator Vest, youthful in appearance, was a fiery speaker, and always ready for a tilt with an opponent. The swarthy features of Senator Logan, of Illinois, with his long, coal-black hair and moustache, stood out like a charcoal sketch against the gilded wall of the Senate, and he seemed as ready to meet his political opponents as he had been at the head of his brigade to charge the enemy.
On the other side of the Senate Chamber thepater Senatuswas Governor Anthony, of Rhode Island, a man of gracious presence and kind heart, whose eyes were dimmed, but who had not lost the fire and brilliancy which had characterized his early editorial and Senatorial life. Senator Hamlin, of Maine, was the eldest in years on the floor, and yet he did not display the first sign of the weakness of advancing age. Tall, slightly round-shouldered, always wearing a black dress coat, and never an overcoat, he was a remarkably well-preserved man. His forehead was somewhat wrinkled, his black eyes gleamed with vigorous vitality, and his large mouth, with its massive under jaw, was not concealed by a moustache or beard. He rarely spoke, but when he took the floor he always had something to say worth hearing, and he was always listened to.
Senator Edmunds, of Vermont, was an able man and a good lawyer, remarkably well posted in the current literature of the day. Another man learned in the law was the ponderous Senator Davis, of Illinois, who had left the Supreme Court for the Senate, thinking it was the better avenue to the White House, and whose political views were bounded by his personal ambition.
Senator Conkling, of New York, was then at the height of his brilliant Congressional career. Able, high-bred, and stately, he had defeated his home rival, Fenton, and he now claimed the disposal of the New York patronage that he might use it to secure the re- election of General Grant, to be followed by his own elevation to the Presidential chair. The words, "conciliation of enemies," were not in his vocabulary, yet no Senator had so many tried and trusty friends. Another prominent lawyer was Matt. Carpenter, of Wisconsin, one side of whom as described by Charles Sumner when he called him a "jester," while Mr. Edmunds, by a ready pun, as aptly described the other side of him by declaring that the Senator from Massachusetts probably meant a "sug-gester." Retaining the dragoon swagger, which he had acquired at West Point, a jovial nature, indifferent to the decorum of public life, he seemed to have been tossed into the Senate, where other people had with difficulty found their way by hard climbing or by costly purchase.
Senator Ingalls, of Kansas, whose remarks were a stream of epigram, eloquence, and euphony, delicately flavored with sarcasm, often showed a keen appreciation of the ridiculous. Remarkably well informed, and able to command the information in the storehouse of his brain, he never ranted, rarely gesticulated, and his ceremoniously polite excoriations of opponents were like dropping hot lead upon sore places. Very different was Senator Burnside, of Rhode Island, who was known as the "Kaiser William," and whose martial aspect indicated his straightforward honesty of purpose. He was at times restive under the trammels of parliamentary rule, and would speak his mind, no matter who was troubled thereby.
Senator Dawes, of Massachusetts, with clean-shaven cheeks and puritanical earnestness, had been transplanted from the House of Representatives with Senator Allison, of Iowa, a man of rare financial ability, who afterward took a prominent part in the proceedings of the Senate. Then there was Senator Plumb, of Kansas, earnest and straightforward, of whom it was said that he was "Western from the hem of his short pantaloons to the comfortable slouch of his hat."
Senator Blaine, of Maine, was one of the youngest Senators, yet when he rose to speak all listened. Compactly and strongly built, with a commanding figure, prominent features, watchful, gray-hazel eyes, and a rich, manly voice, he was very ready in debate. When the army bill was up, and it was argued that the South was in danger of intimidation, he showed the absurdity of such a position by giving the exact numbers of troops then stationed in each State: "And the entire South has eleven hundred and fifty-five soldiers to intimidate, overrun, oppress, and destroy the liberties of fifteen million people! In the Southern States there are twelve hundred and three counties. If you distribute the soldiers evenly there is not quite one for each county; when I give the counties, I give them from the census of 1870. If you distribute them territorially, there is one for every seven hundred square miles of territory, so that if you make a territorial distribution, I would remind the honorable Senator from Delaware, if I saw him in his seat, that the quota of his State would be three, 'one ragged sergeant and two abreast,' as the old song has it. That is the force ready to destroy the liberties of Delaware!"
In the House of Representatives that sturdy Democratic champion, Samuel J. Randall, of Philadelphia, was elected Speaker, receiving one hundred and forty-three votes against one hundred and twenty- five votes for James A. Garfield, and thirteen votes for Hendrick B. Wright. The Democrats were ably led by Carlisle and Blackburn, of Kentucky; by Morrison and Sparks, of Illinois; by Reagan and Mills, of Texas; by the stately Fernando Wood, of New York, and by Mr. Sam. Cox, who reminded one of those jocular festivities of mediaeval times, when the Abbot of Misrule took possession of his masters and issued his merry orders superciliously to those with whose insults his ears were still tingling.
On the Republican side were Aldrich, Conger, Frye, Hawley, and Lapham, qualifying themselves for service in the Senate; the burly Robeson, ready to defend his acts as Secretary of the Navy; Judge Kelley, of Philadelphia, who had come down from a former generation; Rainey and Smalls, emancipated men and brethren; the witty Tom. Reed, of Maine, who was always happy in his sarcasms; the able and effective Frank Hiscock, of New York, the effective Ben. Butterworth, of Ohio, with others known to fame, constituting a strong House, fresh from the people, and bringing their latest will.
The Democratic Congress again attached to the bill making appropriations for the support of the army an irrelevant piece of legislation aimed directly at the purity of the ballot, thinking that the President, who had so evidently desired to conciliate the South, would not dare to offend it by refusing his official approval. To their surprise, he returned the bill to Congress with a veto message, so dispassionate, yet so entirely covering the case, that it threw the Democratic majorities in Congress into confusion, and forced them to abandon the programme they had marked out. They consoled themselves by turning out nearly all of the officers of the Senate, many of whom were old and faithful servants, and dividing the places thus made vacant among their relatives and henchmen.
President Hayes, by his succession of vetoes, restoredl'entente cordialebetween himself and the greater portion of the Republican members of Congress. His pure patriotism, his high rectitude of intention, and his personal virtues had never been doubted, and when he was again found acting in accord with the party that elected him, it was believed that he would be carried pleasantly through his embarrassing duties, and that his civil success would match his exploits in arms.
The opera of "Pinafore" became all the rage at Washington, as elsewhere. It was performed at theatres by church choirs, by amateurs, by a colored company, and finally by some juvenile vocalists belonging to the very first families at the West End. Generally speaking, vocalists, especially of the feminine persuasion, have scruples about giving their ages, but on the programmes of this company the ages of the performers were printed opposite to their names. Sir Joseph Porter was personated by Aleck McCormick, a son of Commissioner McCormick, aged twelve; Miss Betty Ordway, aged eleven, was Josephine; Miss Mary Wilson, aged ten, was charming as Little Buttercup; Willie Wilson, aged eleven, was Captain Corcoran; Dick Wallack, aged eleven, was a good Ralph Rackstraw, and Daisy Ricketts, demurely attired as Aunt Ophelia, was primly "splendid." The sisters, the cousins, and the aunts, the sailors, and especially the marine guard, were all represented. The singing was tolerable and the acting generally bad, but the performance was nevertheless enjoyed by the crowded audience. The little people eclipsed the colored choir, and were equal to at least half of the professional combinations.
[Facsimile]RoscoeConklingROSCOE CONKLING was born at Albany, New York, October 30th, 1829;studied law and commenced practice at Utica in 1846; was Mayor ofUtica in 1858; was a Representative in Congress, December 5th, 1859- March 3d, 1867; was a United States Senator from March 3d, 1867,until his resignation on the 16th of May, 1881; removed to New YorkCity, and entered upon the practice of his profession.
The marriage of the King of Spain was celebrated at Washington by Senor Mantilla, the Spanish Minister, who gave a magnificent entertainment at Wormley's Hotel, where he was residing. The parlors were decorated with the Minister's own furniture and paintings, and with a profusion of rare plants and flowers. The Diplomatic Corps wore their court costumes, while the officers of our army and navy appeared in full uniform. Madame Mantilla was an Andalusian, and had the clear, creamy complexion, the large, dark eyes, the black hair, and the fine form which characterizes that section of Spain. The waist of her satin dress was cut square, before and behind, and was very low. The entire front of her long skirt of white satin was covered with a network of pearls. A vest of similar network trimmed the front of the basque. Folds of satin went across the front of the waist and over the short sleeves, and at the back fell from the waist in sash ends, edged with pearl fringe and tassels. Around her throat she wore a band of dark red velvet, studded alternately with diamonds and pearls. Below, falling loosely on the neck, were three strands of pearls with a magnificent pendant, composed of an enormous pearl and clusters of diamonds. In her hair sparkled a superb diadem, formed of sprays of diamonds, presented to the lady by her husband when they were married. Lace stockings and white satin slippers completed her toilet.
The supper-table was set along three sides of the room, forming a hollow square. In the centre was a mound composed of myrtle, in whose bright, green leaves were arranged large and beautifully colored California pears and luscious bunches of Malaga grapes and oranges. A tall silver epergne surmounted the mound, in the centre of which was a cut-glass basket, holding fruits, and on the sides vases of flowers. On the table were numerous silver candelabra holding lighted wax candles, and, alternating with plants, pyramids of bonbons, ices, and other dainties. The table linen, china, and glass all bore the crest of the hostess.
Much ill-breeding had been shown by seekers after invitations, and there was a sad exhibition of bad manners at the supper-table. The lace on ladies' dresses was torn by the trappings of the diplomats and officers, while terrapin and champagne were recklessly scattered. With this exception everything passed off very smoothly, and the hundreds of guests present heartily congratulated the host and hostess. President Hayes and his wife declined departing from their rule not to accept hospitalities, but the White House was well represented by Mr. Webb Hayes and five young ladies, who were at that time his mother's guests.
With the return of the Democrats to power in Congress came one of those great moral struggles which convulses a nation with an agitation only surpassed by a physical contest between hostile armies. The approach of the Presidential contest added to the acerbity of the debates, although some of the participants evidently adopted as their motto the Quaker apothegm, "Treat your enemy as if you thought he might some day become your friend, and your friend as though he might become your enemy."
Those who occasionally engaged in criminations and recriminations did it in a parliamentary and mild-mannered way, and a few hours afterward they might have been seen meeting as guests at the same social board, with every mark of reciprocal cordiality and success. This was doubtless owing, in many instances, to the legal training of the gentlemen who had been accustomed to bandy epithets and to bully their adversaries before juries, and having thus earned their fees, to leave the court, arm in arm, to dine harmoniously together.
One of the most interesting tilts in the Senate was between Matt. Carpenter and James G. Blaine, on the Geneva Award question. Mr. Carpenter was then approaching death's door, and his feeble voice was at times inaudible in the galleries, but his argument sustained his reputation as an advocate and as a Senator. Looking at everything from a judicial standpoint, and manifesting (if he did not express it) a profound contempt for non-professional men who discuss legal questions, he displayed great ingenuity and persuasive eloquence in the presentation of his views. He had evidently studied his case carefully, but he did not hesitate to make strong assertions take the place of authorities, and to base his arguments on those assertions. The entire speech was peppered with cutting allusions to Blaine, who sat unmoved, occasionally joining in the laugh provoked at his expense. Carpenter concluded with an eloquent allusion to General Grant, as one first in war, first in peace, first in the hearts of his countrymen and of all mankind.
When Blaine finally took the floor it was soon evident that he had studied the weak points in what Carpenter had said, and was ready to let fly a volley of satire-tipped arrows with deadly aim. His sentences were terse, crisp, strong, and entirely without ornamentation, but every one told. He began by alluding to his having been often reminded in the debate that he was not a lawyer. The wit would have been brighter and the thrust would have been keener had it been stated that when he set out on the vast sea of adventure he had studied law for two years.
After elaborately reviewing the case and citing many authorities, he concluded by alluding to a proposition that the balance of the award be retained in the Treasury. "This," he said, "would disgrace us in the eyes of the civilized world, by virtually admitting that our legitimate claims did not amount to anything approaching the sum which we demanded and obtained. The excuse made for the notoriously unjust Halifax award was that we had obtained a large sum under false pretenses, and that an offset should be made. Pass around the hat, ask alms if you will, but don't acknowledge that we received this Geneva award under false pretenses."
At the commencement of Mr. Blaine's remarks his well-modulated voice assumed a conversational tone, tinged with sarcastic bitterness as he occasionally indulged in bantering allusions to his lack of legal education. As he proceeded he became more impressive in words and action, and before he had concluded he had advanced between the desks into the centre aisle, where, with head erect and sweeping gestures, he poured forth a flood of stirring eloquence, eliciting repeated applause.
Mr. Carpenter attempted to reply and to criticize humorously some of Mr. Blaine's assertions, but he was not very successful. He said that his long training at the bar had taught him never to provoke a quarrel, and never to leave one unless successful. The Senator from Maine began this, and he should follow it. The Senator will never be able to say he has piped to me and I have not danced. Mr. Blaine made a happy retort, speaking of General Grant in the highest terms, and rivaling Mr. Carpenter in his eulogiums of him. This prompted Mr. Thurman, who next took the floor to say: "The Senators have both indorsed the third term," which provoked such rounds of applause that the presiding officer threatened to have the galleries cleared.
A more serious personal altercation occurred in an executive session, between General Gordon, of Georgia, then the personal defender of President Hayes, and Senator Conkling. General Gordon felt sore because he had failed to secure the entire Democratic vote of the Senate for the confirmation of some important New York nomination, and he regarded Senator Conkling as having defeated this scheme. The Senator from New York could not brook the interference of General Gordon in what he considered a family quarrel, and the two had not regarded each other for some days with looks of love. Trouble was brewing evidently.
When the Senate was in executive session one Friday afternoon, Governor Anthony occupying the chair, there was a warm discussion over the nomination of Ward, a Georgia internal revenue collector, in which some allusions were made to the New York case. When this had been disposed of, General Gordon interrupted the calendar to call for a report on the nomination of Smith, Collector of the Customs at Mobile, and while he was speaking, Senator Conkling, looking up from his letter writing, called out loudly, "Go on with the calendar." Gordon immediately said: "Mr. President, the Senator from New York is not in the chair, but he orders the Chair to go on with the calendar." Several names had been called for action when Gordon made this remark. Conkling was busy reading at the moment, and did not hear it, but his attention was called to it by a Senator who sat near him. Springing to his feet, Conkling asked what the Senator from Georgia had said concerning him. Gordon immediately repeated the language. Conkling said: "If the Senator from Georgia says I ordered the Chair to go on with the calendar he states what is not true." Gordon replied: "Very well, we will settle that hereafter." Conkling retorted: "We will settle it here," and repeated what he said before. Mr. Gordon then again said: "We will not settle it here, but elsewhere."
It was finally agreed that Senators Hamlin and Howe, as friends of Mr. Conkling, and Senators Ransom and McDonald, as friends of General Gordon, should endeavor to adjust the difficulty. The quartette sat in deliberation until one o'clock on Friday night, and met again at ten o'clock on Saturday morning, finally agreeing in the afternoon upon the adroitly drawn up statement made public, after which "all was quiet upon the Potomac." It is not true that any communication passed between the parties, although it is known that Mr. Lamar, of Mississippi, counseled General Gordon, and that Senator Jones, of Nevada, and General Phil. Sheridan were the advisers of Senator Conkling.
A more dramatic incident occurred in a debate, when Senator Voorhees, of Indiana, upbraided Senator Mahone, of Virginia, for acting with the Republicans. When he had concluded the Virginian calmly said that this denunciation of him must stop, and asked whether the Senator from Indiana adopted the phrase, "renegade Democrat," in a document which he had caused to be read as a part of his speech. "Mr. President," retorted Mr. Voorhees, with a defiant air and a contemptuous gesture, "I indorse every sentiment and word in that article. I make it my speech. I indorse the word 'renegade' in it. I indorse every criticism on the course of the Senator from Virginia. He need waste no time in putting words into my mouth. He said this must stop. No one can stop me. That is cheap—very cheap." A profound stillness had fallen upon the chamber when Mahone first arose. The silence became painful now. Mahone had remained standing, calmly waiting for Voorhees' reply, the Indiana Senator towering over his Virginia antagonist like a giant, when Mahone, in a low voice that could be heard in the remotest corners of the chamber, said: "That is an assertion that no brave or honorable man would make. I denounce it as such. Let him take that and wear it." The preliminary conditions of the code were satisfied. The insult had been offered by Voorhees. The challenging words had been spoken by Mahone. The incident ended there, and the Senate, taking a long breath after its eight hours of strife and passion, adjourned until the following Monday.
Mrs. Hayes, instead of frittering away the liberal appropriations made by Congress for the domestic wants of the White House, expended a large share of them in the purchase of a state dinner service of nearly one thousand pieces, illustrating the fauna and flora of the United States. The designs were executed by Mr. Theodore R. Davis, who had fished in the rivers of the East and West and in the sea, hunted fowl and wild game in the forests, the swamps, and the mountains, shot the buffalo on the plains and visited the historic haunts of the Indians in the East, met the Indians in their wigwams and studied their habits on the prairies of the far West. The designs were made in water colors, and although in nearly every instance they were bold and striking, they were difficult to reproduce perfectly upon porcelain with hard mineral colors, and to accomplish this successfully it was necessary to invent new methods and to have recourse to peculiar mechanical appliances, but the effort was successful and the set was produced.
[Facsimile] John Sherman JOHN SHERMAN was born at Lancaster, Ohio, May 10th, 1823; studied law; was admitted to the bar, May 11th, 1844; was a Representative in Congress, December 3d, 1855 - March 3d, 1861; was United States Senator from Ohio, March 4th, 1861 to March 8th, 1877, when he resigned; was Secretary of the Treasury under President Hayes, March 9th, 1877 - March 4th, 1881; was again United States Senator, March 4th, 1881; and was elected Presidentpro temporeof the Senate after the death of Vice-President Hendricks.
When General Grant returned from his trip around the world, the Blaine newspapers, while they filled their columns with adulatory notices of the "Old Commander," also discovered in the "Plumed Knight" qualities which inspired them with enthusiasm and admiration. The friends of General Grant were not, however, to be placed in an attitude of antagonism toward Blaine. They remembered, however, that when Grant retired from the political contest in 1876, and his friends turned toward Blaine, they found confronting them, armed with the poisoned arrows of detraction, the same editors who had for years been opposing and vilifying Grant.
An attempt was then made by Mr. Blaine's friends to place General Grant at the head of a scheme for the construction of a ship canal across the Isthmus as an American enterprise. They enlisted one of Grant's most devoted friends, Read Admiral Daniel Ammen, and he attempted to organize a company, of which General Grant was to be the president. The charter to be granted by Congress was to recognize the national character of the work, and to pledge the United States to oppose any foreign interference, like that of DeLesseps and his Darien Canal. General Grant became interested in the scheme, and affixed his name a few months later to an elaborate magazine article on inter-oceanic canals, every word of which was written by Dr. George B. Loring, of Massachusetts.
Senator Blaine developed great personal popularity as the campaign progressed, even among those who regarded General Grant as a "military necessity." Henry Clay, in his palmiest days, never had a more devoted and enthusiastic following, and many of the stanchest and most stalwart Republicans in Congress were openly for Blaine, while others secretly advocated his claims.
John Sherman had also a powerful following, and while the respective friends of Grant and Blaine began to indulge in recrimination, the cause of the Ohio Senator was quietly pushed without giving offense. Mr. Sherman's unswerving persistence had, in years past, all the effective energy and the successful result of force. General Garfield was at the head of the Ohio delegation, pledged to the support of Sherman, and he was chosen to make the speech nominating him in the Convention.
General Garfield having been requested to give his views as to what should be the course of the Ohio Republicans in reference to the Presidential nomination, wrote a letter in which he said: "I have no doubt that a decisive majority of our party in Ohio favor the nomination of John Sherman. He has earned his recognition at their hands by twenty-five years of conspicuous public service, a period which embraces nearly the whole life of the Republican party. He deserves the especial recognition of the nation for the great service he has rendered in making the resumption law a success, and placing the national finances on a better basis. I am aware of the fact that some Republicans do not indorse all his opinions, but no man who has opinions can expect the universal concurrence of his party in all his views, and no man without opinions is worthy of the support of a great party. I hope the Republicans of Ohio will make no mistake on other candidates; they should fairly and generously recognize the merits of all; but I think they ought to present the name of Mr. Sherman to the National Convention and give him their united and cordial support."
To Mr. Wharton Baker, of Philadelphia, General Garfield wrote: "It is becoming every day more apparent that the friends of the leading Presidential candidates are becoming embittered against each other to such an extent that, whichever of the three may be nominated, there would be much hostility of feeling in the conduct of the campaign. It will be most unfortunate if we go into the contest handicapped by the animosity of the leading politicians. I shall be glad to see you on your arrival in Washington."
General Garfield's influence was politically omnipotent in his own district, yet when the Convention of that district was held to elect delegates to the Chicago Convention, controlled by Garfield's friends and confidential advisers, it surprised the country by electing Blaine delegates. It was then whispered that General Garfield, while ostensibly working for Sherman, would advocate his own nomination, and also that he would have the support of the friends of Mr. Blaine.
The Convention was a remarkable one. The combined anti-Grant men, with cunning parliamentary strategy, carried their points on the unit rule and the credentials. When the names of the candidates were successively presented by their friends, a tumultuous scene of wild applause followed the nominations of James G. Blaine and Ulysses S. Grant, the rival hosts on the floor and in the galleries being animated by paroxysms of enthusiasm never before witnessed on this continent.
General Garfield rose when the State of Ohio was called, and said that he had witnessed the extraordinary scenes of the Convention with great solicitude. The assemblage had seemed to him like a human ocean in a tempest. He had seen the sea lashed into fury and tossed into spray, and its grandeur moves the soul of the dullest man; but he remembered that it was not the billows, but the calm level of the sea, from which all heights and depths are measured. When the enthusiasm should have passed away, the calm level of public opinion would be found, from which the thoughts of a mighty people would be measured. Not at Chicago in the heat of June, but at the ballot-boxes in the quiet of November, would the question be settled. "And now, gentlemen of the Convention," said he, "what do we want?" "We want Garfield," said a clear voice; and from that moment it was evident who the "dark horse" was, and his cold, studied eulogium of John Sherman was really little more than a presentation of himself.
In the thirty-six ballots which ensued, three hundred and six of the delegates cast their votes for General Grant. During the first twenty-eight ballotings, James A. Garfield generally received one vote, and sometimes two. His strength was then gradually increased as the friends of Mr. Blaine and of Mr. Sherman rallied to his support, and on the thirty-eighth ballot he received three hundred and ninety-nine votes, Ulysses S. Grant, three hundred and six; James G. Blaine, twelve; Elihu B. Washburne, five, and John Sherman, three.
Chester A. Arthur was nominated on the first ballot for Vice- President, receiving four hundred and sixty-eight votes. General Grant gave the Chicago ticket his hearty support, and persuaded Senator Conkling to accompany him to Ohio, where they addressed public meetings. They also addressed large popular gatherings in the State of New York, and it was asserted that they carried that State for Garfield and Arthur.
General Grant visited Washington in December, 1880, and had a most enthusiastic welcome. He was received by the Grand Army of the Republic, and as the train entered the railroad station, the chimes of the Metropolitan Church rang out "Home Again," while the field- pieces of the artillery company thundered a salute of seventeen guns. The General was escorted to the house of his friend, Colonel Beale, by the Grand Army, headed by the Marine Band, and as the column passed up Pennsylvania Avenue the dense crowd cheered enthusiastically.
A few days afterward General Grant went to the Capitol, and for the first time an ex-President successively visited the two Houses of Congress while they were in session. In the Senate, when General Grant came in on the floor (to which he had a right, having received the thanks of Congress), Senator Edmunds moved that a recess of ten minutes be taken. The Senators then left their seats and flocked around General Grant, the Confederate brigadiers leading the Democrats, who shook hands cordially with their old chief antagonist.
From the Senate Chamber General Grant went to the House of Representatives, where an adjournment was immediately carried. Speaker Randall then left the chair and invited General Grant to walk down to the area before the reporter's desk. The Representatives were there presented in turn, and then the pages enjoyed the privilege of shaking the General's hand, which they greatly enjoyed, and which he too seemed to enjoy as heartily as they.
General Grant had been the hero of unparalleled ovations, extending over years of time and through his tour around the world. In his own land, city after city had vied with each other in efforts to do him honor, but no receptions were ever more hearty than these in the two houses of Congress. And General Grant appreciated it highly. To be thus greeted by political advocate and antagonist, by his former subordinates on the field and by those who stood against him, was enough to awaken a nature far less sensitive to appreciation than his. He was gratified, and was in one of his most genial moods, his sunshine melting out any remaining iciness in those about him. The fact that he was now regarded as "out of politics" went far to allay suspicions and open up the channels of good-will and friendliness which all admitted were his due in view of distinguished services rendered by him in the crisis of the nation's history. It was a memorable occasion at the Capitol, where so many have occurred.
New Year's Day of 1881 was the coldest that had been known in Washington for a quarter of a century, the mercury having fallen in the morning to ten degrees below zero. As it was the last reception of President and Mrs. Hayes, the White House was the centre of attraction. The state apartments were decorated with flowers, and the Marine Band played in the large entrance hall. The long, central corridor was festooned with flags, and further decorated with flowers and potted plants. The parlors were also adorned with cut flowers and hot-house plants. At eleven A. M. the President and Mrs. Hayes entered the Blue Parlor, preceded by Major Farquhar, of the engineer corps, and followed by the Vice- President and Miss Mills, of San Francisco, who afterward became Mrs. Whitelaw Reid. They took their stations in the centre of the room. The young ladies who were visiting Mrs. Hayes stood back of her and on her right. Colonel Casey made the introductions to the President, and Mr. Webb Hayes to his mother. Mrs. Hayes' dress, of creamy white ribbed silk, very soft and fine, was trimmed very elegantly with white cream-tinted satin and pearl passamenteries. She wore a silver comb in her dark hair and no jewels. Miss Lucy Cook wore a cream-colored brocaded satin, combined with plain silk of the same shade, trimmed with pearls. Miss Dora Scott, of New Orleans, wore an elegant costume of Spanish blonde over satin, trimmed with field daisies, pond-lilies, and strands of pearls. The Attorney-General's niece, Miss Agnes Devens, a bright young school-girl, wore a heliotrope cashmere, trimmed with royal purple velvet. Little Miss Fannie Hayes' bright face and perfect complexion appeared in a child-like dress of white summer camel's hair, trimmed with white satin ribbons. Mrs. Hayes invited Mrs. Elizabeth Thompson, the philanthropist, of New York, to pass the day with her. She wore a superb black velvet trimmed with white ostrich plumes. Her ornaments were pearls. This lady had given away in charity over half a million dollars. The gentlemen of the Cabinet and ladies entered from the Red Parlor, Secretary Evarts and his family immediately preceding the Diplomatic Corps. All the gentlemen of the foreign legations, as was customary, wore court dresses, except those who represented republics. These wore citizens' dress suits.
Secretary Evarts made the presentation of the members of the Diplomatic Corps to the President. Sir Edward Thornton, as the Dean of the Corps, and the British Legation took precedence of any other Foreign Minister then in Washington. All his family were with him, including his tall, fine-looking son, the third Edward Thornton in a direct line of his family who had been attached to the British Legation in Washington. The Russian Minister and his wife were conceded to be the handsomest and most distinguished- looking couple seen in the throng of noted men and fine-looking ladies in the Blue Room.
The attendance of army and navy officers was large, including General Hazen and others recently promoted, from the President's native State, of whom, it was reported, Private Secretary Rodgers used to sing:
"He might have been a Bostonian,Or else a Baltimorian,Or a Chicago man;In spite of all temptation—remained true to his nation,And he's an Ohio man."
General Garfield's selection of Mr. Blaine as Secretary of State was known to the public soon after the Presidential election, but there was much speculation as to who else would be invited into the Cabinet. Many prominent public men went to Mentor, where they found General Garfield ready to listen, but unwilling to make any pledge. He impressed one of these visitors as evincing a desire to bring about the fusion of all the various elements. He would make an honest attempt to give each element proper recognition, and not allow himself to be involved in any controversy with his own party. He recognized the truth of the claim that had not General Grant and Senator Conkling gone into the campaign when they did, he would probably have been defeated, and this visitor was led to believe that the President-elect would treat the Grant wing with consideration.
As to particular persons and sections, General Garfield was so guarded that he gave no impression as to the States that would be represented, except that Iowa should have a place in the Cabinet. As to whether it was to be Mr. Wilson or Mr. Allison, or some one else, the President-elect dropped no hint. The name of Robert Lincoln was talked over, and General Garfield indicated an intention to give him some fitting recognition in his Administration, not only because he considered Mr. Lincoln a bright young man, but because he should take pleasure in making so graceful a tribute to the memory of his father. He did not intimate, however, that it would be by offering the son a seat in the Cabinet, nor did he say it would not be done in that way.
[Facsimile] EBWashburne ELIHU B. WASHBURNE, one of five brothers who have occupied prominent positions under the National Government, was born at Livermore, Maine, September 23d, 1816; studied law and commenced practice at Galena, Illinois; was a Representative from Illinois, 1853-1869; was appointed by President Grant Secretary of State, and after serving a few days, Minister to France, serving 1869-1877; returned to Galena and afterward settled at Chicago.
The inauguration of James Abram Garfield as the twentieth President of the United States was a grand historical pageant, although its effect was marred by the chilly, snowy, and wet weather. All the night previous the shrill blasts of the storm-king were varied by the whistles of the locomotives and steamboats, which were bringing thousands from the North, the West, and the South. Drenched and draggled people perambulated Pennsylvania Avenue and the adjacent streets, while occasional memories of the war would be revived as a well-equipped regiment or company with its full brass band would march past to its quarters. The hotels were emphatically full, and the last comers were glad to be able to secure one of the hundreds of cots made up in the parlors. Many swarmed into the theatres, the concert halls, or the Capitol, yet there was no drunkenness or rowdyism, but every on appeared to take a Mark Tapley- like view of the storm, and be as jolly as was possible under the circumstances.
Long before the morning guns boomed from the Arsenal and the Navy Yard, thousands of noses flattened against window-glass in the anxiety of the owners to see if the heavens were propitious; but there was no sign of sunshine. As the day advanced there were some bright streaks in the dull gray of the leaden sky, and the excellence of concrete pavements was shown, as they were free from mud, and the slosh was soon trodden into water, which ran off in the gutters. The flags, which had clung to the staffs, began to dry and flutter in the breeze. Nearly every house was decked with bunting, while upon many the most artistic designs of decorative art were displayed. Upon the broad sidewalks of Pennsylvania Avenue a living tide of humanity—men, women, and children—flowed toward the Capitol, pausing now and then to gaze at some passing regiment or political association.
General Sherman, who was Chief Marshal, had made such arrangements that the procession moved with the precision of clock-work when the signal gun was fired. The escort was composed of twelve companies of regular artillery, armed and equipped as infantry, with six companies of marines. Then came President Hayes and President-elect Garfield, with Senators Bayard and Anthony of the Senate Committee, in a four-horse carriage, with the Columbia Commandery of Knights Templar, of which General Garfield was a member, as a guard of honor. General Arthur, escorted by Senator Pendleton, followed in a four-horse carriage. After them marched the well-drilled battalion of Cleveland Grays, the Utica Veterans, in their Continental uniforms; the Utica Citizens' Corps, the Maryland Fifth, the Boston Fusileers, a company of Pennsylvania volunteers, the Grand Army, the naval cadets, the local militia companies, the Signal Corps, and a colored pioneer club.
As the carriages passed down Pennsylvania Avenue to the Capitol, the occupants were greeted with continuous cheers. General Garfield looked somewhat jaded, but doffed his stovepipe hat in response to the shouts, and bowed to the right and left. The crowd all along the line was dense, and it was with difficulty that it could be kept back to make way for the procession. The house windows were all occupied, and presented a varied scene of beautiful women, staid men, fluttering handkerchiefs, uplifted hats, and bright bunting. An armed guard had been posted about the Capitol, and it gave mortal offense to some of the Representatives who tried to force their way in.
As the Senate Chamber is the scene of the swearing in of the Vice- President, and as the galleries hold only about twelve hundred persons, the tickets were in great demand. When the doors were opened at half-past ten there was a rush made for the front seats, and the entire galleries were soon filled. A large majority of the occupants were ladies, fashionably dressed, whose moving fans gave animation to the general effect.
Mrs. Hayes escorted General Garfield's venerable mother and Mrs. Garfield to the gallery seats reserved for them. Mrs. Hayes wore a magnificent sealskin dolman and a black brocaded silk dress, with a white uncut velvet bonnet and ostrich feathers. She carried a bouquet of lilies of the valley. "Mother Garfield," as she was familiarly called, was a white-haired, venerable-looking lady, who wore on that day a black silk bonnet, a black silk dress, and a silk cloak trimmed with a band of silver fox fur. Mrs. General Garfield wore a suit of dark green velvet trimmed with chenille fringe, and a bonnet to match. She carried a bunch of roses. Miss Mollie Garfield wore a plum-colored woolen suit trimmed with plush, and a broad-brimmed gypsy hat, tied down over her ears. Miss Fannie Hayes wore a purple plush suit striped with yellow, and a white felt hat. Officials entitled to admission on the floor of the Senate began to make their appearance and to occupy the vacant chairs, the Senators having doubled up on one side of the Chamber.
When General Hancock, the "superb soldier," entered in full uniform, escorted by Senator Blaine, he was greeted with applause, which continued as he passed around the rear of the Democratic seats to the main aisle, the Senators all being seated on the Republican side. For a few minutes he held a sort of general levee, and was then escorted to a seat in front of and left of the Vice-President, being again greeted with applause. General Sheridan, when he entered, was also applauded. The two Generals sat side by side and each was accompanied by his staff. Sir Edward Thornton headed the Diplomatic Corps, which came in a body, nearly all wearing the resplendent court dresses of their respective nations, and decked with their ribbons, stars, and other insignia of knighthood.
The President of the United States was announced, and all rose as Mr. Hayes entered, escorting General Garfield. The General wore a suit of black cloth, with a black neck-tie, over which his collar was turned down. They were shown to seats in the centre of the Chamber. Mr. Wheeler presented Mr. Arthur, who made a well-worded speech, and was then sworn in by Mr. Wheeler, who in turn made a few remarks, alluding to the good feeling that had always been shown toward him and returning his thanks therefor. His last official act was performed in declaring the Senate of the Forty- sixth Congress adjournedsine die.
Speaker Randall then entered, followed by the Representatives, who filled up what vacant room remained. The Chaplain invoked the blessings of Divine Providence upon the incoming Administration, and asked that prosperity, health, and happiness might attend those whose connection with the Government had ceased. While this prayer was being offered both Mr. Hayes and Mr. Garfield rose and remained standing. President Hayes' proclamation convening a special session of the Senate was read by the Secretary. The roll of the new Senate was then called, and the newly elected Senators were sworn in. Announcement was made that the Senate, the Supreme Court, and the invited spectators would proceed to the east portico of the Capitol to participate in the ceremonies of the inauguration. The greater portion of those in the Senate Chamber, however, did not wait, but started in a most undignified manner for the platform.
This was erected over the lower flight of steps leading up into the eastern portico. In the front and centre was a raised stage, on which was the chair once used by Washington. General Garfield occupied this seat of honor, with President Hayes on his right and Chief Justice Waite on his left.
It was an impressive scene. Behind, as a background, rose the Capitol in its sublime grandeur and with its many memories; all around were the dignitaries of the country, with many ladies, whose ribbons and flowers gave brilliancy to the scene; and in front was an immense sea of upturned faces with lines of bristling bayonets, flags, plumes, and bright uniforms. When silence had been secured General Garfield rose, took off his overcoat, advanced to the front of the stand, and delivered his inaugural address in clear tones and with ringing accents. His face was stronger in those traits that indicate mental power than in classical outlines, and the likeness between him and his mother was noticeable as the evidently delighted old lady sat listening to him. She was the first mother who had heard her son deliver his inaugural as President of the United States. When General Garfield had concluded and the applause had somewhat subsided, the Chief Justice advanced toward him, and the two stood facing each other. The Chief Justice then administered the prescribed oath, which was reverentially taken, and then President Garfield received the plaudits of the people. While the inaugural was being delivered the sun had shone brightly. President Garfield's first act was to kiss his mother and his wife. He then received the congratulations of those around him, and after waiting a few moments for this purpose, was escorted again to his carriage, which was driven to the reviewing stand in front of the White House.
Here General Garfield witnessed the long procession pass in review, the bands playing patriotic airs and the officers saluting. The excellent marching and well-dressed ranks of the passing military was the theme of great praise from the prominent officers and distinguished civilians before whom they passed, and the thousands of spectators who occupied the stands and sidewalks opposite applauded often and loudly. Division after division, brigade after brigade, regiment after regiment, company after company, marched proudly past, forming the finest military display ever witnessed at Washington since the great war reviews, "when Johnny came marching home." Pennsylvania contributed the largest body of troops. The New York Ninth, although late to arrive, was much complimented, and so was the Maryland Fifth; the Boston Fusileers also attracted marked attention. General Sherman was proud of his procession, and he had reason to be. The numerous military commands and civil organizations, the excellent bands, the prancing steeds, the waving plumes and flags, the bright swords and bayonets, and the public spirit which animated the long array, all combined to render the scene a stirring one. It was five o'clock before the military had all passed the reviewing stand, and some of the political organizations which had to leave Washington did not pass in review. Going from the reviewing stand to the White House, President Garfield was welcomed by his aged mother and his family. He then lunched with Mr. and Mrs. Hayes, who soon afterward left for Secretary Sherman's, where they passed the night.
It was fortunate for those who wished to indulge in the time-honored custom of dancing at an inauguration ball that the Government had just completed an immense building for a national museum, which was fitted up for the occasion. Wooden floors were laid by the acre and carefully waxed, and the building was simply yet tastefully decorated. A heroic statue of "Liberty," which stood in the central rotunda of the building, holding aloft a beacon torch, was the first object that struck the visitors on entering. Flags were lavishly displayed, and the high, arched ceiling was almost hidden by a network of evergreens and flowers.
President and Mrs. Garfield arrived at the building about nine o'clock and were received by the Committee, Hon. George Bancroft escorting the President. Mrs. Garfield was dressed with great taste. She wore a dress of light heliotrope satin, elaborately trimmed with point lace, a cluster of pansies at her neck, and no jewelry. Mrs. Hayes, who was escorted by Hon. John Alley, wore a cream-colored satin dress trimmed with ermine.
The supper was served in a temporarily constructed "annex," where preparations were made for seating five hundred persons at a time. The caterer provided fifteen hundred pounds of turkey, one hundred gallons of oysters, fifty hams, three hundred and fifty pounds of butter, seven hundred loaves of bread, two thousand biscuits, one thousand rolls, two hundred gallons of chicken salad, fifteen thousand cakes, one hundred and fifty gallons of ice-cream, fifty gallons of jelly, fifty gallons of water ices, two hundred and fifty gallons of coffee, and other delicacies in proportion.
[Facsimile] J.A.Garfield JAMES ABRAM GARFIELD was born at Orange, Ohio, November 19th, 1831; served in the Union Army as Colonel, Brigadier-General, and Major- General, 1861-1863; was a Representative from Ohio, 1863-1881; was President of the United States from March 4th, 1881, until having been assassinated on the morning of Saturday, July 2d, he, after weary weeks of torture, died at Elberton, N. J., on the seashore, September 19th, 1881.
The Senate, which met in executive session when General Garfield was inaugurated, showed many changes. Vice-President Wheeler, who had served in Congress long and well, was replaced by General Arthur, whose war record in the State of New York had won him many friends. Senators Allen Thurman and Matt. Carpenter were missed by their legal friends, but among the new Senators was the ponderous David Davis, "learned in the law." General Hawley replaced Mr. Eaton, and with him there came from the House Messrs. Conger, Mitchell, and Hale. One of the silver kings of the Pacific slope, Mr. Fair, of Nevada, was naturally an object of attention.
As chosen, the Republicans had a majority in the Senate, but the transfer of Messrs. Blaine, Windom, and Kirkwood to the Cabinet gave the Democrats a temporary ascendency. The arrival of Mr. Frye, elected as the successor of Mr. Blaine, and of Mr. McDill, appointed as the successor of Mr. Kirkwood, secured a tie, and the casting vote of Vice-President Arthur enabled the Republicans to secure the control of the committees. The caucus of Republican Senators nominated Senator Anthony for Presidentpro temporewhen the Vice-President should vacate the chair; George C. Gorham for Secretary, and Harrison H. Riddleberger, Sergeant-at-Arms. The Democratic Senators refused to permit the election of Messrs. Gorham and Riddleberger, and as seven Senators could at any time prevent action by motions to adjourn, a dead-lock ensued, which lasted from March 23d until May 10th, when the Republicans gracefully surrendered, permitting the Democratic officers of the Senate to retain their places.
Meanwhile there was trouble among the Republican Senators, caused by the rival factions in the State of New York. Early in March several nominations of men who were ostensibly supporters of Mr. Conkling were made unexpectedly to him, and a day or two later the Senate was treated to a genuine surprise in the nomination of W. H. Robertson to be Collector of the Port of New York. The astonishment could not have been greater if the name of Samuel J. Tilden had been sent in. No intimation of such an intention had leaked out. Neither Arthur, Conkling, nor Platt dreamed of such a thing. It was a square blow at Conkling, at the very time when he and his friends were congratulating themselves as being on top. When Vice- President Arthur opened the list of nominations in the Senate, his eye lit first upon the name of Robertson for Collector. He turned the paper down so as to leave that name uppermost, and sent it to Senator Conkling. The latter, upon glancing at it, walked rapidly over to Senator Platt, showed it to him, and they held a whispered conference. After the Senate adjourned, it was learned that the nomination was especially objectionable to them.
It was subsequently stated that in New York city the preceding summer, at Mentor the previous February, and at the White House on the Sunday night before the Wednesday on which Judge Robertson's nomination was sent to the Senate, General Garfield had agreed not to make any appointments for New York unless they were satisfactory to the Republican organization of that State, and that they were to be submitted to the Vice-President and the two Senators from that State. At the interview held on the Sunday night previous to the nomination of Judge Robertson, Senator Conkling had especially objected to having him in the New York Custom House, yet if the President should nominate him to a foreign mission, he would go out in the lobby and hold his nose while the Senate confirmed him.
The objectionable nomination was, however, made, and it was immediately evident that it meant war between the Garfield Administration and Senator Conkling. The next day, while the Senate was in executive session, the President's secretary appeared at the door with a communication, which was handed to the Vice-President, and by him to the Executive Clerk, and read. When it arrived Conkling was sitting at his own desk, buried in a voluminous letter. He never raised his eyes from his letter, nor moved a muscle of his face or body while the Clerk monotonously read the momentous message, withdrawing, not Robertson, but all the nominations of men for the leading New York offices who were acceptable to the Senator. The arrow went home, of course, but the wounded one betrayed no sign of pain.
The nomination was referred to the Committee on Commerce, of which Mr. Conkling was chairman, and was there pigeon-holed until issue on it was squarely made in the Senate and in the Republican party. Republican Senators, who visited the White House or the Departments in search of offices for their henchmen, were plainly told that their votes in favor of the confirmation of Judge Robertson's nomination would be expected. The Democratic Senators were also looked after, and among other means resorted to in order to disarm their opposition was a letter signed by every Democratic member of the New York Legislature, addressed to Senator Pendleton, chairman of the Senatorial caucus, urging the confirmation of Judge Robertson. It would make an Administration and an anti-Administration faction in New York Republicanism, and would secure the State to the Democrats.
Senator Conkling was not idle, and he appealed to the "Senatorial courtesy" of those around him to defeat the obnoxious nomination, but in vain. Senator Jones, of Nevada, and a half-dozen Democrats were all the strength that he could command, and the nomination of Judge Robertson was confirmed. Senator Conkling immediately left the Senate, taking his colleague, Senator Platt, with him, and they appealed to the Legislature of the State of New York, expecting that they would be triumphantly re-elected, and, thus indorsed, would return to the Senate with flying colors, conquering and to conquer.
The exodus of Senators Conkling and Platt left the Republican Senators again in a minority, and as it was evident that Senator Davis would not aid in electing Senator Anthony Presidentpro tem., Vice-President Arthur did not vacate the chair prior to the close of the session, and thus render it necessary to elect a temporary presiding officer.
The most noticeable event of the executive session was a three hours' speech by Senator Mahone, of Virginia, in reply to bitter personal attacks that had been made on him by the Democrats since he had acted with the Republicans. No speech for years had attracted a greater audience, even the diplomatic gallery being crowded. Prominent among the many ladies present were Mrs. Secretary Blaine and Mrs. Kate Chase Sprague, accompanied by her three young daughters. The Supreme Court was present in a body, having adjourned on account of the funeral in the family of Justice Field. Representatives, still hunting for office, abandoned the White House for once, while each Senator seemed to have a score of secretaries, so many persons being admitted upon secretaries' cards. The Speaker was surrounded by Anthony, Morrill, Allison, Conger, and other leading Republicans. On the opposite side was Davis, of West Virginia, with a snowy white spot on his dark chin beard. Wade Hampton's military waxed moustache and haughty countenance was beside the genial face of Senator Pendleton, and next came the sagacious round head of Senator Beck, with close-cut, curling hair. Ingalls, of Kansas, a tall, slim collegian—"the bluejay of the plains"—clad in blue from head to foot, and with a bright blue ribbon encircling his slender throat, stood somewhat back of the seats. Senator Voorhees' form towered in the shadow of the cloak-room. Senator Conkling, who had not yet left the Senate, "Fier d'etre moi," sat in the middle aisle, dressed in a mixed brown business suit, with a bit of red handkerchief showing above the breast pocket.
Senator Mahone was just recovering from a temporary indisposition, and his voice was faint and thin, but his bearing was defiant as he rose, with his pointed beard streaming over his breast, and adjusted his gold-rimmed eye-glasses. A mass of public documents and newspapers were piled on his desk, with an ominous display of cut lemons, showing that he expected to be compelled to strengthen his voice. His weight at that time was but ninety pounds, and those ninety pounds must have been composed of brain and voice and sinew, for, notwithstanding his evident feebleness, he spoke calmly and earnestly for three hours. As for the speech, those who came expecting to witness a renewal of the outburst of passion and invective which characterized his first appearance in the Senate, when he made his impromptu, eloquent reply to the savage assaults of Senator Ben. Hill, of Georgia, went away disappointed. There was very little that was personal in his speech, but there was enough to show that the Virginia Senator intended on all occasions to take care of himself, and that it would be wise for the Bourbons to forego personalities in their future debates with him. Those who came to hear a careful explanation of the debt question in Virginia, as it was understood by the Refunders, and to listen to an exposition of the opposition to Bourbonism, of which General Mahone was a leader, went away enlightened, if not fully satisfied. The speech was not intended as a philippic; it was designed as a careful exposition of the Virginia debt question, as an argument in support of the Readjuster party, and an arraignment of the Bourbons. It was one of the old style, solid political speeches, customary with Southern orators, which were much sought and generally read in the cross-roads counties of the Old Dominion, where the telegraph and the newspapers had usurped the ancient functions of theCongressional Record.
Senator Mahone indicated, possibly, a line for future aggressive debate in the Senate when he called upon the leaders of the different schools of finance and tariff in the Democratic party to stand up and tell him who was the leader of the party. He was unable to say whether it was the stalwart Greenbacker, Mr. Voorhees, the stalwart hard-money man, Mr. Bayard, or the author of the Ohio idea, Mr. Pendleton, and he called upon Mr. Voorhees, whose silver eloquence, he said, he had heard could make the water of the Wabash run backward, to answer the inquiry at his leisure. The general assaults upon him personally Senator Mahone repelled by a disclaimer and the Scotch quotation ending,
"If thou sayest I am not peer,To any lord of Scotland here,Highland or Lowland, far or near,Lord Angus, thou hast lied."
In conclusion, Senator Mahone declared to him and to those who supported him the Solid South had become a mere geographical expression, that he and they stood for the right of freemen, and that he, in the name of the brave men who stood behind him, would guarantee to the North that thereafter in Virginia there should be a full and free ballot and an honest count.
President Garfield's first appearance in public after his inauguration was at the unveiling of the statue of Farragut, which was the work of his protégé, Mrs. Vinnie Ream Hoxie. A procession was formed at the Capitol, and was headed by Commodore Baldwin, as Grand Marshal, with the Naval School Cadets as an escort. The naval division, commanded by Captain Meade, included the battalion of marines and band, two infantry battalions of sailors and bands, and a battalion of naval light artillery, dragging their howitzers. The army division, commanded by Colonel Pennington, included the Second Artillery band, four batteries of artillery armed and equipped as infantry, and a light battery. The militia division, commanded by Colonel Webster, included the volunteer infantry companies of Washington, white and colored, with a battery of artillery.
The procession marched to the statue, where seats had been provided for invited guests. When the troops had been massed near by, Rev. Arthur Brooks offered prayer, and the canvas covering was then removed from the statue by Quartermaster Knowles, of the navy, who was ordered by the executive officer of the Hartford to follow Farragut up the shrouds during the engagement in Mobile Bay, and to lash him to the rigging, which he did. Bartholomew Diggins, who was captain of Farragut's barge, then hoisted the Admiral's flag on a mast planted near the pedestal, the drums beat four ruffles, the trumpets sounded four flourishes, the Marine Band played a march, and an Admiral's salute of seventeen guns was fired from a naval battery, the troops presenting arms at the first gun and coming to a "carry" at the last.
Brief addresses were then delivered in turn by President Garfield, Horace Maynard, and Senator Voorhees. The Marine Band played "Hail to the Chief," and was followed by an Admiral's salute of seventeen guns, during which the troops presented arms, drums beat, trumpets sounded, and bands played, and at last gun the Admiral's flag was hauled down. The column then re-formed and marched in review before the President at the Executive Mansion.
President Garfield, later in the spring, conferred the degrees at the College for Deaf Mutes at Kendall Green, just north of Washington. The graduates delivered addresses in sign language, while one of the College professors read their remarks from manuscript, very few of the audience understanding the gestured speech. The President concluded a neat little address by saying: "During many years of political life in one way or another, I always looked upon this place as a neutral ground, where we all, no matter what the political differences were, could meet, all trying to make this institution worthy the capital, and I hope to see this unchanged by any political vicissitudes that can happen."
President Garfield showed deep practical interest in all educational measures. He had learned by his own experiences how rough the road to literary eminence may be. He had received for himself when a boy the slender aid of a winter school in a country district; he had fed his early mental cravings with the narrow store of borrowed books in a rural section; but he had studied diligently and worked hard to enter college and to graduate, and his subsequent life for many years was one of unintermitted mental toil. No wonder, therefore, that institutions of learning received his constant attention.
[Facsimile] DavidDavis DAVID DAVIS was born in Cecil County, Maryland, March 9th, 1815; was graduated from Kenyon College in 1832; studied law at the New Haven Law School; was admitted to the bar, and commenced practice at Bloomington, Illinois, in 1836; was Judge of an Illinois Circuit Court, 1848-1862; was appointed by President Lincoln a Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States in October, 1862, and served until March 5th, 1877, when he resigned to take his seat as United States Senator from Illinois; when Vice-President Arthur became President he was chosen Presidentpro temporeof the Senate, and served until March 3d, 1883, and died at Bloomington, Illinois, June 26th, 1886.
General Garfield was a singularly domestic man, and his life while he was a Representative, at his pleasant home on I Street was a happy one. Believing in the power of steady and sincere labor, he had mastered language, science, literature, and the fine arts. Artists found in him a zealous advocate for their employment and remuneration by Congress, and he was thoroughly acquainted with the works of the old masters. He was a great lover of scrap-books, and he had in his library a shelf full of them, containing articles and paragraphs relating to the subjects lettered on their back. In this work Mrs. Garfield rendered him valuable aid, cutting and sorting the scraps which he would mark in newspapers, and then pasting them into the scrap-books.
Freemasonry was very dear to General Garfield, who was a regular attendant on the meetings of the lodge, chapter, and encampment with which he was affiliated. He was the President of a literary association, the meetings of which he used to attend with great regularity. Occasionally he went to the theatre or to a concert, and I well remember the delight which he manifested when attending the "readings" of Charles Dickens. When the "Christmas Carol" was read, as Mr. Dickens pronounced the words, "Bless his heart, it's Fezziwig alive yet," a dog, with some double bass vocalism, stirred, perhaps, by some ghostly impulse, responded: "Bow! wow! wow!" with a repetition that not only brought down the house wildly, but threw Mr. Dickens himself into such convulsions of humor that he could not proceed with his readings. "Bow! wow! wow!" was General Garfield's favorite greeting for months afterward when he met any one whom he knew to have been at the lecture.
The White House, during the short time that General Garfield was permitted to occupy it, was a continued scene of domestic enjoyment. "Mother" Garfield had an honored place at the family table at her son's right hand, and was always waited on first, whoever else might be present. On the other side of the President sat Jamie, who was his father's pet. Harry, the oldest boy, always sat next his mother, and then Miss Mollie, who was approaching womanhood, Irwin, and little Abram, who was but nine years of age. Mrs. Garfield was a believer in good fare, and there was always an abundance of wholesome, nutritious food, with good coffee, tea, and milk. Flowers from the conservatory adorned the table at every meal. After dinner President Garfield used to indulge in a game of billiards, having promptly restored to its place the billiard- table banished by Mrs. Hayes. Occasionally he would indulge in a cigar, and he was not averse to a glass of champagne or Rhine wine or lager beer, although he drank temperately and without hypocrisy. He liked, as night came on, to take a gallop on horseback, and he was a fearless rider.
General Garfield displayed the advantage of having been regularly "trained" for his Presidential position. He heard the stories of all with a sympathetic manner that inspired confidence. He knew how to free himself from those who attempted to monopolize too much of his time, and he never gave place-hunters reason to believe that their prayers would be granted when he knew that it would not be so. There was not, after all, such a crowd of office-seekers as might have been expected at the commencement of a new Administration. Some members of the Cabinet had scores of political mortgages out, which they were called upon to redeem, and which gave the President a great deal of trouble. Then came the rejection of a Solicitor- General by the Senate, whose appointment was not acceptable to the pragmatical Attorney-General, New York troubles, the forced exposure of the Star-route scandals, and other antagonisms, rivalries, and dissensions. The Garfield Administration was on the verge of dissolution within four months after its creation.
Mrs. Garfield, familiarly called by her husband "Crete," held four successive receptions of invited guests immediately after the inauguration, at which her deportment and dress met with the heartiest commendation of "society." Lady-like, sweet-voiced, unruffled, well informed, and always appropriately dressed, she was eminently fitted to be "the first lady in the land," and she quietly yet firmly repelled any patronizing attempts to direct her movements. She had a natural aversion to publicity, but was anxious to entertain the thousands who flocked to the White House. To a stranger she appeared reticent and rather too retiring to make him feel at home, but the second and third time he saw her he began to appreciate her sterling, womanlike qualities, and to like her.
During the Presidential campaign Mrs. Garfield had been under a mental strain, and when installed in the White House the struggle between the contending New York factions gave her great uneasiness, for she possessed a complete mastery of politics. At last she was taken ill, and called in a lady physician, a responsible middle- aged woman, homoeopathic in practice, who had sometimes attended the children. When she grew worse they summoned Dr. Pope, a homoeopath of skill and reputation, and gave the case into his hands, retaining the lady as nurse. Last of all, as the physician wished consultation, they sent for Dr. Boynton, of Cleveland, a cousin of the President and a physician of good local practice. It was decided that Mrs. Garfield should seek change of air, and she left Washington and her husband for Long Branch, little dreaming that she should never see him again in health.
Then came the fatal morning of Saturday, July 2d, when—as we are told by Mr. Blaine, who accompanied him—General Garfield was a happy man, feeling that trouble lay behind him and not before him, that he was soon to meet his beloved wife, recovered from an illness that had disquieted him, and that he was going to his Alma Mater to renew the most cherished association of his early manhood. Thus gladsome, he entered the station of the Baltimore and Potomac Railroad, strong, healthy, and happy. There was a succession of pistol-shots, and he fell helpless, doomed to weary weeks of torture as he slowly descended through the martyr-gate into his grave.
The nation was inexpressibly shocked as the news of the assassination spread over the wires, and the deep anxiety which pervaded the popular mind showed the warm and intense love felt for their President, who was the incarnation of their own institutions. A special train carried Mrs. Garfield to Washington, bearing up under the weight of her sorrow with true womanly fortitude, and on her arrival she had the satisfaction of finding her husband alive and able to converse with her. There were hopes that with his heroic and cheerful courage, and his naturally strong constitution, he might struggle back to vigorous life. The bulletins issued twice a day by the physicians in attendance gave hopes, generally, of the ultimate recovery of the suffering patient, but there are good reasons for believing that these bulletins did not give a correct statement of the sufferer's condition. The President's family physician, Dr. J. H. Baxter, was not allowed to see him, and eminent surgeons, while they believed that death was inevitable, asserted that the entire diagnosis of the case was wrong from the beginning to the end. Meanwhile the patient endured pain with the calmness of a martyr, and he gazed on death with the eye of a philosopher. "I am not afraid to die," said he, "but I will try to live." He was finally taken to the seaside, and there he breathed his last.
His remains were conveyed to Washington, attended by his bereaved family, President Arthur, General Grant, and other distinguished persons, and escorted to the Capitol by the Knights Templar and the military. Twenty-nine weeks previous, when General Garfield had gone in state, in the strength of his manhood, along Pennsylvania Avenue, theVia Sacraof our Republic, to assume the responsible duties of Chief Magistrate, the bands had played patriotic airs, and he had received the loud acclaims of his fellow-citizens. Now, as his mortal remains passed over the same route in a hearse drawn by six white horses, the lively music was replaced by the solemn strains of funeral marches, and sorrow appeared to fill every breast.