Chapter 2

FORT WALKER.

Not a man in the command but felt the significance of that victory. Charleston was nearer now than it had been before, and, in the minds of many, it seemed but a little thing to cover the intervening distance with victorious troops.The flight of the Confederates was precipitate, and they left behind everything that would cumber a rapid retreat. Fort Beauregard had suffered less from the bombardment than Fort Walker, but the fall of the latter hastened its evacuation, and on the following morning no opposition was offered to its occupation by our forces.

FORT BEAUREGARD.

One factin this attackis worthy of special mention. General Drayton commanded the Confederate forces on Hilton Head, and the home of the family was located on a prominent point near the shore, overlooking the bay, while his brother, Captain Drayton, commanded the gunboat Pocahontas, which participated in the bombardment. Some time afterwards, in company with other officers, I visited the Monitor, which he then commanded, and his grave andsaddened demeanor told of the sacrifice he had made in his loyalty to the government.

DRAYTON'S MANSION.

I know that patriotism is a word with some considered stale and obsolete. Such know little of the temper of the brave men who composed our army and navy during that terrible struggle. For while few were called upon to make such sacrifices as Captain Drayton, the number of those who went to war for hire only was but a small detachment of that great army. And the arguments, even of those unlettered men who formed so large a part of the rank and file, as I have often heard them stated, though clothed in rude and homely language, had in them adegree of intelligence, and were so charged with honesty and sincerity, so backed by courage and fidelity on many a gory field, that it were shame to say the stream of patriotism has run dry. It has not now, and never will, while men have manhood left, honor to defend, homes to protect, good laws and a righteous government to transmit.

November 9 we were all ready to land, having been provided with two days' cooked rations, but for lack of transportation we were detained on board the steamer until Sunday morning, the 10th. The night previous was spent in securing boats and attaching them to our steamer, so that on Sunday morning, as soon as the word was received, we pulled for the shore with a will. At this time, the harbor presented a most animated appearance. The transports were crowded together near the shore, all busy in discharging freight. Boats of all sizes and descriptions were passing to and fro, and horses and other animals were being hoisted from the holds by means of broad bands which encircled them, swung over the sides of the vessels, and gently dumped into the water, to find their way to land as theycould, while men stood by readyto secure them on the shore. Occasionally the poor distracted brutes, confused by the unwonted sounds, and half drowned by their sudden and unexpected immersion, turned seaward, but were soon brought back.

POPE'S HOUSE AT HILTON HEAD.

It was a beautiful Sabbath morning, but with little to remind us of the sacred character of the day. After landing, we marched a little way from the beach and remained until about noon, when our camp was located, not far from general headquarters, and we proceeded to prepare the ground for our tents, and establish guards and pickets. Two nights were spent without shelter, on account of the difficulty and delay in landing baggage. After this we settled down to regular work. From ten to twelve each day we had battalion drill, in which thecolonel was very exacting, requiring the officers to know their duties, and holding them responsible for the condition and drill of their companies. Company drill was from two to four in the afternoon, and dress parade in the evening, often followed by more battalion drill. Details were made for fatigue duty in building entrenchments, an extensive line of earthworks was thrown up as a precautionary measure, and frequently nearly the whole regiment was picking, shovelling, or felling trees to furnish material for the works. There was no idle time, except when a day on picket or other guard duty secured the following as a day of rest.

LIVE OAK GROVE AT PORT ROYAL.

Having been detailed as officer of the guard the first day in camp, the following day I was permitted by the colonel to accompany a small party bound on a tour of observation. During the day we wandered far away from camp, to the other side of the island, and the afternoon found us on the borders of a large plantation, which proved to be that of a Mr. Seabrook. Approaching the place, we mistook the whitewashed huts of the negroes for tents, and remained a long time in doubt whether to advanceor retreat, feeling quite certain that it was a Confederate encampment that we saw. While debating what course to pursue, a stray contraband relieved our apprehensions by informing us that our troops occupied the place. We found on our arrival a detachment of the 45th Pennsylvania, posted there to keep watch for Confederates and prevent foraging. That night we spent in Mr. Seabrook's store, after using the portion of the afternoon that remained to us after our arrival in endeavors to secure some of the cattle, pigs, and poultry, which seemed to be wanting an owner, to which the guard, usually lenient on such points, raised few objections. These came mostly from the quadrupeds and bipeds themselves, and were so strenuous that the result of our efforts was a meagre show of two or three lean pigs, an occasional hen, and an ancient goose, which succumbed to my own personal prowess.

On our way back to camp, the next day, we narrowly escaped arrest, as General Viele had issued an order that all parties coming in from foraging should be deprived of what they had collected and sent to his headquarters under arrest. My poor goose suffered the fate of the pigs and hens, and no doubt rested heavily on the stomachs of the pickets, if not on their consciences. We were glad to escape with the loss of our plunder.

NEGRO QUARTERS.

Supplies were abundant, the negroes bringing to camp whatever the plantations produced, and although General Viele issued an order that everything should be taken to his headquarters, where a general market would be held every morning, no attention was paid to it, and as far as we ever heard, no general market was established.

About a week after the capture of Hilton Head, I was detailed to take command of the Grand Guard, whose headquarters were at Drayton's plantation. The negroes had generally remained here, as well as at the other places within the range of our command, and were encouraged to cultivate the plantations abandoned by their masters. This was important, as the famous Sea Islands formed a part of the territory captured by our forces, and considerable of the cotton remained unpicked, while nothing had been done towards the harvestingof corn, potatoes, and many other products of the soil. Some of the negroes here were owned by Captain Drayton, who had left them in the care of his brother, and no doubt some of the shot from his guns had fallen among his own people. The evidences of the cannonading were manifest all about, and the negroes, when questioned as to its effects upon them, declared that at first they didn't mind the firing, but "when them rotten shot began to spatter about them, they jes' ran for de woods."

The regiment soon became proficient in drill, in spite of the frequent details for fatigue duty, and was regarded as one of the best, if not the very best, in the Department.

November 24 we had a general inspection and review, by Generals Sherman and Viele, in which the brigade marched first in quick, and then in double-quick time, around a circle of some two miles in extent, according to the journal of Conklin, to which reference has before been made. We can all testify that it seemed much longer, with the sand sometimes almost ankle-deep. General Viele perhaps thought usamply paid for the exertion, when he declared that we marched as well as regulars, and were equal to any regiment in the service.

Day followed day with about the same round of duties. We had already become fairly accustomed to tent life, our food supply was ample and good, and the paymaster furnished the means of providing ourselves with comforts and luxuries according to our several positions, or, rather, the amount of pay received. Besides the regimental sutler, who was prepared to furnish anything, from Golden Seal to toothpicks, for a consideration, shops of all kinds sprang up with amazing rapidity, as soon as it became known that this would be a permanent basis of operations, and usually only a short time elapsed after the visit of the paymaster, before his next appearance was looked for with eagerness, even by the sutler, who cultivated a disposition for extravagance, by giving credit to such as seemed likely to regard the obligation. Occasionally, when, too grasping, he became exorbitant in his prices, or in the rate of interest charged for accommodation loans—for too often the offices of banker and sutler werecombined—a sudden raid would equalize the account.

At this time, measles and smallpox prevailed to some extent, and from the former several deaths occurred, while the latter was limited to a few cases by the isolation of those attacked.

Thanksgiving and Christmas passed with no observance on the part of the non-commissioned officers and privates, except perhaps a more general application to pick and spade. On Thanksgiving Day, the officers, many of whom had been suitably remembered by friends at home, united their private stores with such good things as could be collected in the vicinity, and indulged themselves in unusual luxuries, forgetting for the time their surroundings, and giving themselves up to the full enjoyment of the day, so far as their duties permitted.

CHAPTER V.

Expedition to Port Royal Ferry. Progress up Broad River. Colonel Perry acting brigadier-general. The rebel yell heard for the first time. The regiment's first baptism of fire. The old horse. Night on the field. Return to Hilton Head. Object of the expedition. Presentation of flag to the regiment. Off for Dawfuskie. Southern homes. Preparatory work by Major Beard and others. Building batteries on Jones and Bird Islands. Mud and malaria. Reconnoissances and midnight wanderings.

The closing day of the year brought rumors of a contemplated movement. The scene of operations, and their extent, were only subjects for conjecture. Early on the last day of the year, we received notice to be in readiness to march with a number of days' cooked rations, and about noon of that day started for the dock. The expedition was under the command of General Stephens, and two regiments were taken from our brigade,—the 47th and our own,—in addition to those of his regular command. By the middle of the afternoon we were on board of the steam transport Delaware, and on our way up Broad River towards Beaufort, where we anchored for the night. In the early morning, we started for Port Royal Ferry, against which point we learned that the expedition was directed. Several gunboats accompanied us, under the command of Captain Rodgers. Our progress up the river was slow and cautious, until we arrived opposite the plantation of Mr. Adams, where we disembarked.

We were much interested, while on the steamer, in watching that portion of our troops already landed, as they could be distinctly seen, pursuing their winding way through the woods and over the fields, their bayonets glistening in the sunlight. Sometimes they went at slow step, at others in quick or double-quick time. Sometimes they fired, and charged the Confederates whom they encountered, while the gunboats covered them to guard against attack by superior forces, all the time shelling the woods in front of them as they advanced. As soon as landed, we formed in line and moved forward, the two regiments—the 47th New York and our own—under the command of Colonel Perry. Acting as reserves, the duty assigned us was to intercept the Confederate retreat. Very soon,however, orders were received to attack the battery which was found to cover the road over which we were expected to advance, and the 47th was moved through the woods on the right to attack it in flank, while the 48th was to charge in front. Some delay occurred in establishing the position of the 47th, and arranging so that the attack might be simultaneous. Well do I remember the rebel yell, heard for the first time as I was returning from conveying orders from our colonel to the 47th. Accompanied by the discharge of cannon and musketry, it seemed, to my unaccustomed ears, as if the inhabitants of pandemonium had been let loose, and as I rounded the last point of woods which shut out from view the scene of operations, I expected nothing less than a hand-to-hand conflict. Instead, I found the regiment lying quietly down between the furrows of a cornfield, over which the Confederate shot skipped harmlessly. In this way the men were protected while awaiting the final order to charge. This was found unnecessary, for the yell of the Confederates proved only the parting word given while in the act of abandoning thebattery, which was speedily occupied by our troops. The guns were removed, and the works destroyed, and we continued our advance towards Port Royal Ferry, where the enemy was known to be strongly entrenched.

At this time two horses had been captured and placed at the disposal of the colonel and his aid, to which position I had been appointed. I have no recollections of the colonel's, but my horse soon gave evidence of manifold infirmities. Three times we rolled over together on that cotton-field, before it was discovered that, with his other weaknesses, he was stone blind, when he was left to tempt some other officer, and I returned to nature's conveyance, sadder and sorer for the experience. That night we lay down on the field, but gained little rest, as the Confederates were known to be in force in the vicinity, and an attack was looked for. The next morning we embarked for Hilton Head, the objects of the expedition having been accomplished, in the destruction of the Confederate works, which were being constructed for the purpose of preventing any forward movement on our part in that direction, andconfining us closely within the territory already captured. This was only one of the points which the Confederates proposed to fortify, which were intended not only as a restraint upon any forward movement by us, but also as bases of aggressive operations against us.

January 12 the regiment was presented, through Adjutant Goodell, with a beautiful flag from the ladies of Hanson Place Methodist-Episcopal Church of Brooklyn, of which Colonel Perry had been pastor. That flag has waved over many battle-fields, and is a witness that the 48th never faltered in the discharge of any duty. It is now in the custody of the Long Island Historical Society, having been committed to its charge, with suitable ceremonies, on the evening of April 21, 1881.

January 25, 1862, we broke camp, and marched to Seabrook's Landing, on our way to Dawfuskie, an island bordering on the Savannah River, some four or five miles above Fort Pulaski. That night we spent at Seabrook's, and on the next morning embarked on the steamer Winfield Scott, and proceeded to a place on Dawfuskie called Hay's Point, wherefive companies disembarked, and at 9P.M., under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Barton, started for the other side of the island. Three hours of wearisome marching brought us to Dunn's plantation on the bank of the river. Pickets were established, and sentries posted, and we got what sleep we could. The next day was occupied largely in procuring supplies of food, as everything of that nature had been left on the Winfield Scott. Detachments were sent out in all directions to secure the cattle, pigs and poultry abandoned by their owners on the approach of our troops, and to collect whatever else could be found that was edible. The men were quartered in the houses and sheds, while the officers occupied the family mansion. In the afternoon we learned that the Winfield Scott had been wrecked on Long Pine Island, where the other wing of the regiment remained until taken off by the steamer Mayflower, which conveyed them, with the regimental baggage and supplies, to Cooper's Landing, on Dawfuskie. At this point they remained until February 1, when they joined us, and, a permanent camp was established near the bordersof the woods, a little way back from the river.

During the interval there was little of severe duty, and all were allowed the largest liberty consistent with proper discipline. Frequent excursions were made to different points on the island, especially to the beautiful residences along the shore. Of these, the most attractive were Munger's and Stoddard's, the former a short distance below us, the latter some miles away, and occupying a commanding position, overlooking the sound. Both gave evidence of large wealth and cultivated tastes, in the character of the houses and beauty of their surroundings, and as we wandered through the shaded avenues, and among the shrubs and flowers, in gardens where roses and japonicas grew in tropical luxuriance, where the air was full of sweet odors, and the eye confused with the multitude and variety of brilliant colors, and remembered that these abodes of happiness and beauty had been abandoned to pillage and destruction, and that wherever our armies penetrated, homes would be broken up, and in the place of comfort would come suffering, and inthe place of beauty, desolation, we cursed the madness of those who had brought such miseries on the land.

OBSTRUCTIONS IN SAVANNAH RIVER.

While we were enjoying this short season of comparative idleness, active and aggressive operations were going on all about us. Expeditions were planned, obstructions removed from the creeks and rivers where openings were desired, and midnight scouting parties penetrated the surrounding country in all directions, even to the very walls of Pulaski. In all of these, Major Beard, of our regiment, took a leading part, and did most efficient service. As we sat around the fire one evening at Dunn's, he suddenly appeared among us, with General Gilmore, who had already been promoted from the position of Captain of Engineers in the regular army, to that of Brigadier-General of volunteers. They had just returned from the work of clearing the spiles from Wall's Cut, by which a convenient way was opened for our boats to the Savannah. Much of the night was spent in listening to their adventures, but we little knew how intimately connected these were with our own immediate future.

It was not long after our camp was established, before we had our full share of labor and danger. It had been determined to establish batteries on the islands of the Savannah, to cut off communication with Fort Pulaski, and prevent re-enforcements and supplies. The points where these were to be located having been selected, the engineers were ordered to prepare the materials for their construction, and our regiment and a portion of the 7th Connecticut were employed for weeks in conveying this material from the woods to the dock for transportation. Some eight or ten thousand logs,of from ten to fifteen feet in length, and from three to six inches in diameter, were carried a distance of from three-quarters of a mile to a mile and a half, on the shoulders of our men, and, in consequence, many of our best soldiers were ruptured or otherwise injured, and crept out of the service, maimed and ruined for life. Late on the evening of February 9, a detachment under Captain Greene was ordered to report at the dock to complete the loading of the Mayflower. It was raining very hard, but the men worked faithfully until after midnight, when word came from brigade headquarters to take off a part of the load. This was done, and the admirable foresight of the commanding general was fully appreciated, as was manifest from the frequent comments in which the men indulged, which had the merit of earnestness if not of elegance.

At 3A.M.of the 10th, we started for Jones Island. We were all wet, hungry, and tired. Not expecting to leave Dawfuskie, we had taken no provisions. There was no opportunity for sleep, for, arriving quickly at the point ofdebarkation, the work of unloading and conveying the materials across the island was pushed forward hurriedly. It was a season of the year when, even in this southern latitude, the sun gave but scanty heat, and the men must needs work lively to keep the blood from chilling. The island was but a deposit of soft mud, into which they sank to their knees at almost every step, while occasionally the logs or planks which they carried were needed to bridge over spots otherwise impassable. During the forenoon, a party was despatched to camp in a small boat, for food, but the supply which they brought was totally inadequate, from the size of the boat and the number to be fed. During the day all the materials for building the battery were conveyed across the island, a distance of about a mile.

While engaged in this work, a Confederate steamer made its appearance, and stopped opposite, and so near to us that every movement of those on deck was discernible. The officers, with their glasses, scoured every point in the vicinity, while we crouched down among thecane-brakes. So long as the steamer remained, we expected a shot from her guns, or a closer inspection by one of her boats, which would have been extremely disagreeable, as the order for detail required us to leave our guns in camp, and there were not six rifles on the island. Fortunately we were not discovered, and the steamer, after a little delay, proceeded down to Fort Pulaski. About this time the guns for the battery arrived, and the general in command of the district, who had arrived with them, declared that they must be mounted before morning. We felt very much like harnessing him to the foremost, and giving him a taste of Jones Island mud, but there were objections to such a procedure, and, instead, we made a platform on which to load them, and prepared to do our utmost. By frequent crossing and recrossing, a way had been sufficiently marked through the canes, but the constant tread of heavy feet had reduced the soft mud to the consistency of oil for a depth of several inches, making a road not perfectly calculated for the transportation of cannon. However, there was no time for hesitation, and placingtwo planks before the wheels, we united our strength in the task of maintaining them on these planks, while we carefully urged them on, replacing the planks as we proceeded. Woe be it, if, slipping on the greasy mud which covered the planks, as they sometimes did, they buried themselves in the soft embrace of its slimy nastiness. Should it be asked how were they recovered, it would be impossible to tell. We can only say they were, and that with slow and suffering steps we guided, pushed, and pulled them forward, until flesh and blood rebelled at loss of food and sleep, and they were covered up, and we ordered back to camp, to be relieved by others. We had to wait, however, until the relief came from Dawfuskie, and I quote from Sergeant Thompson's journal to show how this second night was spent: "At midnight we covered the guns and endeavored to find some place to lie down in. Found a place, but was soon routed out by the tide. Came to the conclusion to walk the rest of the night to keep warm. Found a twenty-foot plank with four men on it. Jumped on and ran my chance.Kept moving until morning." This was only the beginning of such labor and exposure, and is it a wonder that so many men, protected from rebel bullets, have come out of such a service as we have here described, to worry through a life of suffering, the effects of which they have transmitted, and will continue to transmit to children and to children's children. The malaria of those mud islands is considered death to any one, even to such as have been acclimated to the South, and their only inhabitant is the ugly alligator.

This battery was hardly established before, pushing across the river, another was planted on Bird Island, farther up, so that, together, they cut off all further communication with Fort Pulaski, by way of the Savannah. An attempt was made to destroy these batteries, but without result, except in the disabling of several of the enemy's steamers, after which we were left in undisputed possession.

The smell of the mud of Bird Island lingers in the nostrils yet, and it is no wonder that in the progress of the work of establishing the battery, at times not a man was fit for duty.Whiskey and quinine were powerless to stay the effects of such labor and exposure. As a partial protection, our tents were nailed to heavy timbers a foot or more in diameter, snatched from the river as they floated down, while boards were laid across on which we slept, but even then in the high spring tides we were scarcely out of water, and not a spot was dry on the whole island.

During our stay on Bird Island, frequent reconnoissances were made up the river in different directions. One dark night, two boats were sent up the Savannah, on either side of Elba Island, to ascertain if batteries were being planted, which would threaten ours of Bird and Jones Islands. Closely hugging the shore, we worked along cautiously, to avoid being seen by the Confederate pickets. At a distance of some miles from where we started, while the pickets on the shore were plainly visible by the light of their camp fires, one of our men was attacked with a sudden and most sonorous cough. Suspecting that it was intended to stop our further progress, we waited patiently for its cessation, and resumed our progress up theriver, until suddenly the sound of voices immediately in front of us gave warning that we had gone too far for safety. Fortunately, the tide had turned, and a single whisper stopped the motion of the oars, otherwise we should not have suffered long from the chillness of the night air. Dropping back with the tide, stopping occasionally to learn more certainly that there were no batteries where they had been suspected, we reached our quarters in season for an early breakfast.

Lying alongside, but extending much farther up the river than Bird, was McQueen's Island, the upper extremity of which was bounded by St. Augustine's Creek, which connected the Savannah with Wilmington River, and afforded a channel of communication with Fort Pulaski by means of small boats. Across St. Augustine's Creek, the telegraph wire connecting the city with the fort had been stretched on tall, heavily constructed spindles. The wire had been destroyed some time before, but the fact that steamboats from Savannah, at some risk from our battery, continued to come down to this point, and seemed busily engaged in someoperations near these spindles, determined Major Beard, who commanded on the island, to investigate the matter, and, if possible, to bring away a scow which was known to be lying in that vicinity. The investigation was very proper, but the object of getting the scow we never understood. However, a detail was made, a boat was dragged across McQueen's Island to Wilmington River, and from that point a small party, with a guide supposed to be acquainted with the region, started for these spindles. It was a curious experience, paddling along under the overhanging banks in perfect silence, save when the vivid imagination of some one of the party pictured a Confederate picket from some peculiar conformation of the shore or eccentric growth of bush or shrub, when a word of caution would stay our progress until cooler eyes discovered the deception. One of the party even descried a picket beside its camp fire, whose bright glow shed a clear light upon their waiting figures, but to all the others there was but the blackness of darkness, and we passed on without molestation. The leaky little dug-out, which required constantbailing to keep it afloat, had room for neither rest nor comfort. Hour after hour we paddled along with the incoming tide, vainly hoping to reach the point we sought, every moment taking us farther within the lines of the enemy, and when, at last, completely lost amidst a maze of devious, winding creeks, the tide turned, we turned also, and by marvellous good fortune found our way back before the morning dawn discovered us to the Confederates. Determined to have that scow, and equally determined to have a better knowledge of the country before a second attempt was made, a small party was started one bright afternoon, which, rowing some distance up the river, landed on McQueen's Island, and striking through the canes, made straight for the spindles. We took no notice of the picket on the other side of the island, but kept right on, until, approaching the shore of the creek, the men were held back behind the trees and bushes which grew along the bank, until we could be assured of no special danger. Satisfied on this point, they were allowed to come on, and we gathered along the shore, and endeavored to impress upon eachothers' minds the direction of the creek, the location of the scow, and the probable means of reaching it from Wilmington River. The order to return had been given, when suddenly the Confederates appeared from behind the timbers of the spindles opposite, and not a hundred yards distant, and from the bushes near, and the order to lie down was given none too quickly to avoid the bullets which came whistling over our heads in close proximity. No one of our party was hurt, and we never received an official report of the number killed and wounded by our return fire. The locality was not sufficiently attractive to induce us to remain until the report was made up. Not only the danger of being cut off by the picket we had passed, but the shells from our own battery soon began to trouble us, for, as it afterwards transpired, one of our number, unaccustomed to the sound of bullets, became so thoroughly frightened at the first discharge that he started for camp by the most direct course, and on his arrival announced that we had been attacked by greatly superior numbers, and that he had been sent back for re-enforcements. Ourown battery was soon throwing shot and shell over our heads, much to our discomfort,—for those missiles often make serious mistakes, and fall where they are least intended,—and all that could be spared were preparing to set out to rescue us from the peril to which we were exposed, when our appearance on the river put an end to the alarm. On reaching the island, we found the utmost excitement prevailing, and that every preparation had been made for the reception and care of our wounded. The author of all this confusion was discovered to be suffering the extreme effects of fright, and in a pitiable condition of mental and physical prostration. His youth, for he was a mere boy, shielded him from the consequences of his conduct, which otherwise would have been very serious. He was never permitted, however, to forget the circumstances and effects of his fright. Soon after this I was sent to Wilmington River to intercept the despatch boats, which, we had reason to suppose, found their way to the fort, but although many nights were spent in watching, while the miasma from the swamps was doing its deadly work, penetrating to thevery bone and marrow, and preparing many a poor fellow for his final rest, the creeks and rivers which intersected the country in all directions afforded abundant means for avoiding us, and we made no captures.

CHAPTER VI.

Planting batteries on Tybee Island. General Gilmore. Listening for the opening gun. Bombardment of Fort Pulaski. Watching the contest from Dawfuskie. Surrender of the fort. Its appearance after the bombardment.

While we were engaged in the work described in the last chapter, General Gilmore was planting his batteries on Tybee Island, which borders the mouth of the Savannah. These were placed from one to two miles distant from Fort Pulaski, and in the work of establishing them, difficulties were encountered similar to those which so thoroughly tested the skill and endurance of our men on the mud islands above. It required the combined efforts of two hundred and fifty men to drag a single mortar from the beach where they were landed, to position, and as several of the batteries were in plain sight from the fort, the work was largely done at night, until the embankments afforded sufficient protection. The fire from the fort was annoying,but less constant and spirited from the confidence of its commander in its security against the fire of guns so far distant. The value of rifled cannon for siege operations at long range was about to be tested, and while the result in this instance was not entirely to the satisfaction of the commandant of the fort, it fully justified the confidence of General Gilmore, for to him belongs the credit of this achievement, from its inception to its final termination.

By April 6 we became aware that the crisis was approaching, and from that day anxiously listened for the opening gun.

FORT PULASKI.

On the 9th, a demand was made for the surrender of the fort, to which the commandant replied, "I was placed here to defend, not to surrender." And he had an opportunity, for on the morning of the 10th the boom of cannon was heard, and from that time until about two o'clock of the afternoon of the following day, the batteries kept up a steady and constant fire. On the first day we could discover little effect, as we watched the progress of the contest from the shore of Dawfuskie, but the next day the frequent clouds of dust arising,especially from the southwest angle of the fort, indicated that progress was being made. During the night the firing had been continued, with intervals of about fifteen minutes, permitting little rest to the garrison, and effectually preventing all attempts to repair or strengthen the fort, and in the morning all the batteries opened and kept up a terrific cannonade, until the white flag appeared. Throughout the day the shore was lined with the excited soldiers, especially in the vicinity of Munger's, where a few of us secured places in a large willow tree overhanging the water, and affording an unobstructed view of the conflict. It was not long before a large breach was visible, which gradually widened as the day advanced. The firing from the fort was spirited, but had little effect.Several times the flagstaff was cut away by our shot, and as often replaced, until about 2P.M.of the 11th, when the firing ceased. Still, we were ignorant of the exact state of affairs, until an accident revealed the fact that the fort had surrendered. A sailing vessel was seen slowly drifting towards it. A steamer followed, apparently for the purpose of rendering assistance, but for some reason she seemed to be unmanageable, and gradually approached andpassed the fort without drawing its fire. By this we knew that Pulaski was ours, and another entrance for blockade runners was closed.

BREACH IN FORT PULASKI.

Soon after its surrender, the officers were from time to time allowed to visit it. One bright morning, after the details for the day had been made, in company with several other officers, I was rowed across the river, and spent the day in the quiet inspection of the fort and surroundings. The effects of the bombardment were everywhere visible. Guns were dismounted, bomb-proofs torn and shattered, and the traverses—great mounds of earth for the protection of the gunners, and to guard against the effects of enfilading shots—were levelled almost to the ground. The terre-plein was ploughed and furrowed in every direction, while wide and deep ditches extended across it, to ward off the effects of bursting shells. In many places the blandages, which were heavy timbers inclined against the inner wall, although covered with earth to the depth of three or four feet, were splintered and broken, and large sections of the walls themselves destroyed. The angle against which the heaviest fire had beendirected was a gaping mass of ruins, through which at last the shot and shell drove steadily against the magazine, threatening to envelop fort and garrison in one common destruction. It was this danger which compelled the surrender.

CHAPTER VII.

Camp life at Dawfuskie. Scheelings and his "leetle tog." High living. Effects of malaria. Discussing the situation. Emancipation order of General Hunter. Lincoln the emancipator. John C. Calhoun and nullification. Ordered to Pulaski. James Island expedition. A sad failure. Shouting service of the negroes.

For the next few weeks our duties were less severe than they had been. The men, by various expedients, had softened down the severer features of camp life. The tents were enclosed in frameworks of poles, which were covered and decorated with evergreens and southern moss, and the officers vied with each other in rendering their quarters attractive. The most pretentious of all were perhaps those of Captain Elfwing, commonly known as Volks Garden, from the fact that, having many friends in the 46th New York, a German regiment, he brought back from his frequent visits to them liberal supplies of their favorite beverage. Several companies of the regiment were stationed at Cooper's Landing and at other exposed points onthe island, and on moonlight nights we sometimes made up parties to accompany the officer of the day in his grand rounds. Often these were made occasions for pleasant entertainments at the little outposts. At Cooper's Landing especially we always found hearty welcome, perhaps because we were often the bearers of letters, which, received at headquarters, were sent in this way to those on detached service. Sometimes the colonel visited not only these stations, but other points less carefully guarded, but from which an attack might be possible. At times the officers united in a general mess, but for the most part were divided up into small parties of such as were most congenial, which allowed to a greater extent the indulgence of individual tastes.

The bugler, Anthony Scheelings, must not be overlooked, for at this time especially he was one of the most useful members of our organization. With his little pack of dogs, he was roaming the woods from early morning till evening parade, and seldom returned without an abundance of appetizing game, which he distributed among the messes with impartial liberality. Occasionally a huge rattlesnake contested with him the right of way, but with gun and dogs he was more than a match for beast or reptile. On one occasion however, Scheelings returned from his accustomed ramble with downcast countenance, and upon being questioned as to the cause of his depression, could only answer, "mine leetle tog, mine leetle tog." Some time afterwards, when his grief had lost some of its poignancy, he was able to explain that, while hunting in the marsh, the little cur which was his special favorite, in jumping across a narrow creek, had suddenly disappeared from sight. A huge alligator was discovered soon after, making its way to deeper water, whose movements were hastened by the contents of Scheelings' gun, but the "leetle tog" never returned. The woods abounded with birds and animals, and the numerous creeks and bayous furnished a continuous supply of delicious oysters, and the great sea-turtles, which deposited their eggs along the shores of the river and sound, were often caught too far from their favorite element to effect a retreat. Drill, guard and picket duty were kept up with regularity and constancy, but we look back upon the interval between the fall of Pulaski and our assignment as its garrison as one of comparative rest and comfort. The effects of our exposure on the river batteries now began to be manifest in the pale faces and shrunken forms that crept about the camp, showing that the slow but deadly malarial poison was fastening upon its victims. Loss of appetite, broken sleep, and a general feeling of lassitude, which found but slight alleviation in quinine, were the precursors of more violent attacks, from which many escaped at the time, but whose after life of miserable weakness and suffering has told how deeply were sown the poisonous seeds of lingering disease.

Our mails came with frequency and regularity, and the papers were fairly devoured in the eagerness to learn of operations in the other departments of the army, but the confusion of statements, often half falsehoods and half conjecture, with the reports of deserters, and negroes who found their way through the rebel lines, and the claims of the Southern papers which they brought, altogether, made a jumbleand jargon, in which the truth was buried too deeply for any hope of resurrection. The affairs of our own department were equally involved in obscurity and doubt as far as we were concerned, except those matters in which we took part. This uncertainty, however, did not prevent an active interest in and frequent discussion of movements, and that fiction took the place of fact detracted nothing from the hotness of the argument. We fed on what was furnished us, and often built our hopes and theories, fought battles and gained great victories, on the brilliant but groundless conjectures of unreliable correspondents.

From the journal of Sergeant Thompson I learn that on May 12 the emancipation order of General Hunter was read to the troops. While this was somewhat premature, and was annulled by orders from Washington, it foreshadowed the purpose of President Lincoln, who, with a majority of the people of the North, soon came to regard it as a military necessity, and as such the proclamation of January 1, 1863, was issued, by which slavery in this country was forever abolished. Comparativelyfew slaves were immediately affected, but as our armies penetrated the rebellious states at different points, and the negroes were not only received and protected, but were organized into regiments for service against their late masters, the wisdom of the measure was fully demonstrated. For this act the name of Lincoln, handed down from age to age, will ever be held sacred in the memory of man, as one of the greatest benefactors of the race.

By the middle of May it became manifest that new movements were contemplated in the department. The other regiments on Dawfuskie were gradually withdrawn, and we became interested to learn what disposition was to be made of us. On the 19th the rumor reached us that we were to garrison Fort Pulaski, while most of the troops were to be concentrated in an attack upon Charleston. The 6th Connecticut and the 28th Massachusetts, which had been encamped near us, were ordered away, and we were left almost alone. On the 21st a party visited Hilton Head, where assurances were received that we should form a part of the attacking force,but results showed the falsity of this assurance.

On our return from the Head we stopped at the house on Braddock's Point formerly occupied by John C. Calhoun, and, among the letters scattered about, found many dating back to 1832, which showed the general prevalence of the nullification doctrines at that time, throughout the state. Had the loyalty and energy of President Jackson descended to Buchanan, these years of suffering and loss would all have been avoided. But out of the evil has come such good that few will dare to say that the results are not worth all the sacrifice.

May 23 all doubt in regard to our destination was removed by despatches from Generals Terry and Benham, directing us to proceed at once to Fort Pulaski to do garrison duty. We were very indignant, and felt ourselves grievously wronged, in being placed in what we regarded as ignominious retirement, after having labored so hard, and prepared ourselves so thoroughly for the field; and the officers united in a respectful but spirited protest to be forwarded tothe commanding general, but the colonel, knowing better than we, disapproved, and there was no alternative.

On the 25th, the steamer Mattano took seven companies to the fort, leaving E, B, and C on the island, under the command of Captain Coan. At the wharf we were met by General Terry, who directed us to pitch our tents in the most convenient places outside the fort, still occupied by the 7th Connecticut, which was under marching orders. Several days elapsed before the final orders came for the transfer of this regiment to Edisto Island, during which nearly our whole command was constantly engaged in fatigue duty. Company K was detailed to occupy the hulk of an old vessel that had been anchored in the channel, just opposite the fort, and it was not until June 2 that the remaining companies were moved into the fort and entered upon garrison duty. On the same day our troops, under General Benham, landed on James Island, on their way to Charleston. The Stono River had been cleared of obstructions by the navy, and it was supposed that the enemy could not interpose an effectual barrier to ouradvance. The Confederates were gradually driven back, but finally made a stand at a place called Secessionville, which possessed many natural advantages for defence. On the 15th, preparations having been completed, General Stephens charged the earthworks with his division; but the position was too strong, and he was obliged to retire, with heavy loss. A second attempt was about to be made, with a better disposition of the troops, when General Benham ordered the withdrawal of General Wright's division, and General Stephens was obliged to follow. The losses were very heavy, owing to the nature of the ground. The Confederates were able to concentrate the fire of artillery and infantry upon a narrow neck of land between two marshes, over which our troops must pass to make any substantial progress. They soon received re-enforcements, and this attempt on Charleston was abandoned.

From the first it seemed to be determined at Washington that no important movements were expected in our department. The number of troops was always too small for any largeundertaking, and in maintaining a depot of supplies and a place for repairs for the navy, and shutting up the entrances to the coast in our vicinity, and thus limiting the operations of the blockade-runners, we seemed to meet all requirements.

THE PLANTER.

While the attempt at James Island was being made, I was on the steamer Cosmopolitan, the headquarters of General Benham, and the reports that were continually brought in were heart-rending. Our troops were cruelly slaughtered, and many fell who had been our companions on Dawfuskie and elsewhere. My business, which was with the commandinggeneral, delayed me several days, and while on the boat, one evening, I was much interested by the performances of the negroes on the lower deck. A great many of them had fled from the neighboring plantations and found refuge on the boat, so that the lower hold was crowded with them. At first, my attention was caught by the sound of the soft, plaintive music of a few female voices. The melody was wild and peculiar, differing from anything I had ever heard before, but presently the character of the music changed to the rude and boisterous, in which a multitude of voices were joined. Being interested, I descended to where I could view the proceedings, and was thus able to witness that singular religious exercise called shouting—which bears a striking resemblance to the ordinary worship of the Shakers. At first the dancing was confined to a few, and some leading voice sang the melody, and the others joined in the chorus, but by and by even the old and decrepit men and women seemed seized by the spirit of music and motion, and one by one were drawn into the moving circle, swelling the volume of sound until the vesselfairly shook with the fierceness of the hallelujah. It was a tumultuous, but hearty expression of thanksgiving that the bonds of slavery had been sundered.

CHAPTER VIII.

The wreck of the sutler's schooner. Its consequences. The death of Colonel Perry. His character. Action of officers. Sent to New York. Lieutenant-Colonel Barton promoted. Detailed on recruiting service. General Mitchell commander of the department. Expedition to Bluffton. Blockade-runner Emma. Confederate ironclad. Back with the regiment. Its condition. Bluffton again visited. Ravages of war.

On the 16th and 17th of June, a fearful storm prevailed along the coast during which a schooner was discovered on her beam ends, on the bar off the west end of Cockspur Island. With much difficulty the crew was rescued, but the vessel became a total wreck, and the cargo, which consisted of sutler supplies, floated ashore on Tybee and Cockspur Islands. Cases of claret and champagne and barrels of beer and wine, were too strong an attraction to be resisted, and the result was that on the 17th the regiment was in a terrible state of demoralization. As soon as the facts were discovered by the colonel, the severest measures were applied. Guards were set along theshores to secure the cargo, and those who were intoxicated were confined in the guard-house and dungeon. The liquor was collected, and locked up in the magazine, and comparative order was restored. It is probable, however, that the excitement and vexation so overcame the colonel as to induce the attack of the following day. It was the first time that the brutalizing effects of the war had manifested themselves in our regiment, and he was grievously wounded. At about three o'clock of the afternoon of June 18, while the colonel was writing at his desk, his pen suddenly dropped from his hand, his head dropped, and scarcely with other sign,the silver cord was loosed and the golden bowl was broken. It was a sad day in the regiment. He was so strong—so far above the jealousies of ordinary army life—so just and true—that he was as a rock of defence to such as were in any way dependent upon him. Although holding a subordinate position, we felt that he had no superior in the department, in those qualities which constitute a leader and commander. How well I remember him, as firmly seated on his grayhorse, the gift of his ministerial friends and others, he moved about the field at battalion drill, so familiar with the duties of his position as never to suggest a doubt, giving the word of command without effort, but with a power of tone such as I have never heard equalled. Here, as elsewhere, always dignified, always composed. A man to respect, to trust, to obey. It was his misfortune to be confined in a department which furnished so little scope for his abilities, and a still greater misfortune that he incurred the envy and jealousy of those over him. At the time of his death he had applied for leave of absence, and the promise of promotion led him to expect a transfer to some other corps. Had he lived, so large an estimate had we formed of his abilities that we should have expected his rapid advancement to a conspicuous position among the leading generals of the army. As a man he was admired and beloved, for, although reserved and reticent, he did not withhold his confidence, and esteem from such as he deemed worthy of it. Everything relating to those under him received his personal attention, and in cases ofdiscipline, while sometimes severe, he was always just, and when he died the feeling was universal throughout the regiment that the loss we had suffered could never be made up to us. From the time of my first introduction to him, until that morning when I parted from him at Pulaski, never again to see him in life, I recall many instances of his kindness and thoughtful consideration; but they are too personal to be recorded here. Notwithstanding his reserve and his habitual seclusion, except when engaged in active duty, he knew his officers better than they thought, and cared for them better than they knew. As an evidence of this I recall with great distinctness the ride we had together, when we visited various points on Dawfuskie, when he found the rebels were making preparations to annoy or attack us. On our return as we slowly rode towards camp, the conversation turned upon the character and relative merits of the officers of the regiment. He was in a singularly communicative mood, and spoke with unusual freedom. There was no unkindness, no bitterness in what he said, but there was abundant evidence of keenness ofobservation, and a knowledge of the temper and disposition of those of whom he spoke, and had he lived, no good man would have had occasion to fear him, and no bad man to despise him. His parting words at our last interview in Pulaski, meant more than I knew then, but they were not needed to keep him in my mind, embalmed with loving thoughts and precious memories. We buried him outside the fort, but subsequently his body was removed to Cyprus Hill Cemetery, in Brooklyn; and a granite monument has now been erected above his remains,—by the efforts of James H. Perry Post, G.A. R., and the survivors of the regiment, assisted by the Hanson Place Methodist-Episcopal Church of Brooklyn, of which he had been the pastor. On this is inscribed, in fitting words, the story of his life, his services and sacrifice.

His death left us in a state of some embarrassment. The promotion to the colonelcy naturally belonged to Lieutenant-Colonel Barton, but Major Beard had done much important service in the department, which seemed to deserve recognition, and in addition, his father'srelations with prominent men in Brooklyn could command their influence. But he lacked the full confidence of his brother-officers, and his promotion over Lieutenant-Colonel Barton would have been an undesirable precedent to establish, and at a meeting held for the purpose of ascertaining the views of the officers of the line and staff, it was found that we were unanimous in favor of Lieutenant-Colonel Barton, and a paper was drawn up, and signed, requesting from the Governor his appointment. Chosen for the purpose of conveying this, with other letters of recommendation, from Major-General Hunter and Brigadier-General Terry, I hastened to New York by the first steamer, in company with Lieutenant-Colonel Barton, and had the satisfaction of securing all that we desired. From this time until October, being detained in New York, with Captain Farrell, on recruiting service, I must depend upon the journals of Thompson and Conklin, and the sketch recently written and sent me by Major Barrett, for an account of what transpired in the regiment during the interval.

The record is short, and lacking in interesting or important circumstances; occasionally, a flag of truce came down from Savannah, with persons who desired to join their friends in the North. General Mitchell, who had established a character by successful operations in the West, relieved General Hunter, and by his urbanity, and an undefined and indefinable magnetism, had captivated the soldiers, while his reputation as a successful general inspired them with a belief that the department of the South would thereafter have opportunity to make for itself a place in the history of the war, by solid achievements. Poor man! how little he knew of the lack of material, of opportunity and force, in his new command. Better for him had he remained in a subordinate position in the West, where the field was large, and afforded encouragement for the exhibition of military skill and genius.

The work of repairing the fort was carried on energetically, and an occasional excursion up the river, or to neighboring islands, relieved the monotony of garrison duty. One expedition to Bluffton, on the May River, for thepurpose of destroying the salt works, resulted not only in its immediate object, but in securing a large supply of excellent and convenient furniture, including a piano for headquarters. The blockade-runner Emma, having for a long time been tied to the wharf at Savannah, made an effort to escape with its cargo of cotton. Just as the sun was beginning to light up the horizon, it was discovered near the entrance to Wright's River, hard and fast, with a receding tide. Boats were manned and sent with all speed to secure her, but too late to save more than the scorched and blackened remains of her valuable cargo of cotton. The fact that an English steamer had, by the contributions of the ladies of Savannah, been converted into a ram of powerful armament kept the garrison on the lookout for an attack, until it became known through deserters that she was an unwieldy mass of iron, with engines of insufficient capacity to move her against the ordinary current of the river.

One morning our gunboats, in the spirit of mere bravado, ran up the river to within range of Fort Jackson and the batteries near, butwithout result, except to show how poorly both were provided with artillery. Had the navy made a serious attempt on Savannah, we always felt that it would have met with but feeble opposition. There had grown up a wholesome dread of our gunboats, especially of the ironclads, and although our troops met with obstinate resistance, wherever the navy could penetrate the way was almost undisputed.

While affairs were thus comparatively stagnated in the department, Captain Farrell and myself were hard at work recruiting, and, as a result, the regiment was brought up to nearly its original number. It was a pleasant relief from the stale, stupid life in garrison, and afforded an opportunity to recover from the dreadful effects of the exposure on the swamps and islands of the Savannah. Some of the duties, however, were by no means agreeable; and when the order came for a return to the regiment, it was very welcome. We had been away long enough, and were quite willing that others should take our places; and October 2, when we rejoined the regiment, it was witha feeling of pride that we took up the regular duties of army life again.

During our absence, the officers had been accustomed to meet together to discuss tactics and military law, and it was apparent that we must make special exertion to place ourselves abreast of those who had thus profited. Some few changes had taken place. At night the "All's well," which every hour was carried round the fort from sentinel to sentinel, proclaimed the fact that every one was watchful, and illustrated the system which prevailed. The several expeditions to Bluffton had furnished our quarters with useful and attractive furniture, and, with every convenience for garrison duty, we should have been content, except for the feeling that we might be serving our country better in more active operations.

October 9, General Mitchell and staff visited the fort, and it soon became known that an expedition was planned in which a portion at least of our regiment would take part. From that time until the 21st, the companies which were to join the expedition engaged in target practice every day, and there was much emulation among them. The officers also joined in the practice, for the sake of encouragement. In the meantime the steamboat Planter made another expedition to Bluffton, to complete the demolition of the salt works. Just as we were about to cast off from the dock to return to the fort, the Confederates, who had been awaiting their opportunity, attacked us, and for a few moments the firing was quite sharp. Owing to the low state of the tide, our artillery was useless, until, having cut the hawser, we swung out into the stream, when a few discharges of grape and canister scattered the enemy and we proceeded back to the fort. Our casualties were one killed and several wounded. The frequent expeditions had stripped the town of almost everything portable, and it is not surprising that the inhabitants were desperately angry. It was a pretty village, apparently a summer resort for the wealthier people of Charleston and Savannah. The houses, for the most part of neat and attractive appearance and embowered in trees, stretched along for some distance on the high table-land near the water, and the shore of the river wasdotted here and there with boat and bathing houses of pretty design. Deep ravines ran from the river back through the town until lost in the darkened shades of the woods beyond. But the houses were desolate and given up to pillage, the happy households scattered, lost in the whirlpool of mad rebellion, fathers and sons were measuring out their life-blood in the rebel army, and mothers and daughters were mourning over the loss of friends and homes and all that makes life dear, while suffering the terrible privations of an invaded country. A sad picture of the cruelties of war!

CHAPTER IX.

Expedition to Coosawhatchie. Landing at Dawson's plantation. March to Coosawhatchie. Ambuscade. Firing on Confederate train. Confederate prisoners. Destruction of track. Retreat. Peril of Lieutenant Corwin. Lieutenant Blanding wounded. Pocataligo expedition a failure. Perilous voyage back to Pulaski. Confederate weapons. Yellow fever. Death of General Mitchell. His character. Review of Coosawhatchie.

October 21 we embarked on the steamer Planter, six companies of fifty men each, and proceeded to Hilton Head, where we joined the main body of troops belonging to the expedition, and, accompanied by a number of gunboats, started for the point of attack. The morning of the 22d found us opposite Mackey's Point on the Coosawhatchie River, in rear of the fleet, which numbered in all fifteen gunboats and transports. This was the point of disembarkation for the main body, but we proceeded farther up the river, accompanied by two gunboats. We had not gone far before our boat grounded on a point on the Dawson plantation near the house, and we landed in small boats. Afew cavalry pickets delayed us a little, but we finally started up the road with Company H deployed as skirmishers under command of the writer. This road led directly to the village of Coosawhatchie, and ran nearly parallel to the railroad. The attempt to skirmish through the woods was soon abandoned, owing to the dense growth of plants and shrubs and trailing vines. The Spanish bayonet plant was the most formidable, its thick bristling points presenting such obstacles to our progress that we were soon compelled to confine ourselves to an advanced position on the road. Where other roads intersected, guards were stationed. A short march brought us to an open space, with the railroad in plain sight, only about two hundred yards distant from the turnpike. Without waiting for special orders, Company H was deployed along the railway embankment, at the same time that the whistle of an engine warned us that a train was approaching. Carefully posting the men along the track, but out of sight, a cautious observation discovered the train stopped a short distance below us. It was a period of anxious suspense, until we were assured that it was again in motion, when, the most careful instructions having been given as to when and how to fire, we awaited its approach. Several platform cars were loaded with troops, and as we poured in our fire upon them, at only a few feet distance, the effect was terrible. In an instant those crowded masses of humanity had disappeared. Some were killed and more were wounded, but a large number jumped from the train and concealed themselves in the swamp and woods. A few were taken prisoners, but the wounded were left to be cared for by their own people, who were known to be near by, as we had no means of caring for them. It was a cruel ambuscade, for as they came to the place where we were awaiting them, it was apparent that they had no intimation of our presence in the vicinity. We hoped to injure the engine and so wreck the train, and a number of the most reliable men were assigned to that special duty; but it passed on out of sight, and we gave our attention to the destruction of the railroad, under the direction of the engineers who had accompanied us for such purposes. Not much wasaccomplished before heavy firing warned us that we could not delay; and, collecting the prisoners and such arms as we had captured, we proceeded to join the regiment. This had arrived at the open space just in season to discharge the little cannon, which the colonel had borrowed from the navy, at the passing train, when it pushed on, hoping to destroy the bridge which crossed the river a little farther up the road; but the Confederates were found strongly entrenched, with heavy batteries guarding its approaches, and, after carefully feeling of the position and drawing the fire of the batteries, the colonel was obliged to give the order to return. Company H was again thrown out as skirmishers, and, discovering what was supposed to be a Confederate detachment, commenced firing. Fortunately, before any injury was done, it was ascertained that it was Lieutenant Corwin with his company, which had been left to guard a threatening point. Nothing further occurred until we reached the boat, when, as we were embarking, the little knot of cavalry which had been closely watching our movements for some time rode rapidly forward and gave us a volley, by which Lieutenant Blanding, of the 3d Rhode Island Artillery, who accompanied us, was severely wounded. A few shells from the little Parrot gun on our bow dispersed them, and we steamed down the river without further casualty. The main body of the expedition had the usual experience at Pocotaligo, where they hoped to be able to effectually destroy the railroad. The force was too small, and was repulsed with severe loss. We nevertheless expected to renew the attempt the next day; but this purpose was given up, and we were ordered back to the fort. The perils of our return passage were quite equal to any that we had encountered, for in the intense darkness the pilot lost his way, and for a long time we were buffeted about by wind and waves, not knowing what was to become of us. The next day we had leisure to examine the weapons we had captured. It was a curious collection, consisting of rifles, swords of venerable age, and a species of cleaver, much resembling those commonly used by butchers, showing to what extremities the Home Guards, at least,were already reduced. As I write I have a specimen of the last mentioned weapon on my table, personally taken from a rebel at Coosawhatchie.

HEADQUARTERS OF HUNTER AND MITCHELL.

October 28, General Mitchell was reported seriously ill with yellow fever, and General Brannon assumed command of the department. October 29, Dr. Strickland, our chaplain, an old friend of General Mitchell, was sent for to attend him. October 30, General Mitchell died, at 6P.M.And as others at Hilton Head were prostrated with the same disease, there was danger that it would spread through the department, and every precaution was taken to guardagainst it. The loss of General Mitchell was a severe blow. He had the confidence of the troops, had shown his ability as a commander, and was supposed to be in such relations with the authorities at Washington as to promise such additions to our forces as would enable us to undertake something of importance. Our last expedition would perhaps have had a better result had he been well enough to assume its direction. As it was, the colors of the Whippy Swamp Guards, with the prisoners and arms, captured by Company H of our regiment, were the only favorable results, while the complete failure of the main expedition, with the loss of so many men, added another to the disheartening blows from which the department had suffered from the beginning. And now the loss of General Mitchell, on whom our hopes were centred, left us without a promise for the future. Soon after our return from Coosawhatchie, two deserters from the 1st Georgia regiment, called the Whippy Swamp Guards, came down from Savannah. They reported the loss of thirty men, their major, and the engineer of the train, at Coosawhatchie,together with their colors. These latter, which we had in our possession, attested the correctness of their statement in at least one particular. Had the Confederates whom we attacked been commanded by any one of ordinary ability, troops would have been sent down by the railroad to cut off our retreat, for there was but one road by which we could return, and this was bordered on either side by impenetrable woods, so that a small force could have held us and made our escape impossible. It is probable that our attack at the railroad so disconcerted them that before they recovered, it was too late to interrupt our rapid retreat. Those who sent us into such a trap either knew nothing of the country, or were willing to make the sacrifice of our command for the sake of drawing off troops from the main point of attack. Looking back upon it now, it seems a part of the blundering operations which characterized our department for the most of the time that we were there, the attack on Pulaski forming a happy exception to the general rule.

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