ERRATA.

P.769.l.3.readthe order of

P.791.l.6.forOxon,with a comma, readOxon.with a full-point.

P.792.l.5.of the quotations, forFroel.readFrœl.

In the Contents to PartI.of this Vol. Page5.l.21.for115.read117.

FOOTNOTES:[1]Manna lies about 50 miles to the southward of Marlborough.[2]The island of Sumatra is between 7 and 800 miles long from north to south.[3]Cumberland-house is a new well-built house for the governor of the place.[4]N. B. Both these are contiguous to the fort.[5]Laye house or factory is about 30 miles to the northward of Marlborough, and Manna house or factory fifty miles to the southward.[6]The sugar-plantation is five or six miles from Marlborough.[7]Thequalloeis the country word for a river’s mouth.[8]Poblo Point lies about three leagues to the southward of Marlborough.[9]Doosoonsare villages.[10]Letter from William Veale, Esq;[11]Letter from John Trehawk, Esq;[12]A timber support of the deads.[13]Loose rubbish and broken stones of the mine.[14]Mr. J. Nantcarrow.[15]Trifolium quoque inhorrescere et folia contra tempestatem subrigere certum est. Hist. Nat. lib. xviii. cap. 35.[16]Flor. Lappon. p. 222.[17]Prosp. Alpin. de plantis Ægypti, cap. 10.[18]It is not improbable, that a considerable portion of whiting might be used instead of pure white lead, which is frequently done: and this supposition is favoured by the mixture’s not proving fatal to the boy, as such a quantity of white lead in all probability would.[19]What Lhwyd callsostreum minus falcatum, Nº. 451.[20]Memoires de l’Acad. des Sciences, anno 1748. p. 326.[21]Ibid. p. 338.[22]Ibid. p. 337.[23]See my Essay on the contagious Distemper, p. 70.[24]Pag. 143 and 338.[25]Essay on the Plague.[26]See Logarith. Canon. deser.Edinb.1614. p. 48.[27]Senexdrew several of that form.[28]See the Preface to the small Berlin Atlas.[29]This constant logarithm contains the reduction of the diff. of longitude to parts of radius unity, and toBriggs’s Modulus.[30]SeeCotesiiLogometr. prop. 6.[31]Physiological Essays, p. 69.[32]Physiological Essays, p. 69.[33]Dr. Pringle’s Observations on the Diseases of the Army, part iii. chap. 2.[34]Vincentius Menghinusde Ferrearum particularum progressu in Sanguinem. Comment. Acad. Bonon.T. II. P. 2. pag. 475.[35]Phil. Transact. by Lowthorpe, vol. iii. p. 102. edit. 1749. the same by Jones, vol. v. p. 259.[36]Vol. I. art. xii. p. 364.[37]In a paper read Feb. 24. 1757. See Art. xiii. p. 88.[38]Porticuum, in quibus spatiari consueverat (Domitianus) parietes phengite lapide distinxit, e cujus splendore per imagines quicquid a tergo fieret, provideret.Sueton. Domit. c. 14.[39]Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. c. 26. §. 66.[40]Pliny mentions a kind of glass or jet calledobsidianum:—nigerrimi coloris, aliquando et translucidi, crassiore visu, atque in speculis parietum pro imagine umbras reddente. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. c. 26. §. 67.And that the practice of staining glass was known in his time, appears from what he says concerning theobsidianummentioned above:—Fit et genere tincturæ—totum rubens vitrum, atque non translucidum. Ibid.[41]Panciroll. Rer. Mem. p. 288.[42]These glass balls had sometimes water within them:Cùm additâ aquâ vitreæ pilæ sole adverso in tantum excandescant, ut vestes exurant. Plin. lib. xxxvi. c. 22. §. 45.Invenio medicos, quæ sunt urenda corporum, non alitèr utilius id fieri putare, quam crystallinâ pilâ adversis positâ solis radiis.Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvii. c. 6. §. 10.[43]Vid. Mons. Renaudot Memoires de l’Acad. des Inscript. tom. I.[44]Vid. infra, not. 11.[45]Theatrum Scauri——scena ei triplex in altitudinemCCCLXcolumnarum.——Ima pars scenæ e marmore fuit: media e vitro:summa e tabulis inauratis. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. c. 15.[46]A. V. 678. Hard. not. Plin. lib. xxxvi. c. 8.[47]Agrippa in thermis, quas Romæ fecit, figlinum opus encausto pinxit, in reliquis albaria adornavit: non dubièvitreas facturus cameras, si prius inventum id fuisset,aut a parietibus scenæ—Scauri pervenisset in cameras. Lib. xxxvi. c. 25. §. 64.[48]Seneca, exposing the luxury of the Romans with regard to their baths, says,Pauper sibi videtur ac sordidus, nisi parietes magnis ac pretiosis orbibus refulserint—nisivitro absconditur camera.—Ep. 86.[49]Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. c. 22. §. 45.[50]Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. c. 22. §. 45.[51]Vid. Salmasius in a passage to be produced hereafter.[52]Hist. de l’Acad. des Inscrip. tom. I.[53]Montfauc. Antiq. vol. III. part i. lib. iii. c. 4. Lipsius in loc.&c.[54]Quædam nostrâ demum prodiisse memoriâ scimus; ut speculariorum usum, perlucente testâ, clarum transmittentium lumen.Sen. ep. 90.[55]Quod fenestris obducebatur ad translucendum, ac lucem admittendamspecularvetens Latini vocârunt. Idque ex speculari lapide, quí estφεγγιτης,autex vitrofiebat, aut aliâ translucidâ materiâ. Namspecular dictum, non quod ex speculari lapidefactum esset, sed quod visum transmitteret, ac per idspeculariliceret. Salm. Exerc. Plin. in Solin. tom. II. p. 771.[56]Villa’s of the Anc. illustrated, p. iv.[57]One of Pliny’s cautions for preserving apples is—Austros specularibus arcere. Nat. Hist. lib. xv. c. 16.Martial further informs us, that the Romans used to screen their orchards of choice fruit-trees withspecularia. Lib. viii. epig. 14.[58]I suppose he means that of Fortuna Seia. Lib. xxxvi. c. 22.[59]Salmasius, speaking of the custom of adorning chambers with glass, says—Quod proximè ætatem suam incepisse fieri narrat Plinius. Quum M. Scaurus——Ex. Plin. tom. II. p. 854.I do not find this expresly asserted by Pliny: but it might have been so in fact. This fashion indeed was not begun till after Agrippa had built histhermæ: but if we suppose that to have been even as late as his third consulship,viz. ante Christ.27. (Helvicus), when he erected the Pantheon (or at least its portico), near adjoining to thosethermæ, there would have been sufficient room, from that period to the birth of Pliny (viz. anno Christi24), for the introduction of this usage.[60]Plin. Ep. V. I. 111.[61]Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. c. 26. §. 66.[62]Vid. supra.[63]Anno Christi 80.[64]In order to justify my placing the testimony of this Father so high, I would observe, that St. Jerome (De Scriptor. Eccles.) says, that Lactantius—Extremâ senectute magister Cæsaris Crispi filii Constantini in Gallia fuit. He must probably have exercised this charge betweenanno Christi309, when Constantine began to reign, and 320. If he was then of a great age, he might have composed the treatise, out of which this authority is produced, and which was one of the earliest of his works, that are extant (Vid. Sparkii præf. ad Lactant.), 40 years before,viz.aboutanno Christi280; which brings us up to 200 years after the overthrow of Herculaneum, as above.[65]Lib. i. c. 20. See this subject largely discussed in Bodæus à Stapel Comment. in Theoph. p. 156. et seq.[66]Opera omnia à C. B. edit. 1598. p. 64.[67]Usnea vulgaris loris longis implexisHist. Musc. p. 56.Lichen plicatusLin. Sp. Pl. 1154.Muscus arboreus: UsneaOfficin. C. B. Raii Syn. III. p. 64.[68]Usnea barbata loris tenuibus fibrosisHist. Musc. p. 63.Lichen barbatusLin. Sp. Pl. 1155.Quercus excrementum villosumC. B. p. 422. Bauhine took this to be the trueUsnea Arabum.[69]Usnea ceratoides candicans glabra et odorataHist. Musc. p. 71.Muscus arboreus candicans et odoriferCamelli Raii Hist. III. Append. p. 3.[70]Civil and Natural History of Jamaica, p. 80.[71]Hist. Plant. I. par. ii. p. 88.[72]Flor. Lap. p. 342. Ɛ. Flor. Suec. Ed. II. p. 416.[73]Flor. Lap. p. 348.[74]Hist. Plant. I. p. 115.[75]Usnea jubata nigricans.Dillen. Hist. Musc. p. 64.Lichen jubatusLin. Sp. Pl. 1155.Muscus corallinis saxatilis fæniculaceus, Rock-hair. Raii Syn. III. p. 65. n. 7.[76]Usnea capillacea et nodosaDillen. Hist. Musc. 60.Muscus arboreus nodosusC. B. p. 361. Raii Syn. III. p. 65. n. 4.[77]Raii Hist. Pl. III. p. 28.[78]Natural History of Norway, p. 148.[79]Usnea capillacea citrina frutriculi specie.Hist. Musc. p. 73.Muscus aureus tenuissimusMerret. Pin. p. 79. Raii syn. p. 65. nº. 8.[80]Flor. Suec. Ed. II. p. 427.[81]Hist. Plant. III. P. ii. lib. 9. p. 273.[82]Usnea dichotoma compressa segmentis capillaceis teretibus.Hist. Musc. 72.Muscus arboreus aurantiacus flaminibus tenuissimisPluk. Alm. p. 254. Raii Hist. III. 28.[83]Coralloides corniculis longioribus et rarioribus.Dillen. Hist. Musc. p. 103.Muscus corniculatusGer. p. 1372. Park. 1308. Raii Hist. I. p. 112. III. p. 28.Lichenoides tubulosum cinereum minus crustaceum minusque ramosumRaii Syn. 3. p. 67.[84]Coralloides montanum fruticuli specie ubique candicansHist. Musc. p. 107.Lichen rangiferinusLin. Sp. Pl. 1153.Muscus corallinus.Tab. Ger. em.[85]Flor. Lappon. p. 332.[86]Enum. Stirp. Helv. p. 69. Nº. 38.[87]The Novaccolæ are a people originally sprung from the Finlanders: they fixed themselves in Lapland not long since, and traffick with the old inhabitants.[88]Coralloides crispum et botryforme AlpinumHist. Musc. p. 114.Lichen paschalisLin. Sp. Pl.Lichenoides non tubulum cinereum ramosum totum crustaceumRaii Syn. III. 66. N. 11. This moss is not common in England. Dr. Dillenius found it upon some of the mountains in Wales. It is found in many places on Charley-forest, Leicestershire.[89]Flor. Lappon. Nº. 489.[90]Coralloides corniculatum fasciculare tinctorium fuci teretis facieDillen. Hist. Musc. p. 120.Cladonia tophaceaHill. Hist. Pl. p. 93.Fucus capillaris tinctoriusRaii Hist. I. p. 74.Lichen (Rocelia) fruticulosus solidus aphyllus subramosus tuberculis alternisLin. Sp. Pl. 1154.[91]L’Art de la Teinture des lains et des Etoffes de lain; Paris 1750, p. 543.[92]Raii Hist. Plant. I. p. 74.[93]Nova Plant. Gener. p. 78.[94]Coralloides schyphiforme tuberculis fuscisHist. Musc. 79.Lichenoides tubulosum pyxidatum cinereum.Raii Syn. III. p. 68.Pyxidium margine leviter serrato.Hill. Hist. Plant. p. 94.[95]Willis Pharm. Rational. sect. I. cap. 6.de tussi puerorum convulsiva.[96]De Aëre et Morbis epidemicis, p. 76, 77. vol. I.[97]Lowthorp’s Abridgment, vol. II. p. 660.[98]Lichenoides tartareum tinctorium candidum tuberculis atris.Hist. Musc. p. 128.[99]Lichen (calcareus) leprosus candidus tuberculis atrisSpec. Plant. 1140.[100]Lichenoides leprosum tinctorium scutellis lapidum Caneri figuraHist. Musc. 130.Lichenoides crustaceum et leprosum scutellare cinereum.Raii Syn. p. 70.[101]Tournefort’s Voyage to the Levant, Eng. edit. Lond. 1741. in 8º, vol. I. p. 248.[102]Lichenoides tartareum farinaceum scutellarum umbone fusco.Hist. Musc. 132.Placodium bracteis majusculis limbo albo cinctisHill. Hist. Pl. p. 97.[103]Flor. Suec. Ed. II. p. 407.[104]Lichenoides crustaceum et leprosum acetabulis majoribus luteis limbis argenteisRaii Syn. p. 71. N. 46. Hist. Musc. p. 132.[105]VideŒconom. Natur. in Amœn. Acad. vol. II. p. 17.[106]Lichenoides vulgatissimum cinereo-glaucum lacunosum et cirrosumHist. Musc. p. 88.Lichenoides crusta foliosa superne cinereo-glauca, inferne nigra et cirrosa scutellis nigricantibus.R. Syn. p. 72.[107]Lichenoides saxatile tinctorium foliis pilosis purpureisRaii Syn. p 74. Nº. 70. Hist. Musc. p. 185.Lichen petræus purpureus DerbiensisPark. Theat. p. 1315.Lichen omphalodesLin. Spec. Pl. 1143.[108]Park. Theat. Botan. p. 1315.[109]Raii Hist. Plant. p. 116.[110]Flor. Lappon. p. 343. V.[111]Otherwise calledarnotto.[112]Lichenoides vulgare sinuosum foliis et scutellis luteis.Hist. Musc. p. 180.Lichenoides crusta foliosa scutellata flavescens.Raii Syn. p. 72. Nº. 59.[113]Flor. Suec. Ed. II. p. 416. Nº. 1093.[114]Linnæus has intitled this mossLichen (stygius) imbricatus, folio is palmatis incurvis atris. Fl. Suec. I. 949. Spec. Plant. 1143. Fl. Suec. II. Nº. 1079.[115]Lichenoides coralliforme rostratum et canaliculatum.Hist. Musc. 170.Lichenoides arboreum ramosum angustioribus cinereo-virescentibus ramulis.Raii Syn. 75.Lichen calicarisLin. Spec. Plant. 1146.[116]Lichenoides fuciforme tinctorium corniculis longioribus et acutioribus.Hist. Musc. 168.Platysma corniculatum.Hill Hist. Plant. 90.Lichen fuciformisLin. Sp. Pl. 1147.[117]Lichenoides digitatum cinereum lactucæ foliis sinuosisDillen. Hist. Musc. 200.Platysma sinuosum scutellis ovato-rotundisHill Hist. Pl. 89.Lichen caninusLin. Sp. Pl. 1149.[118]See Lowthorp’s Abridgment, vol. III. p. 284.[119]Dr. Van Swieten. See Comment. in Boerh. Aphor. §. 1147.[120]Mechanical Account of Poisons, ed. 4th, p. 156.[121]Lichenoides pulmonium reticulatum vulgare marginibus peltiferisDill. Hist. Musc. 212.Lichenoides peltatum arboreum maximum.Raii Syn. p. 76.Musc. pulmonariusC. B.[122]Dillen. Hist. Musc. p. 213.[123]Lichenoides digitatum læte virens verrucis nigris notatum.Ibid. p. 207.[124]Boerhaav. Aphorism. §. 982.[125]Vol. II, p. 69.De Tœnia.[126]Musca apiformis, tota fusca, cauda obtusa, ex ejula caudata in latrinis degente orta.Raii Hist. Insect, p. 272.[127]Faun. Suecica, Nº. 1084.[128]See two cases nearly of this kind observed by Dr. Lister. Lowthorp’s Abridgment, vol. III. p. 135.[129]Lichenoides rigidum eryngii folia referensDillen. Hist. Musc. p. 209. Raii Syn. p. 77.Lichen foliis oblongis laciniatis marginibus conniventibus ciliaribus.Flor. Lappon. Hall. Helv. 75.Lichen (islandicus) foliaceus adscendens laciniatus marginibus elevatis ciliaribusLin. Flor. Suec. I. 959. II. 1085. Mat. Med. Nº. 493. Spec. Plant. 1145.[130]Raii Hist. Plant. p. 114.[131]Flor. Lappon. Nº. 445.[132]Horrebow’s Natural History of Iceland, p. 36.[133]For the first account, see part first,p. 392.[134]Sic in regist. et postea haud semel.[135]Sic in regist.[136]Sic in regist.[137]Sic in regist.[138]Sic in regist.[139]Sic in regist.[140]Page 285. edit. Lugd. Batav. 1625.[141]Page 681. edit. London, 1631.[142]Wood Hist. et Antiqu. Universit. Oxon. lib. i. p. 295. and Athen. Oxon. vol. I. col. 237.[143]Hist. & Antiquit. Universit. Oxon. ubi supra.[144]Page 290, 2d edit.[145]When the emperor goes out or comes into the palace, this bell is rung.[146]In these two houses are Jesuits of other nations. They are stiled Portuguese, because these houses and churches depend on the mission of the Jesuits founded by the king of Portugal.[147]There are beaten there the five watches of the night. The sound is heard thro’ the whole city.[148]Yong lo, emperor of the last dynastyMing, built these two towers.[149]The tribunals of the ministers and grand masters of the emperor’s house are in the inclosureTse kin.[150]The feet are different in China; but 1800 feet always make aly. According to the measure of the foot thelywill be greater or less.[151]This power is called in China the dynastyLeao.[152]There is extant, in the Chinese and TartarMantcheoulanguages, an history of the dynasty ofKi tan.[153]Of which dynasty there is extant a very curious history.[154]Book I. Part ii. Prop. 3. Experiment 8. of his Optics.[155]If α, β, γ, δ,&c.be supposed to represent the co-sines of the angles360°⁄n, 2 ×360°⁄n, 3 ×360°⁄n,&c.(the radius being unity); then the roots of the equationzⁿ- 1 = 0 (expressing the several values ofp,q,r,s,&c.) will be truly defined by 1, α + √αα - 1, α - √αα - 1, β + √ββ - 1, β - √ββ - 1,&c.The demonstration of this will be given farther on.[156]Because-ẋ⁄√(1 -xx)and-Ẋ⁄√(1 -XX)are known to express the fluxions of the circular arcs whose co-sines arexandX, it is evident, if those arcs be supposed in any constant ratio of 1 ton, thatnẋ⁄√(1 -xx)=Ẋ⁄√(1 -XX), and consequently thatnẋ⁄√(xx- 1)(=nẋ⁄√-1 × √(1 -xx)=Ẋ⁄√-1 × √(1 -XX)) =Ẋ⁄√(XX- 1). From whence, by taking the fluents,n× Log. (x+ √xx- 1) (or Log. (x+ √xx- 1)ⁿ) = Log.X+ √XX- 1; and consequently (x+ √xx- 1)ⁿ=X+ √XX- 1: whence also, seeingx- √xx- 1is the reciprocal ofx+ √xx- 1, andX- √XX- 1ofX+ √XX- 1, it is likewise evident, that (x- √xx- 1)ⁿ=X- √XX- 1. Hence, not only the truth of the above assumption, but what has been advanced in relation to the roots of the equationzⁿ- 1 = 0, will appear manifest. For ifx± √xx- 1be put =z, then willzⁿ(= (x± √xx- 1)ⁿ) =X± √XX- 1: where, assumingX= 1 = co-s. 0 = co-s. 360° = co-s. 2 × 360° = co-s. 3 × 360°,&c.the equation will becomezⁿ= 1, orzⁿ- 1 = 0; and the different values ofx, in the expression (x± √xx- 1) for the rootz, will consequently be the co-sines of the arcs,0⁄n,360°⁄n,2 × 360°⁄n,&c.these arcs being the correspondingsubmultiplesof those above, answering to the co-sineX(= 1).——In the same manner, ifXbe taken = -1 = co-s. 180° = co-s. 3 × 180° = co-s. 5 × 180°,&c.then willzⁿ= -1, orzⁿ+ 1 = 0; and the values ofxwill, in this case, be the co-sines of180°⁄n, 3 ×180°⁄n, 5 ×180°⁄n,&c.[157]Avellana purgatrix; in French,medicinier.[158]This refers to Mr. Baker’s having supposed, that old iron and old brass may be mixt sometimes, and melted down together.[159]Vide Wilkins’s real Character, p. 131. Bellon. aquat. p. 330.[160]Some of the Pour-contrel kind have but one row of suckers on the arms: such an one I have seen, whose arms were thirty inches long.[161]Of this I gave an account some years ago, in my attempt towards a Natural History of the Polype, chap. v.[162]See Platexxxi. Fig. 1.[163]De Num. quibusd. Sam. et Phœn. &c. Dissert.p. 56-59. & Tab. II. Oxon. 1750.[164]Marm. Palmyren. a Cl.Dawk.edit.pass.[165]Vid. Hadr. Reland.Palæst. Illustrat.p. 1014. Traject. Batavor. 1714. Erasm.Frœl.adAnnal. Compendiar. Reg. & Rer. Syr.Tab. VIII. &c. Viennæ, 1754.[166]De Antiq. Hebræor. et Græcor. Lit. Libel.Joan. Baptist. Biancon. p. 31, 32. Bononiæ, 1748.[167]1. Maccab. i. 10.[168]Hadr. Reland.De Num. Vet. Hebr.pass. Trajecti adRhenum, 1709.[169]See Platexxxi. Fig. 2.[170]Honor. Arigon.Num. Phœnic.Tab. I. Num. 3, 6. Tarvisii, 1745.[171]Nicol. Haym Roman.Del Tesor. Britan.Vol. i. p. 106. In Londra, 1719.[172]See Platexxxi. Fig. 3.[173]See Platexxxi. Fig. 3.[174]See Platexxxi. Fig. 3.[175]See the Phœnician Numerals in Platexxxii.[176]Philosoph. Transact.Vol. xlviii. Par. ii. p. 726.[177]De Num. quibusd. Sam. et Phœn. &c. Dissert.p. 59-61. & Tab. II. Oxon. 1750.[178]See Platexxxi. Fig. 4.[179]Haym, ubi sup. p. 107.[180]See Platexxxi. Fig. 5.[181]See Platexxxi. Fig. 5.[182]Honor. Arigon.Num. Phœnic.Tab. I, II. Tarvisii, 1745.[183]Id. ibid. Tab. I. N. 5.[184]See Platexxxi. Fig. 6.[185]See p.793,794.[186]See platexxxi. Fig. 7.[187]See Platexxxi. Fig. 8.[188]Recherches Curieuses des Monoyes de France &c. ParClaude Bouterouë, p. 33. A Paris, 1666.[189]See Platexxxi. Fig. 9.[190]Honor. Arigon. ubi sup. Tab. I. Num. 2.[191]Claud. Bouterouë, ubi sup. p. 24.[192]See Platexxxi. Fig. 9.[193]See Platexxxi. Fig. 9.[194]Mémoires de Litterature, tirés des Registres &c.Tom. xxiv. p. 64. A Paris, 1756.[195]The whole note, here referred to, in the original runs thus. “J’avois lû ce Mémoire à l’Académie en 1749, je le communiquai dans le même temps à un étranger qui se trouvoit alors à Paris, & qui ayant passé tout de suite en Angleterre, fit part à un docteur d’Oxford de l’explication que j’avois donnée de la médaille de Jonathan. Ce dernierm’a fait l’honneur de l’adopterdans une savante Dissertation imprimée a Oxford en 1750, à la suite d’une autre Dissertation sur deux inscriptions Phéniciennes.”Mémoires de Litterature, tirés des Registres de l’Académie Royale des Inscriptions & Belles-Lettres, &c.Tom. xxiv. p. 60. A Paris, 1756.For the better understanding of this note, it will be proper to observe, that the stranger therein mentioned was M. Brucker, Professor of History in the University of Basil; with whom I contracted an acquaintance when at Oxford, towards the close of March 1750. This gentleman then informed me, that M. l’Abbé Barthelemy communicated to him draughts of three Samaritan coins of Jonathan, prince and high-priest of the Jews. He added, that one of these exhibited the words ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ; which, according to him, M. l’Abbé Barthelemy interpreted of Alexander the Great, taking the piece to have been twice struck. This M. Brucker afterwards in a great measure confirmed, by a letter he wrote to me at Oxford; which I published intire in 1750, and endeavoured to prove, that the foregoing inscription was to be understood of Alexander I. king of Syria, and not of Alexander the Great. The Samaritan inscription, which M. Brucker only just touched upon, as is manifest from his letter, I likewise attempted to explain; producing proper vouchers, in support of what I advanced. Thus stands the fact, which seems to have given some offence to M. l’Abbé, stated in the most concise manner possible; and from it, thus stated, as I apprehend, are naturally deducible the following observations.1. As I differed in opinion from M. l’Abbé, with regard to the words ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ, as well as in several other respects, and supported by indisputable authorities what I in all points advanced, without receiving from any person whatsoever the least information relative thereto; it very evidently appears, that I did notadoptM. l’Abbé’s explication of the coin in question.2. By publishing M. Brucker’s letter, which I have still by me, intire, I both did him justice, and clearly acknowledged M. l’Abbé to have first discovered the medals it treats of to belong to Jonathan, prince and high-priest of the Jews; and therefore have by no means endeavoured, as he would insinuate, to rob him of the glory of such a discovery.3. As M. l’Abbé in effect owns himself to have seen my dissertation, and has (if M. Brucker rightly informed me) since the reading of his memoir, substituted my notion, relating to the words, ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ, in the room of his own; some people may perhaps imagine, that I have at least as much reason to recriminate on this occasion, as he had to charge me with theadoptionof his explication. Nay, as he expresly acquaints the public, that M. Brucker imparted to me the very interpretation of the coin he (M. l’Abbé) had before communicated to him, and as this interpretation most evidently makes it to have been first struck in the reign of Alexander the Great; every unprejudiced person, unacquainted with the elevated genius and extensive erudition of M. l’Abbé, will be strongly induced to believe, that there would be no great injustice in a recrimination. But far be it from me to retort the accusation upon M. l’Abbé. His uncommon learning, his singular modesty, his strict honour, his utter contempt of vanity and ostentation in every shape, so conspicuous to all the world, must set him infinitely above the reach of such an imputation. However, notwithstanding the superior merit and exalted abilities of M. l’Abbé, notwithstanding the known aversion of the French writers to the practice here hinted at, and their most generous and candid treatment hitherto of those belonging to the British nation, it will perhaps hereafter be thought expedient, by theAcademy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres, not frequently to suffer an interval of seven years to elapse, between the reading and publication of their memoirs. For by such unaccountable delays, if often repeated, a handle may possibly be given to many of thehaughty islandersof reflecting upon, or at least entertaining unfavourable sentiments of, some of the members of that illustrious body.SeeDe Num. quibusd. Sam. & Phœn. &c. Dissert.p. 61-72. Oxon. 1750.[196]F. Henric. Nor. Veronens.An. et Epoch. Syromaced. &c.p. 414-424. Lipsiæ, 1696.[197]Erasm. Frœl.Annal. Compend. Reg. et Rer. Syr.p. 113. Viennæ, 1754.[198]Joan. Harduin.Op. Select.p. 155, 156. Amst. 1709. Joan. Foy-Vaillant Bellovac.Numismat. Ær. Imperator. &c. Par. Alt.p. 97. Parisiis, 1695.[199]Iidem ibid. & alib.[200]F. Henr. Nor. Veronens. ubi sup.[201]Diod. Sic. lib. xix. Plutarch. inDemetr.Appian. inSyriac.[202]F. Henr. Nor. Veronens. ubi sup.[203]Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 39. Joan. Foy-Vaill.Seleucidar, Imper.p. 1-150. Lutet. Parisior. 1681.[204]Joan. Foy-Vaill. Erasm. Frœl. Nicol. Haym Roman. &c.[205]See above, p.793,794.[206]Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 101.[207]1. Maccab. i. 10.[208]See Platexxxi.[209]See Platexxxii.[210]It may not however be amiss to remark, that most of the forms of the Phœnician centenary and decimal numeral characters rather resemble the correspondent Palmyrene numerals of Gruter than those of Mr. Dawkins; as will be obvious to every one, who shall think proper to compare all those different characters one with another.Philosoph. Transact.Vol. xlviii. Par. ii. p. 721, 741.[211]See Platexxxi. Fig. 5. & Arigon. Tab. II. Num. 11.[212]See above, p.791,792.[213]Nicol. Haym Roman. ubi sup. p. 100. Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 111. Tab. XV.[214]Joan. Foy-Vaill. ubi sup. p. 238. Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 57. Tab. VII. Num. 1.[215]Nicol. Haym Roman. ubi sup. p. 101. Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 111.[216]Nicol. Haym Roman. ubi sup. p. 105, 106.[217]Joan. Foy-Vaill. ubi sup. p. 200. Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 63. Tab. VIII. Num. 30.[218]Hadr. Reland.Palæst. Illustrat.p. 1014.[219]Nicol. Haym Roman. ubi sup. p. 100, 101.[220]Joan. Foy-Vaill. ubi sup. p. 375, 378. Haym, ubi sup. p. 100. Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 111. Tab. XV.[221]Gul. Bevereg.Institut. Chronologic.p. 278-331. Eond. 1721.[222]Oleosis magna tribuitur efficacia, quæ maxime experimento Fr. Rhedi videtur confirmata, dum muscas et alia insecta variis liquoribus immersa in vivis permansisse refert, exceptis aliis oleo perunctis et infusis, quæ invicem mortua vitam non receperunt, licet radiis solaribus fuerint exposita. Equidem libenter concedo hæc omnia veritati esse consona, atque etiam oleosa, ut ol. oliv. rapar. et amygd. dulc. non sine fructu adhiberi: sed scire licet minime illa eo unquam scopo posse offerri, ut vermes enecent, quia admodum magna oleorum copia requireretur, si immediatè vermes per totum intestinorum volumen dispersos deberent extinguere. Multo magis oleosa in gravibus a lumbricis symptomatibus ideo censerem utilia, quia sensibiles intestinorum tunicas spasmo constrictas relaxant, et mucilagine quasi obliniunt atque defendunt, ut postea acriora quaædam et purgantia remedia magis secure et sine læsione exhiberi possint. Ita ego sæpius mirabili cum effectu ad vermes enecandos et symptomata lenienda ol. amygd. d. ad aliquot cochlearia, imo ℥j vel ℥ij circa lecti introitum vel summo mane pueris præscripsi sumendum, subjungendo aliquot horas post pilulas ex extracto panchymagogo Crollii, resina jalappæ, et mercurio dulci paratas.Hoffmann. Supplement. ad Med. Systemat. de Infant. Morb. cap. 10. de Vermibus.[223]I have since been informed, that the boy’s parents being extremely poor, the medicines were left off as soon as he began to recover; and that, upon their disuse for some time, he was again attacked with the same fits as before.[224]All oils dry more readily after they have been boiled; by which the superfluous aqueous parts are carried off. Drying oils are also made by the addition of such substances, as absorb humidities.[225]See Phil. Trans. Nº. 480. p. 227.

[1]Manna lies about 50 miles to the southward of Marlborough.

[2]The island of Sumatra is between 7 and 800 miles long from north to south.

[3]Cumberland-house is a new well-built house for the governor of the place.

[4]N. B. Both these are contiguous to the fort.

[5]Laye house or factory is about 30 miles to the northward of Marlborough, and Manna house or factory fifty miles to the southward.

[6]The sugar-plantation is five or six miles from Marlborough.

[7]Thequalloeis the country word for a river’s mouth.

[8]Poblo Point lies about three leagues to the southward of Marlborough.

[9]Doosoonsare villages.

[10]Letter from William Veale, Esq;

[11]Letter from John Trehawk, Esq;

[12]A timber support of the deads.

[13]Loose rubbish and broken stones of the mine.

[14]Mr. J. Nantcarrow.

[15]Trifolium quoque inhorrescere et folia contra tempestatem subrigere certum est. Hist. Nat. lib. xviii. cap. 35.

[16]Flor. Lappon. p. 222.

[17]Prosp. Alpin. de plantis Ægypti, cap. 10.

[18]It is not improbable, that a considerable portion of whiting might be used instead of pure white lead, which is frequently done: and this supposition is favoured by the mixture’s not proving fatal to the boy, as such a quantity of white lead in all probability would.

[19]What Lhwyd callsostreum minus falcatum, Nº. 451.

[20]Memoires de l’Acad. des Sciences, anno 1748. p. 326.

[21]Ibid. p. 338.

[22]Ibid. p. 337.

[23]See my Essay on the contagious Distemper, p. 70.

[24]Pag. 143 and 338.

[25]Essay on the Plague.

[26]See Logarith. Canon. deser.Edinb.1614. p. 48.

[27]Senexdrew several of that form.

[28]See the Preface to the small Berlin Atlas.

[29]This constant logarithm contains the reduction of the diff. of longitude to parts of radius unity, and toBriggs’s Modulus.

[30]SeeCotesiiLogometr. prop. 6.

[31]Physiological Essays, p. 69.

[32]Physiological Essays, p. 69.

[33]Dr. Pringle’s Observations on the Diseases of the Army, part iii. chap. 2.

[34]Vincentius Menghinusde Ferrearum particularum progressu in Sanguinem. Comment. Acad. Bonon.T. II. P. 2. pag. 475.

[35]Phil. Transact. by Lowthorpe, vol. iii. p. 102. edit. 1749. the same by Jones, vol. v. p. 259.

[36]Vol. I. art. xii. p. 364.

[37]In a paper read Feb. 24. 1757. See Art. xiii. p. 88.

[38]Porticuum, in quibus spatiari consueverat (Domitianus) parietes phengite lapide distinxit, e cujus splendore per imagines quicquid a tergo fieret, provideret.Sueton. Domit. c. 14.

[39]Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. c. 26. §. 66.

[40]Pliny mentions a kind of glass or jet calledobsidianum:—nigerrimi coloris, aliquando et translucidi, crassiore visu, atque in speculis parietum pro imagine umbras reddente. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. c. 26. §. 67.And that the practice of staining glass was known in his time, appears from what he says concerning theobsidianummentioned above:—Fit et genere tincturæ—totum rubens vitrum, atque non translucidum. Ibid.

And that the practice of staining glass was known in his time, appears from what he says concerning theobsidianummentioned above:—Fit et genere tincturæ—totum rubens vitrum, atque non translucidum. Ibid.

[41]Panciroll. Rer. Mem. p. 288.

[42]These glass balls had sometimes water within them:Cùm additâ aquâ vitreæ pilæ sole adverso in tantum excandescant, ut vestes exurant. Plin. lib. xxxvi. c. 22. §. 45.Invenio medicos, quæ sunt urenda corporum, non alitèr utilius id fieri putare, quam crystallinâ pilâ adversis positâ solis radiis.Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvii. c. 6. §. 10.

[42]These glass balls had sometimes water within them:Cùm additâ aquâ vitreæ pilæ sole adverso in tantum excandescant, ut vestes exurant. Plin. lib. xxxvi. c. 22. §. 45.

Invenio medicos, quæ sunt urenda corporum, non alitèr utilius id fieri putare, quam crystallinâ pilâ adversis positâ solis radiis.Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvii. c. 6. §. 10.

[43]Vid. Mons. Renaudot Memoires de l’Acad. des Inscript. tom. I.

[44]Vid. infra, not. 11.

[45]Theatrum Scauri——scena ei triplex in altitudinemCCCLXcolumnarum.——Ima pars scenæ e marmore fuit: media e vitro:summa e tabulis inauratis. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. c. 15.

[46]A. V. 678. Hard. not. Plin. lib. xxxvi. c. 8.

[47]Agrippa in thermis, quas Romæ fecit, figlinum opus encausto pinxit, in reliquis albaria adornavit: non dubièvitreas facturus cameras, si prius inventum id fuisset,aut a parietibus scenæ—Scauri pervenisset in cameras. Lib. xxxvi. c. 25. §. 64.

[48]Seneca, exposing the luxury of the Romans with regard to their baths, says,Pauper sibi videtur ac sordidus, nisi parietes magnis ac pretiosis orbibus refulserint—nisivitro absconditur camera.—Ep. 86.

[49]Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. c. 22. §. 45.

[50]Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. c. 22. §. 45.

[51]Vid. Salmasius in a passage to be produced hereafter.

[52]Hist. de l’Acad. des Inscrip. tom. I.

[53]Montfauc. Antiq. vol. III. part i. lib. iii. c. 4. Lipsius in loc.&c.

[54]Quædam nostrâ demum prodiisse memoriâ scimus; ut speculariorum usum, perlucente testâ, clarum transmittentium lumen.Sen. ep. 90.

[55]Quod fenestris obducebatur ad translucendum, ac lucem admittendamspecularvetens Latini vocârunt. Idque ex speculari lapide, quí estφεγγιτης,autex vitrofiebat, aut aliâ translucidâ materiâ. Namspecular dictum, non quod ex speculari lapidefactum esset, sed quod visum transmitteret, ac per idspeculariliceret. Salm. Exerc. Plin. in Solin. tom. II. p. 771.

[56]Villa’s of the Anc. illustrated, p. iv.

[57]One of Pliny’s cautions for preserving apples is—Austros specularibus arcere. Nat. Hist. lib. xv. c. 16.Martial further informs us, that the Romans used to screen their orchards of choice fruit-trees withspecularia. Lib. viii. epig. 14.

[57]One of Pliny’s cautions for preserving apples is—Austros specularibus arcere. Nat. Hist. lib. xv. c. 16.

Martial further informs us, that the Romans used to screen their orchards of choice fruit-trees withspecularia. Lib. viii. epig. 14.

[58]I suppose he means that of Fortuna Seia. Lib. xxxvi. c. 22.

[59]Salmasius, speaking of the custom of adorning chambers with glass, says—Quod proximè ætatem suam incepisse fieri narrat Plinius. Quum M. Scaurus——Ex. Plin. tom. II. p. 854.I do not find this expresly asserted by Pliny: but it might have been so in fact. This fashion indeed was not begun till after Agrippa had built histhermæ: but if we suppose that to have been even as late as his third consulship,viz. ante Christ.27. (Helvicus), when he erected the Pantheon (or at least its portico), near adjoining to thosethermæ, there would have been sufficient room, from that period to the birth of Pliny (viz. anno Christi24), for the introduction of this usage.

[59]Salmasius, speaking of the custom of adorning chambers with glass, says—Quod proximè ætatem suam incepisse fieri narrat Plinius. Quum M. Scaurus——Ex. Plin. tom. II. p. 854.

I do not find this expresly asserted by Pliny: but it might have been so in fact. This fashion indeed was not begun till after Agrippa had built histhermæ: but if we suppose that to have been even as late as his third consulship,viz. ante Christ.27. (Helvicus), when he erected the Pantheon (or at least its portico), near adjoining to thosethermæ, there would have been sufficient room, from that period to the birth of Pliny (viz. anno Christi24), for the introduction of this usage.

[60]Plin. Ep. V. I. 111.

[61]Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. c. 26. §. 66.

[62]Vid. supra.

[63]Anno Christi 80.

[64]In order to justify my placing the testimony of this Father so high, I would observe, that St. Jerome (De Scriptor. Eccles.) says, that Lactantius—Extremâ senectute magister Cæsaris Crispi filii Constantini in Gallia fuit. He must probably have exercised this charge betweenanno Christi309, when Constantine began to reign, and 320. If he was then of a great age, he might have composed the treatise, out of which this authority is produced, and which was one of the earliest of his works, that are extant (Vid. Sparkii præf. ad Lactant.), 40 years before,viz.aboutanno Christi280; which brings us up to 200 years after the overthrow of Herculaneum, as above.

[65]Lib. i. c. 20. See this subject largely discussed in Bodæus à Stapel Comment. in Theoph. p. 156. et seq.

[66]Opera omnia à C. B. edit. 1598. p. 64.

[67]Usnea vulgaris loris longis implexisHist. Musc. p. 56.Lichen plicatusLin. Sp. Pl. 1154.Muscus arboreus: UsneaOfficin. C. B. Raii Syn. III. p. 64.

[68]Usnea barbata loris tenuibus fibrosisHist. Musc. p. 63.Lichen barbatusLin. Sp. Pl. 1155.Quercus excrementum villosumC. B. p. 422. Bauhine took this to be the trueUsnea Arabum.

[69]Usnea ceratoides candicans glabra et odorataHist. Musc. p. 71.Muscus arboreus candicans et odoriferCamelli Raii Hist. III. Append. p. 3.

[70]Civil and Natural History of Jamaica, p. 80.

[71]Hist. Plant. I. par. ii. p. 88.

[72]Flor. Lap. p. 342. Ɛ. Flor. Suec. Ed. II. p. 416.

[73]Flor. Lap. p. 348.

[74]Hist. Plant. I. p. 115.

[75]Usnea jubata nigricans.Dillen. Hist. Musc. p. 64.Lichen jubatusLin. Sp. Pl. 1155.Muscus corallinis saxatilis fæniculaceus, Rock-hair. Raii Syn. III. p. 65. n. 7.

[76]Usnea capillacea et nodosaDillen. Hist. Musc. 60.Muscus arboreus nodosusC. B. p. 361. Raii Syn. III. p. 65. n. 4.

[77]Raii Hist. Pl. III. p. 28.

[78]Natural History of Norway, p. 148.

[79]Usnea capillacea citrina frutriculi specie.Hist. Musc. p. 73.Muscus aureus tenuissimusMerret. Pin. p. 79. Raii syn. p. 65. nº. 8.

[80]Flor. Suec. Ed. II. p. 427.

[81]Hist. Plant. III. P. ii. lib. 9. p. 273.

[82]Usnea dichotoma compressa segmentis capillaceis teretibus.Hist. Musc. 72.Muscus arboreus aurantiacus flaminibus tenuissimisPluk. Alm. p. 254. Raii Hist. III. 28.

[83]Coralloides corniculis longioribus et rarioribus.Dillen. Hist. Musc. p. 103.Muscus corniculatusGer. p. 1372. Park. 1308. Raii Hist. I. p. 112. III. p. 28.Lichenoides tubulosum cinereum minus crustaceum minusque ramosumRaii Syn. 3. p. 67.

[84]Coralloides montanum fruticuli specie ubique candicansHist. Musc. p. 107.Lichen rangiferinusLin. Sp. Pl. 1153.Muscus corallinus.Tab. Ger. em.

[85]Flor. Lappon. p. 332.

[86]Enum. Stirp. Helv. p. 69. Nº. 38.

[87]The Novaccolæ are a people originally sprung from the Finlanders: they fixed themselves in Lapland not long since, and traffick with the old inhabitants.

[88]Coralloides crispum et botryforme AlpinumHist. Musc. p. 114.Lichen paschalisLin. Sp. Pl.Lichenoides non tubulum cinereum ramosum totum crustaceumRaii Syn. III. 66. N. 11. This moss is not common in England. Dr. Dillenius found it upon some of the mountains in Wales. It is found in many places on Charley-forest, Leicestershire.

[89]Flor. Lappon. Nº. 489.

[90]Coralloides corniculatum fasciculare tinctorium fuci teretis facieDillen. Hist. Musc. p. 120.Cladonia tophaceaHill. Hist. Pl. p. 93.Fucus capillaris tinctoriusRaii Hist. I. p. 74.Lichen (Rocelia) fruticulosus solidus aphyllus subramosus tuberculis alternisLin. Sp. Pl. 1154.

[91]L’Art de la Teinture des lains et des Etoffes de lain; Paris 1750, p. 543.

[92]Raii Hist. Plant. I. p. 74.

[93]Nova Plant. Gener. p. 78.

[94]Coralloides schyphiforme tuberculis fuscisHist. Musc. 79.Lichenoides tubulosum pyxidatum cinereum.Raii Syn. III. p. 68.Pyxidium margine leviter serrato.Hill. Hist. Plant. p. 94.

[95]Willis Pharm. Rational. sect. I. cap. 6.de tussi puerorum convulsiva.

[96]De Aëre et Morbis epidemicis, p. 76, 77. vol. I.

[97]Lowthorp’s Abridgment, vol. II. p. 660.

[98]Lichenoides tartareum tinctorium candidum tuberculis atris.Hist. Musc. p. 128.

[99]Lichen (calcareus) leprosus candidus tuberculis atrisSpec. Plant. 1140.

[100]Lichenoides leprosum tinctorium scutellis lapidum Caneri figuraHist. Musc. 130.Lichenoides crustaceum et leprosum scutellare cinereum.Raii Syn. p. 70.

[101]Tournefort’s Voyage to the Levant, Eng. edit. Lond. 1741. in 8º, vol. I. p. 248.

[102]Lichenoides tartareum farinaceum scutellarum umbone fusco.Hist. Musc. 132.Placodium bracteis majusculis limbo albo cinctisHill. Hist. Pl. p. 97.

[103]Flor. Suec. Ed. II. p. 407.

[104]Lichenoides crustaceum et leprosum acetabulis majoribus luteis limbis argenteisRaii Syn. p. 71. N. 46. Hist. Musc. p. 132.

[105]VideŒconom. Natur. in Amœn. Acad. vol. II. p. 17.

[106]Lichenoides vulgatissimum cinereo-glaucum lacunosum et cirrosumHist. Musc. p. 88.Lichenoides crusta foliosa superne cinereo-glauca, inferne nigra et cirrosa scutellis nigricantibus.R. Syn. p. 72.

[107]Lichenoides saxatile tinctorium foliis pilosis purpureisRaii Syn. p 74. Nº. 70. Hist. Musc. p. 185.Lichen petræus purpureus DerbiensisPark. Theat. p. 1315.Lichen omphalodesLin. Spec. Pl. 1143.

[108]Park. Theat. Botan. p. 1315.

[109]Raii Hist. Plant. p. 116.

[110]Flor. Lappon. p. 343. V.

[111]Otherwise calledarnotto.

[112]Lichenoides vulgare sinuosum foliis et scutellis luteis.Hist. Musc. p. 180.Lichenoides crusta foliosa scutellata flavescens.Raii Syn. p. 72. Nº. 59.

[113]Flor. Suec. Ed. II. p. 416. Nº. 1093.

[114]Linnæus has intitled this mossLichen (stygius) imbricatus, folio is palmatis incurvis atris. Fl. Suec. I. 949. Spec. Plant. 1143. Fl. Suec. II. Nº. 1079.

[115]Lichenoides coralliforme rostratum et canaliculatum.Hist. Musc. 170.Lichenoides arboreum ramosum angustioribus cinereo-virescentibus ramulis.Raii Syn. 75.Lichen calicarisLin. Spec. Plant. 1146.

[116]Lichenoides fuciforme tinctorium corniculis longioribus et acutioribus.Hist. Musc. 168.Platysma corniculatum.Hill Hist. Plant. 90.Lichen fuciformisLin. Sp. Pl. 1147.

[117]Lichenoides digitatum cinereum lactucæ foliis sinuosisDillen. Hist. Musc. 200.Platysma sinuosum scutellis ovato-rotundisHill Hist. Pl. 89.Lichen caninusLin. Sp. Pl. 1149.

[118]See Lowthorp’s Abridgment, vol. III. p. 284.

[119]Dr. Van Swieten. See Comment. in Boerh. Aphor. §. 1147.

[120]Mechanical Account of Poisons, ed. 4th, p. 156.

[121]Lichenoides pulmonium reticulatum vulgare marginibus peltiferisDill. Hist. Musc. 212.Lichenoides peltatum arboreum maximum.Raii Syn. p. 76.Musc. pulmonariusC. B.

[122]Dillen. Hist. Musc. p. 213.

[123]Lichenoides digitatum læte virens verrucis nigris notatum.Ibid. p. 207.

[124]Boerhaav. Aphorism. §. 982.

[125]Vol. II, p. 69.De Tœnia.

[126]Musca apiformis, tota fusca, cauda obtusa, ex ejula caudata in latrinis degente orta.Raii Hist. Insect, p. 272.

[127]Faun. Suecica, Nº. 1084.

[128]See two cases nearly of this kind observed by Dr. Lister. Lowthorp’s Abridgment, vol. III. p. 135.

[129]Lichenoides rigidum eryngii folia referensDillen. Hist. Musc. p. 209. Raii Syn. p. 77.Lichen foliis oblongis laciniatis marginibus conniventibus ciliaribus.Flor. Lappon. Hall. Helv. 75.Lichen (islandicus) foliaceus adscendens laciniatus marginibus elevatis ciliaribusLin. Flor. Suec. I. 959. II. 1085. Mat. Med. Nº. 493. Spec. Plant. 1145.

[130]Raii Hist. Plant. p. 114.

[131]Flor. Lappon. Nº. 445.

[132]Horrebow’s Natural History of Iceland, p. 36.

[133]For the first account, see part first,p. 392.

[134]Sic in regist. et postea haud semel.

[135]Sic in regist.

[136]Sic in regist.

[137]Sic in regist.

[138]Sic in regist.

[139]Sic in regist.

[140]Page 285. edit. Lugd. Batav. 1625.

[141]Page 681. edit. London, 1631.

[142]Wood Hist. et Antiqu. Universit. Oxon. lib. i. p. 295. and Athen. Oxon. vol. I. col. 237.

[143]Hist. & Antiquit. Universit. Oxon. ubi supra.

[144]Page 290, 2d edit.

[145]When the emperor goes out or comes into the palace, this bell is rung.

[146]In these two houses are Jesuits of other nations. They are stiled Portuguese, because these houses and churches depend on the mission of the Jesuits founded by the king of Portugal.

[147]There are beaten there the five watches of the night. The sound is heard thro’ the whole city.

[148]Yong lo, emperor of the last dynastyMing, built these two towers.

[149]The tribunals of the ministers and grand masters of the emperor’s house are in the inclosureTse kin.

[150]The feet are different in China; but 1800 feet always make aly. According to the measure of the foot thelywill be greater or less.

[151]This power is called in China the dynastyLeao.

[152]There is extant, in the Chinese and TartarMantcheoulanguages, an history of the dynasty ofKi tan.

[153]Of which dynasty there is extant a very curious history.

[154]Book I. Part ii. Prop. 3. Experiment 8. of his Optics.

[155]If α, β, γ, δ,&c.be supposed to represent the co-sines of the angles360°⁄n, 2 ×360°⁄n, 3 ×360°⁄n,&c.(the radius being unity); then the roots of the equationzⁿ- 1 = 0 (expressing the several values ofp,q,r,s,&c.) will be truly defined by 1, α + √αα - 1, α - √αα - 1, β + √ββ - 1, β - √ββ - 1,&c.The demonstration of this will be given farther on.

[156]Because-ẋ⁄√(1 -xx)and-Ẋ⁄√(1 -XX)are known to express the fluxions of the circular arcs whose co-sines arexandX, it is evident, if those arcs be supposed in any constant ratio of 1 ton, thatnẋ⁄√(1 -xx)=Ẋ⁄√(1 -XX), and consequently thatnẋ⁄√(xx- 1)(=nẋ⁄√-1 × √(1 -xx)=Ẋ⁄√-1 × √(1 -XX)) =Ẋ⁄√(XX- 1). From whence, by taking the fluents,n× Log. (x+ √xx- 1) (or Log. (x+ √xx- 1)ⁿ) = Log.X+ √XX- 1; and consequently (x+ √xx- 1)ⁿ=X+ √XX- 1: whence also, seeingx- √xx- 1is the reciprocal ofx+ √xx- 1, andX- √XX- 1ofX+ √XX- 1, it is likewise evident, that (x- √xx- 1)ⁿ=X- √XX- 1. Hence, not only the truth of the above assumption, but what has been advanced in relation to the roots of the equationzⁿ- 1 = 0, will appear manifest. For ifx± √xx- 1be put =z, then willzⁿ(= (x± √xx- 1)ⁿ) =X± √XX- 1: where, assumingX= 1 = co-s. 0 = co-s. 360° = co-s. 2 × 360° = co-s. 3 × 360°,&c.the equation will becomezⁿ= 1, orzⁿ- 1 = 0; and the different values ofx, in the expression (x± √xx- 1) for the rootz, will consequently be the co-sines of the arcs,0⁄n,360°⁄n,2 × 360°⁄n,&c.these arcs being the correspondingsubmultiplesof those above, answering to the co-sineX(= 1).——In the same manner, ifXbe taken = -1 = co-s. 180° = co-s. 3 × 180° = co-s. 5 × 180°,&c.then willzⁿ= -1, orzⁿ+ 1 = 0; and the values ofxwill, in this case, be the co-sines of180°⁄n, 3 ×180°⁄n, 5 ×180°⁄n,&c.

[157]Avellana purgatrix; in French,medicinier.

[158]This refers to Mr. Baker’s having supposed, that old iron and old brass may be mixt sometimes, and melted down together.

[159]Vide Wilkins’s real Character, p. 131. Bellon. aquat. p. 330.

[160]Some of the Pour-contrel kind have but one row of suckers on the arms: such an one I have seen, whose arms were thirty inches long.

[161]Of this I gave an account some years ago, in my attempt towards a Natural History of the Polype, chap. v.

[162]See Platexxxi. Fig. 1.

[163]De Num. quibusd. Sam. et Phœn. &c. Dissert.p. 56-59. & Tab. II. Oxon. 1750.

[164]Marm. Palmyren. a Cl.Dawk.edit.pass.

[165]Vid. Hadr. Reland.Palæst. Illustrat.p. 1014. Traject. Batavor. 1714. Erasm.Frœl.adAnnal. Compendiar. Reg. & Rer. Syr.Tab. VIII. &c. Viennæ, 1754.

[166]De Antiq. Hebræor. et Græcor. Lit. Libel.Joan. Baptist. Biancon. p. 31, 32. Bononiæ, 1748.

[167]1. Maccab. i. 10.

[168]Hadr. Reland.De Num. Vet. Hebr.pass. Trajecti adRhenum, 1709.

[169]See Platexxxi. Fig. 2.

[170]Honor. Arigon.Num. Phœnic.Tab. I. Num. 3, 6. Tarvisii, 1745.

[171]Nicol. Haym Roman.Del Tesor. Britan.Vol. i. p. 106. In Londra, 1719.

[172]See Platexxxi. Fig. 3.

[173]See Platexxxi. Fig. 3.

[174]See Platexxxi. Fig. 3.

[175]See the Phœnician Numerals in Platexxxii.

[176]Philosoph. Transact.Vol. xlviii. Par. ii. p. 726.

[177]De Num. quibusd. Sam. et Phœn. &c. Dissert.p. 59-61. & Tab. II. Oxon. 1750.

[178]See Platexxxi. Fig. 4.

[179]Haym, ubi sup. p. 107.

[180]See Platexxxi. Fig. 5.

[181]See Platexxxi. Fig. 5.

[182]Honor. Arigon.Num. Phœnic.Tab. I, II. Tarvisii, 1745.

[183]Id. ibid. Tab. I. N. 5.

[184]See Platexxxi. Fig. 6.

[185]See p.793,794.

[186]See platexxxi. Fig. 7.

[187]See Platexxxi. Fig. 8.

[188]Recherches Curieuses des Monoyes de France &c. ParClaude Bouterouë, p. 33. A Paris, 1666.

[189]See Platexxxi. Fig. 9.

[190]Honor. Arigon. ubi sup. Tab. I. Num. 2.

[191]Claud. Bouterouë, ubi sup. p. 24.

[192]See Platexxxi. Fig. 9.

[193]See Platexxxi. Fig. 9.

[194]Mémoires de Litterature, tirés des Registres &c.Tom. xxiv. p. 64. A Paris, 1756.

[195]The whole note, here referred to, in the original runs thus. “J’avois lû ce Mémoire à l’Académie en 1749, je le communiquai dans le même temps à un étranger qui se trouvoit alors à Paris, & qui ayant passé tout de suite en Angleterre, fit part à un docteur d’Oxford de l’explication que j’avois donnée de la médaille de Jonathan. Ce dernierm’a fait l’honneur de l’adopterdans une savante Dissertation imprimée a Oxford en 1750, à la suite d’une autre Dissertation sur deux inscriptions Phéniciennes.”Mémoires de Litterature, tirés des Registres de l’Académie Royale des Inscriptions & Belles-Lettres, &c.Tom. xxiv. p. 60. A Paris, 1756.For the better understanding of this note, it will be proper to observe, that the stranger therein mentioned was M. Brucker, Professor of History in the University of Basil; with whom I contracted an acquaintance when at Oxford, towards the close of March 1750. This gentleman then informed me, that M. l’Abbé Barthelemy communicated to him draughts of three Samaritan coins of Jonathan, prince and high-priest of the Jews. He added, that one of these exhibited the words ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ; which, according to him, M. l’Abbé Barthelemy interpreted of Alexander the Great, taking the piece to have been twice struck. This M. Brucker afterwards in a great measure confirmed, by a letter he wrote to me at Oxford; which I published intire in 1750, and endeavoured to prove, that the foregoing inscription was to be understood of Alexander I. king of Syria, and not of Alexander the Great. The Samaritan inscription, which M. Brucker only just touched upon, as is manifest from his letter, I likewise attempted to explain; producing proper vouchers, in support of what I advanced. Thus stands the fact, which seems to have given some offence to M. l’Abbé, stated in the most concise manner possible; and from it, thus stated, as I apprehend, are naturally deducible the following observations.1. As I differed in opinion from M. l’Abbé, with regard to the words ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ, as well as in several other respects, and supported by indisputable authorities what I in all points advanced, without receiving from any person whatsoever the least information relative thereto; it very evidently appears, that I did notadoptM. l’Abbé’s explication of the coin in question.2. By publishing M. Brucker’s letter, which I have still by me, intire, I both did him justice, and clearly acknowledged M. l’Abbé to have first discovered the medals it treats of to belong to Jonathan, prince and high-priest of the Jews; and therefore have by no means endeavoured, as he would insinuate, to rob him of the glory of such a discovery.3. As M. l’Abbé in effect owns himself to have seen my dissertation, and has (if M. Brucker rightly informed me) since the reading of his memoir, substituted my notion, relating to the words, ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ, in the room of his own; some people may perhaps imagine, that I have at least as much reason to recriminate on this occasion, as he had to charge me with theadoptionof his explication. Nay, as he expresly acquaints the public, that M. Brucker imparted to me the very interpretation of the coin he (M. l’Abbé) had before communicated to him, and as this interpretation most evidently makes it to have been first struck in the reign of Alexander the Great; every unprejudiced person, unacquainted with the elevated genius and extensive erudition of M. l’Abbé, will be strongly induced to believe, that there would be no great injustice in a recrimination. But far be it from me to retort the accusation upon M. l’Abbé. His uncommon learning, his singular modesty, his strict honour, his utter contempt of vanity and ostentation in every shape, so conspicuous to all the world, must set him infinitely above the reach of such an imputation. However, notwithstanding the superior merit and exalted abilities of M. l’Abbé, notwithstanding the known aversion of the French writers to the practice here hinted at, and their most generous and candid treatment hitherto of those belonging to the British nation, it will perhaps hereafter be thought expedient, by theAcademy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres, not frequently to suffer an interval of seven years to elapse, between the reading and publication of their memoirs. For by such unaccountable delays, if often repeated, a handle may possibly be given to many of thehaughty islandersof reflecting upon, or at least entertaining unfavourable sentiments of, some of the members of that illustrious body.SeeDe Num. quibusd. Sam. & Phœn. &c. Dissert.p. 61-72. Oxon. 1750.

For the better understanding of this note, it will be proper to observe, that the stranger therein mentioned was M. Brucker, Professor of History in the University of Basil; with whom I contracted an acquaintance when at Oxford, towards the close of March 1750. This gentleman then informed me, that M. l’Abbé Barthelemy communicated to him draughts of three Samaritan coins of Jonathan, prince and high-priest of the Jews. He added, that one of these exhibited the words ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ; which, according to him, M. l’Abbé Barthelemy interpreted of Alexander the Great, taking the piece to have been twice struck. This M. Brucker afterwards in a great measure confirmed, by a letter he wrote to me at Oxford; which I published intire in 1750, and endeavoured to prove, that the foregoing inscription was to be understood of Alexander I. king of Syria, and not of Alexander the Great. The Samaritan inscription, which M. Brucker only just touched upon, as is manifest from his letter, I likewise attempted to explain; producing proper vouchers, in support of what I advanced. Thus stands the fact, which seems to have given some offence to M. l’Abbé, stated in the most concise manner possible; and from it, thus stated, as I apprehend, are naturally deducible the following observations.

1. As I differed in opinion from M. l’Abbé, with regard to the words ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ, as well as in several other respects, and supported by indisputable authorities what I in all points advanced, without receiving from any person whatsoever the least information relative thereto; it very evidently appears, that I did notadoptM. l’Abbé’s explication of the coin in question.

2. By publishing M. Brucker’s letter, which I have still by me, intire, I both did him justice, and clearly acknowledged M. l’Abbé to have first discovered the medals it treats of to belong to Jonathan, prince and high-priest of the Jews; and therefore have by no means endeavoured, as he would insinuate, to rob him of the glory of such a discovery.

3. As M. l’Abbé in effect owns himself to have seen my dissertation, and has (if M. Brucker rightly informed me) since the reading of his memoir, substituted my notion, relating to the words, ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ, in the room of his own; some people may perhaps imagine, that I have at least as much reason to recriminate on this occasion, as he had to charge me with theadoptionof his explication. Nay, as he expresly acquaints the public, that M. Brucker imparted to me the very interpretation of the coin he (M. l’Abbé) had before communicated to him, and as this interpretation most evidently makes it to have been first struck in the reign of Alexander the Great; every unprejudiced person, unacquainted with the elevated genius and extensive erudition of M. l’Abbé, will be strongly induced to believe, that there would be no great injustice in a recrimination. But far be it from me to retort the accusation upon M. l’Abbé. His uncommon learning, his singular modesty, his strict honour, his utter contempt of vanity and ostentation in every shape, so conspicuous to all the world, must set him infinitely above the reach of such an imputation. However, notwithstanding the superior merit and exalted abilities of M. l’Abbé, notwithstanding the known aversion of the French writers to the practice here hinted at, and their most generous and candid treatment hitherto of those belonging to the British nation, it will perhaps hereafter be thought expedient, by theAcademy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres, not frequently to suffer an interval of seven years to elapse, between the reading and publication of their memoirs. For by such unaccountable delays, if often repeated, a handle may possibly be given to many of thehaughty islandersof reflecting upon, or at least entertaining unfavourable sentiments of, some of the members of that illustrious body.

SeeDe Num. quibusd. Sam. & Phœn. &c. Dissert.p. 61-72. Oxon. 1750.

[196]F. Henric. Nor. Veronens.An. et Epoch. Syromaced. &c.p. 414-424. Lipsiæ, 1696.

[197]Erasm. Frœl.Annal. Compend. Reg. et Rer. Syr.p. 113. Viennæ, 1754.

[198]Joan. Harduin.Op. Select.p. 155, 156. Amst. 1709. Joan. Foy-Vaillant Bellovac.Numismat. Ær. Imperator. &c. Par. Alt.p. 97. Parisiis, 1695.

[199]Iidem ibid. & alib.

[200]F. Henr. Nor. Veronens. ubi sup.

[201]Diod. Sic. lib. xix. Plutarch. inDemetr.Appian. inSyriac.

[202]F. Henr. Nor. Veronens. ubi sup.

[203]Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 39. Joan. Foy-Vaill.Seleucidar, Imper.p. 1-150. Lutet. Parisior. 1681.

[204]Joan. Foy-Vaill. Erasm. Frœl. Nicol. Haym Roman. &c.

[205]See above, p.793,794.

[206]Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 101.

[207]1. Maccab. i. 10.

[208]See Platexxxi.

[209]See Platexxxii.

[210]It may not however be amiss to remark, that most of the forms of the Phœnician centenary and decimal numeral characters rather resemble the correspondent Palmyrene numerals of Gruter than those of Mr. Dawkins; as will be obvious to every one, who shall think proper to compare all those different characters one with another.Philosoph. Transact.Vol. xlviii. Par. ii. p. 721, 741.

[211]See Platexxxi. Fig. 5. & Arigon. Tab. II. Num. 11.

[212]See above, p.791,792.

[213]Nicol. Haym Roman. ubi sup. p. 100. Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 111. Tab. XV.

[214]Joan. Foy-Vaill. ubi sup. p. 238. Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 57. Tab. VII. Num. 1.

[215]Nicol. Haym Roman. ubi sup. p. 101. Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 111.

[216]Nicol. Haym Roman. ubi sup. p. 105, 106.

[217]Joan. Foy-Vaill. ubi sup. p. 200. Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 63. Tab. VIII. Num. 30.

[218]Hadr. Reland.Palæst. Illustrat.p. 1014.

[219]Nicol. Haym Roman. ubi sup. p. 100, 101.

[220]Joan. Foy-Vaill. ubi sup. p. 375, 378. Haym, ubi sup. p. 100. Erasm. Frœl. ubi sup. p. 111. Tab. XV.

[221]Gul. Bevereg.Institut. Chronologic.p. 278-331. Eond. 1721.

[222]Oleosis magna tribuitur efficacia, quæ maxime experimento Fr. Rhedi videtur confirmata, dum muscas et alia insecta variis liquoribus immersa in vivis permansisse refert, exceptis aliis oleo perunctis et infusis, quæ invicem mortua vitam non receperunt, licet radiis solaribus fuerint exposita. Equidem libenter concedo hæc omnia veritati esse consona, atque etiam oleosa, ut ol. oliv. rapar. et amygd. dulc. non sine fructu adhiberi: sed scire licet minime illa eo unquam scopo posse offerri, ut vermes enecent, quia admodum magna oleorum copia requireretur, si immediatè vermes per totum intestinorum volumen dispersos deberent extinguere. Multo magis oleosa in gravibus a lumbricis symptomatibus ideo censerem utilia, quia sensibiles intestinorum tunicas spasmo constrictas relaxant, et mucilagine quasi obliniunt atque defendunt, ut postea acriora quaædam et purgantia remedia magis secure et sine læsione exhiberi possint. Ita ego sæpius mirabili cum effectu ad vermes enecandos et symptomata lenienda ol. amygd. d. ad aliquot cochlearia, imo ℥j vel ℥ij circa lecti introitum vel summo mane pueris præscripsi sumendum, subjungendo aliquot horas post pilulas ex extracto panchymagogo Crollii, resina jalappæ, et mercurio dulci paratas.Hoffmann. Supplement. ad Med. Systemat. de Infant. Morb. cap. 10. de Vermibus.

Hoffmann. Supplement. ad Med. Systemat. de Infant. Morb. cap. 10. de Vermibus.

[223]I have since been informed, that the boy’s parents being extremely poor, the medicines were left off as soon as he began to recover; and that, upon their disuse for some time, he was again attacked with the same fits as before.

[224]All oils dry more readily after they have been boiled; by which the superfluous aqueous parts are carried off. Drying oils are also made by the addition of such substances, as absorb humidities.

[225]See Phil. Trans. Nº. 480. p. 227.

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