CHAPTER XI.

¹See Thomas M. Greene'sThe Spanish Conspiracy,p. 72, footnote. It is possible that Wilkinson's intrigues provide data for a new biography of Clark which may recast in some measure the accepted view of Clark at this period.

Wilkinson's chief aids were the Irishmen, O'Fallon, Nolan, and Powers. Through Nolan, he also vended Spanish secrets. He sold, indeed, whatever and whomever he could get his price for. So clever was he that he escaped detection, though he was obliged to remove some suspicions. He succeeded Wayne as commander of the regular army in 1796. He was one of the commissionersto receive Louisiana when the Purchase was arranged in 1803. He was still on the Spanish pay roll at that time. Wilkinson's true record came to light only when the Spanish archives were opened to investigators.

There were British agents also in the Old Southwest, for the dissatisfaction of the Western men inspired in Englishmen the hope of recovering the Mississippi Basin. Lord Dorchester, Governor of Canada, wrote to the British Government that he had been approached by important Westerners; but he received advice from England to move slowly. For complicity in the British schemes, William Blount, who was first territorial Governor of Tennessee and later a senator from that State, was expelled from the Senate.

Surely there was never a more elaborate network of plots that came to nothing! The concession to Americans in 1796 of the right of navigation on the Mississippi brought an end to the scheming.

In the same year Tennessee was admitted to the Union, and John Sevier was elected Governor. Sevier's popularity was undiminished, though there were at this time some sixty thousand souls in Tennessee, many of whom were late comers whohad not known him in his heyday. His old power to win men to him must have been as strong as ever, for it is recorded that he had only to enter a political meeting—no matter whose—for the crowd to cheer him and shout for him to “give them a talk.”

This adulation of Sevier still annoyed a few men who had ambitions of their own. Among these was Andrew Jackson, who had come to Jonesborough in 1788, just after the collapse of the State of Franklin. He was twenty-one at that time, and he is said to have entered Jonesborough riding a fine racer and leading another, with a pack of hunting dogs baying or nosing along after him. A court record dated May 12, 1788, avers that “Andrew Jackson, Esq. came into Court and produced a licence as an Attorney With A Certificate sufficiently Attested of his Taking the Oath Necessary to said office and Was admitted to Practiss as an Attorney in the County Courts.” Jackson made no history in old Watauga during that year. Next year he moved to Nashville, and one year later, when the Superior Court was established (1790), he became prosecuting attorney.

The feud between Jackson and Sevier began about the time that Tennessee entered the Union.Jackson, then twenty-nine, was defeated for the post of Major General of the Militia through the influence which Sevier exercised against him, and it seems that Jackson never forgave this opposition to his ambitions. By the close of Sevier's third term, however, in 1802, when Archibald Roane became Governor, the post of Major General was again vacant. Both Sevier and Jackson offered themselves for it, and Jackson was elected by the deciding vote of the Governor, the military vote having resulted in a tie. A strong current of influence had now set in against Sevier and involved charges against his honor. His old enemy Tipton was still active. The basis of the charges was a file of papers from the entry-taker's office which a friend of Tipton's had laid before the Governor, with an affidavit to the effect that the papers were fraudulent. Both the Governor and Jackson believed the charges. When we consider what system or lack of system of land laws and land entries obtained in Watauga and such primitive communities—when a patch of corn sealed a right and claims were made by notching trees with tomahawks—we may imagine that a file from the land office might appear easily enough to smirch a landholder's integrity. The scandal was, of course,used in an attempt to ruin Sevier's candidacy for a fourth term as Governor and to make certain Roane's reëlection. To this end Jackson bent all his energies but without success. Nolichucky Jack was elected, for the fourth time, as Governor of Tennessee.

Not long after his inauguration, Sevier met Jackson in Knoxville, where Jackson was holding court. The charges against Sevier were then being made the subject of legislative investigation instituted by Tipton, and Jackson had published a letter in the KnoxvilleGazettesupporting them. At the sight of Jackson, Sevier flew into a rage, and a fiery altercation ensued. The two men were only restrained from leaping on each other by the intervention of friends. The next day Jackson sent Sevier a challenge which Sevier accepted, but with the stipulation that the duel take place outside the State. Jackson insisted on fighting in Knoxville, where the insult had been offered. Sevier refused. “I have some respect,” he wrote, “for the laws of the State over which I have the honor to preside, although you, a judge, appear to have none.” No duel followed; but, after some furtherbillets-doux, Jackson published Sevier as “a base coward and poltroon. He will basely insult but has notthe courage to repair the wound.” Again they met, by accident, and Jackson rushed upon Sevier with his cane. Sevier dismounted and drew his pistol but made no move to fire. Jackson, thereupon, also drew his weapon. Once more friends interfered. It is presumable that neither really desired the duel. By killing Nolichucky Jack, Jackson would have ended his own career in Tennessee—if Sevier's tribe of sons had not, by a swifter means, ended it for him. At this date Jackson was thirty-six. Sevier was fifty-eight; and he had seventeen children.

The charges against Sevier, though pressed with all the force that his enemies could bring to bear, came to nothing. He remained the Governor of Tennessee for another six years—the three terms in eight years allowed by the constitution. In 1811 he was sent to Congress for the second time, as he had represented the Territory there twenty years earlier. He was returned again in 1813. At the conclusion of his term in 1815 he went into the Creek country as commissioner to determine the Creek boundaries, and here, far from his Bonnie Kate and his tribe, he died of fever at the age of seventy. His body was buried with full military honors at Tuckabatchee, one of the Creek towns. In 1889, Sevier'sremains were removed to Knoxville and a high marble spire was raised above them.

His Indian enemies forgave the chastisement he had inflicted on them and honored him. In times of peace they would come to him frequently for advice. And in his latter days, the chiefs would make state visits to his home on the Nolichucky River. “John Sevier is a good man”—so declared the Cherokee, Old Tassel, making himself the spokesman of history.

Sevier had survived his old friend, co-founder with him of Watauga, by one year. James Robertson had died in 1814 at the age of seventy-two, among the Chickasaws, and his body, like that of his fellow pioneer, was buried in an Indian town and lay there until 1825, when it was removed to Nashville.

What of the red tribes who had fought these great pioneers for the wide land of the Old Southwest and who in the end had received their dust and treasured it with honor in the little soil remaining to them? Always the new boundary lines drew closer in, and the red men's foothold narrowed before the pushing tread of the whites. The day came soon when there was no longer room forthem in the land of their fathers. But far off across the great river there was a land the white men did not covet yet. Thither at last the tribes—Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Creek—took their way. With wives and children, maids and youths, the old and the young, with all their goods, their cattle and horses, in the company of a regiment of American troops, they—like the white men who had superseded them—turned westward. In their faces also was the red color of the west, but not newly there. From the beginning of their race, Destiny had painted them with the hue of the brief hour of the dying sun.

Boone's Last Days

Onespring day in 1799, there might have been observed a great stir through the valley of the Kanawha. With the dawn, men were ahorse, and women, too. Wagons crowded with human freight wheeled over the rough country, and boats, large and small, were afloat on the streams which pour into the Great Kanawha and at length mingle with the Ohio at Point Pleasant, where the battle was fought which opened the gates of Kentucky.

Some of the travelers poured into the little settlement at the junction of the Elk and the Kanawha, where Charleston now lies. Others, who had been later in starting or had come from a greater distance, gathered along the banks of the Kanawha. At last shouts from those stationed farthest up the stream echoed down the valley and told the rest that what they had come out to see was at hand.

Several pirogues drifted into view on the river,now brightening in the sunshine. In the vessels were men and their families; bales and bundles and pieces of household furnishings, heaped to the gunwale; a few cattle and horses standing patiently. But it was for one man above all that the eager eyes of the settlers were watching, and him they saw clearly as his boat swung by—a tall figure, erect and powerful, his keen friendly blue eyes undimmed and his ruddy face unlined by time, though sixty-five winters had frosted his black hair.

For a decade these settlers had known Daniel Boone, as storekeeper, as surveyor, as guide and soldier. They had eaten of the game he killed and lavishly distributed. And they too—like the folk of Clinch Valley in the year of Dunmore's War—had petitioned Virginia to bestow military rank upon their protector. “Lieutenant Colonel” had been his title among them, by their demand. Once indeed he had represented them in the Virginia Assembly and, for that purpose, trudged to Richmond with rifle and hunting dog. Not interested in the Legislature's proceedings, he left early in the session and tramped home again.

But not even the esteem of friends and neighbors could hold the great hunter when the deer had fled. So Daniel Boone was now on his way westward toMissouri, to a new land of fabled herds and wide spaces, where the hunter's gun might speak its one word with authority and where the soul of a silent and fearless man might find its true abode in Nature's solitude. Waving his last farewells, he floated past the little groups—till their shouts of good will were long silenced, and his fleet swung out upon the Ohio.

As Boone sailed on down the Beautiful River which forms the northern boundary of Kentucky, old friends and newcomers who had only heard his fame rode from far and near to greet and godspeed him on his way. Sometimes he paused for a day with them. Once at least—this was in Cincinnati where he was taking on supplies—some one asked him why, at his age, he was leaving the settled country to dare the frontier once more.

“Too crowded,” he answered; “I want more elbow-room!”

Boone settled at the Femme Osage Creek on the Missouri River, twenty-five miles above St. Charles, where the Missouri flows into the Mississippi. There were four other Kentucky families at La Charette, as the French inhabitants called the post, but these were the only Americans. The Spanish authorities granted Boone 840 acres of land, and here Danielbuilt the last cabin home he was to erect for himself and his Rebecca.

The region pleased him immensely. The governmental system, for instance, was wholly to his mind. Taxes were infinitesimal. There were no elections, assemblies, or the like. A single magistrate, or Syndic, decided all disputes and made the few regulations and enforced them. There were no land speculators, no dry-mouthed sons of the commercial Tantalus, athirst for profits. Boone used to say that his first years in Missouri were the happiest of his life, with the exception of his first long hunt in Kentucky.

In 1800 he was appointed Syndic of the district of Femme Osage, which office he filled for four years, until Louisiana became American territory. He was held in high esteem as a magistrate because of his just and wise treatment of his flock, who brought him all their small bickerings to settle. He had no use for legal procedure, would not listen to any nice subtleties, saying that he did not care anything at all about theevidence, what he wanted was thetruth. His favorite penalty for offenders was the hickory rod “well laid on.” Often he decided that both parties in a suit were equally to blame and chastised them both alike. When inMarch, 1804, the American Commissioner received Louisiana for the United States, Delassus, Lieutenant Governor of Upper Louisiana, reporting on the various officials in the territory, wrote of the Femme Osage Syndic: “Mr. Boone, a respectable old man, just and impartial, he has already, since I appointed him, offered his resignation owing to his infirmities. Believing I know his probity, I have induced him to remain, in view of my confidence in him, for the public good.” ¹

¹Thwaites,Daniel Boone.To this and other biographies of Boone, cited in the Bibliographical Note at the end of this volume, the author is indebted for the material contained in this chapter.

Daniel, no doubt supposing that a Syndic's rights were inviolable, had neglected to apply to the Governor at New Orleans for a ratification of his grant. He was therefore dispossessed. Not until 1810, and after he had enlisted the Kentucky Legislature in his behalf, did he succeed in inducing Congress to restore his land. The Kentucky Legislature's resolution was adopted because of “the many eminent services rendered by Colonel Boone in exploring and settling the western country, from which great advantages have resulted not only to the State but to the country in general, and that from circumstances over which he had nocontrol he is now reduced to poverty; not having so far as appears an acre of land out of the vast territory he has been a great instrument in peopling.” Daniel was seventy-six then; so it was late in the day for him to have his first experience of justice in the matter of land. Perhaps it pleased him, however, to hear that, in confirming his grant, Congress had designated him as “the man who has opened the way for millions of his fellow-men.”

The “infirmities” which had caused the good Syndic to seek relief from political cares must have been purely magisterial. The hunter could have been very little affected by them, for as soon as he was freed from his duties Boone took up again the silent challenge of the forest. Usually one or two of his sons or his son-in-law, Flanders Calloway, accompanied him, but sometimes his only companions were an old Indian and his hunting dog. On one of his hunting trips he explored a part of Kansas; and in 1814, when he was eighty, he hunted big game in the Yellowstone where again his heart rejoiced over great herds as in the days of his first lone wanderings in the Blue Grass country. At last, with the proceeds of these expeditions he was able to pay the debts he had left behind in Kentucky thirty years before. The story runs thatDaniel had only fifty cents remaining when all the claims had been settled, but so contented was he to be able to look an honest man in the face that he was in no disposition to murmur over his poverty.

When after a long and happy life his wife died in 1813, Boone lived with one or other of his sons ¹ and sometimes with Flanders Calloway. Nathan Boone, with whom Daniel chiefly made his home, built what is said to have been the first stone house in Missouri. Evidently the old pioneer disapproved of stone houses and of the “luxuries” in furnishings which were then becoming possible to the new generation, for one of his biographers speaks of visiting him in a log addition to his son's house; and when Chester Harding, the painter, visited him in 1819 for the purpose of doing his portrait, he found Boone dwelling in a small log cabin in Nathan's yard. When Harding entered, Boone was broiling a venison steak on the end of his ramrod. During the sitting, one day, Hardingasked Boone if he had ever been lost in the woods when on his long hunts in the wilderness.

¹Boone's son Nathan won distinction in the War of 1812 and entered the regular army, rising to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. Daniel Morgan Boone is said to have been the first settler in Kansas (1827). One of Daniel's grandsons, bearing the name of Albert Gallatin Boone, was a pioneer of Colorado and was to the forefront in Rocky Mountain exploration. Another grandson was the scout, Kit Carson, who led Frémont to California.

“No, I never got lost,” Boone replied reflectively, “but I wasbewilderedonce for three days.” Though now having reached the age of eighty-five, Daniel was intensely interested in California and was enthusiastic to make the journey thither next spring and so to flee once more from the civilization which had crept westward along his path. The resolute opposition of his sons, however, prevented the attempt.

A few men who sought out Boone in his old age have left us brief accounts of their impressions. Among these was Audubon. “The stature and general appearance of this wanderer of the western forests,” the naturalist wrote, “approached the gigantic. His chest was broad, and prominent; his muscular powers displayed themselves in every limb; his countenance gave indication of his great courage, enterprise and perseverance; and, when he spoke, the very motion of his lips brought the impression that whatever he uttered could not be otherwise than strictly true.”

Audubon spent a night under Boone's roof. He related afterwards that the old hunter, having removed his hunting shirt, spread his blankets on thefloor and lay down there to sleep, saying that he found it more comfortable than a bed. A striking sketch of Boone is contained in a few lines penned by one of his earliest biographers: “He had what phrenologists would have considered a model head—with a forehead peculiarly high, noble and bold, thin compressed lips, a mild clear blue eye, a large and prominent chin and a general expression of countenance in which fearlessness and courage sat enthroned and which told the beholder at a glance what he had been and was formed to be.” In criticizing the various portraits of Daniel, the same writer says: “They want the high port and noble daring of his countenance.… Never was old age more green, or gray hairs more graceful. His high, calm, bold forehead seemed converted by years into iron.”

Although we are indebted to these and other early chroniclers for many details of Boone's life, there was one event which none of his biographers has related; yet we know that it must have taken place. Even the bare indication of it is found only in the narrative of the adventures of two other explorers.

It was in the winter of 1803 that these two men came to Boone's Settlement, as La Charette wasnow generally called. They had planned to make their winter camp there, for in the spring, when the Missouri rose to the flood, they and their company of frontiersmen were to take their way up that uncharted stream and over plains and mountains in quest of the Pacific Ocean. They were refused permission by the Spanish authorities to camp at Boone's Settlement; so they lay through the winter some forty miles distant on the Illinois side of the Mississippi, across from the mouth of the Missouri. Since the records are silent, we are free to picture as we choose their coming to the settlement during the winter and again in the spring, for we know that they came.

We can imagine, for instance, the stir they made in La Charette on some sparkling day when the frost bit and the crusty snow sent up a dancing haze of diamond points. We can see the friendly Frenchhabitantsstaring after the two young leaders and their men—all mere boys, though they were also husky, seasoned frontiersmen—with their bronzed faces of English cast, as in their gayly fringed deerskins they swaggered through the hamlet to pay their respects to the Syndic. We may think of that dignitary as smoking his pipe before his fireplace, perhaps; or making out, in hisfantastic spelling, a record of his primitive court—for instance, that he had on that day given Pierre a dozen hickory thwacks, “well laid on,” for starting a brawl with Antoine, and had bestowed the same upon Antoine for continuing the brawl with Pierre. A knock at the door would bring the amiable invitation to enter, and the two young men would step across his threshold, while their followers crowded about the open door and hailed the old pathfinder.

One of the two leaders—the dark slender man with a subtle touch of the dreamer in his resolute face—was a stranger; but the other, with the more practical mien and the shock of hair that gave him the name of Red Head among the tribes, Boone had known as a lad in Kentucky. To Daniel and this young visitor the encounter would be a simple meeting of friends, heightened in pleasure and interest somewhat, naturally, by the adventure in prospect. But to us there is something vast in the thought of Daniel Boone, on his last frontier, grasping the hands of William Clark and Meriwether Lewis.

As for the rough and hearty mob at the door, Daniel must have known not a few of them well; though they had been children in the days whenhe and William Clark's brother strove for Kentucky. It seems fitting that the soldiers with this expedition should have come from the garrison at Kaskaskia; since the taking of that fort in 1778 by George Rogers Clark had opened the western way from the boundaries of Kentucky to the Mississippi. And among the young Kentuckians enlisted by William Clark were sons of the sturdy fighters of still an earlier border line, Clinch and Holston Valley men who had adventured under another Lewis at Point Pleasant. Daniel would recognize in these—such as Charles Floyd—the young kinsmen of his old-time comrades whom he had preserved from starvation in the Kentucky wilderness by the kill from his rifle as they made their long march home after Dunmore's War.

In May, Lewis and Clark's pirogues ascended the Missouri and the leaders and men of the expedition spent another day in La Charette. Once again, at least, Daniel was to watch the westward departure of pioneers. In 1811, when the Astorians passed, one of their number pointed to the immobile figure of “an old man on the bank, who, he said, was Daniel Boone.”

Sometimes the aged pioneer's mind cast forwardto his last journey, for which his advancing years were preparing him. He wrote on the subject to a sister, in 1816, revealing in a few simple lines that the faith whereby he had crossed, if not more literally removed, mountains was a fixed star, and that he looked ahead fearlessly to the dark trail he must tread by its single gleam. Autumn was tinting the forest and the tang he loved was in the air when the great hunter passed. The date of Boone's death is given as September 26, 1820. He was in his eighty-sixth year. Unburdened by the pangs of disease he went out serenely, by the gentle marches of sleep, into the new country.

The convention for drafting the constitution of Missouri, in session at St. Louis, adjourned for the day, and for twenty days thereafter the members wore crape on their arms as a further mark of respect for the great pioneer. Daniel was laid by Rebecca's side, on the bank of Teugue Creek, about a mile from the Missouri River. In 1845, the Missouri legislators hearkened to oft-repeated pleas from Kentucky and surrendered the remains of the pioneer couple. Their bones lie now in Frankfort, the capital of the once Dark and Bloody Ground, and in 1880 a monument was raised over them.

To us it seems rather that Kentucky itself isBoone's monument; even as those other great corn States, Illinois and Indiana, are Clark's. There, these two servants unafraid, who sacrificed without measure in the wintry winds of man's ingratitude, are each year memorialized anew; when the earth in summer—the season when the red man slaughtered—lifts up the full grain in the ear, the life-giving corn; and when autumn smiles in golden peace over the stubble fields, where the reaping and binding machines have hummed a nation's harvest song.

C. A. Hanna,The Scotch-Irish,2 vols. New York, 1902. A very full if somewhat over-enthusiastic study.

H. J. Ford,The Scotch-Irish in America.Princeton, 1915. Excellent.

A. G. Spangenberg, Extracts from his Journal of travels in North Carolina, 1752. Publication of the Southern History Association. Vol. I, 1897.

A. B. Faust,The German Element in the United States,2 vols. (1909).

J. P. MacLean,An Historical Account of the Settlements of Scotch Highlanders in America(1900).

S. H. Cobb,The Story of the Palatines(1897).

N. D. Mereness (editor),Travels in the American Colonies.New York, 1916. This collection contains the diary of the Moravian Brethren cited in the first chapter of the present volume.

Joseph Doddridge,Notes on the Settlements and Indian Wars of the Western Parts of Virginia and Pennsylvania,from 1763 to 1783. Albany, 1876. An intimate description of the daily life of the early settlers in the Back Country by one of themselves.

J. F. D. Smyth,Tour in the United States of America,2 vols. London, 1784. Minute descriptions of the Back Country and interesting pictures of the life of the settlers; biased as to political views by Royalist sympathies.

William H. Foote,Sketches of North Carolina,New York, 1846. See Foote also for history of the first Presbyterian ministers in the Back Country. As to political history, inaccurate.

J. S. Bassett (editor),The Writings of Colonel William Byrd of Westover.New York, 1901. A contemporary record of early Virginia.

Thomas Walker,Journal of an Exploration in the Spring of the Year 1750.Boston, 1888. The record of his travels by the discoverer of Cumberland Gap.

William M. Darlington (editor),Christopher Gist's Journals.Pittsburgh, 1893. Contains Gist's account of his surveys for the Ohio Company, 1750.

C. A. Hanna,The Wilderness Trail,2 vols. New York, 1911. An exhaustive work of research, with full accounts of Croghan and Findlay. See also Croghan's and Johnson's correspondence in vol. VII, New York Colonial Records.

James Adair,The History of the American Indians,etc. London, 1775. The personal record of a trader who was one of the earliest explorers of the Alleghanies and of the Mississippi region east of the river; a many-sided work, intensely interesting.

C. W. Alvord,The Genesis of the Proclamation of 1763.Reprinted from Canadian Archives Report, 1906. A new and authoritative interpretation. In this connection see also the correspondence between Sir WilliamJohnson and the Lords of Trade in vol. VII of New York Colonial Records.

Justin Winsor,The Mississippi Basin. The Struggle in America between England and France.Cambridge, 1895. Presents the results of exhaustive research and the coördination of facts by an historian of broad intellect and vision.

Colonial and State Records of North Carolina.30 vols. The chief fountain source of the early history of North Carolina and Tennessee.

W. H. Hoyt,The Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence.New York, 1907. This book presents the view generally adopted by historians, that the alleged Declaration of May 20, 1775, is spurious.

Justin Winsor (editor),Narrative and Critical History of America.8 vols. (1884-1889). AlsoThe Westward Movement.Cambridge, 1897. Both works of incalculable value to the student.

C. W. Alvord,The Mississippi Valley in British Politics.2 vols. Cleveland, 1917. A profound work of great value to students.

R. G. Thwaites and L. P. Kellogg (editors),Documentary History of Dunmore's War, 1774.Compiled from the Draper Manuscripts in the library of the Wisconsin Historical Society. Madison, 1905. A collection of interesting and valuable documents with a suggestive introduction.

R. G. Thwaites,Daniel Boone.New York, 1902. A short and accurate narrative of Boone's life and adventures compiled from the Draper Manuscripts and from earlier printed biographies.

John P. Hale,Daniel Boone, Some Facts and Incidents not Hitherto Published.A pamphlet giving an account of Boone in West Virginia. Printed at Wheeling, West Virginia. Undated.

Timothy Flint,The First White Man of the West or the Life and Exploits of Colonel Dan'l Boone.Cincinnati, 1854. Valuable only as regards Boone's later years.

John S. C. Abbott,Daniel Boone, the Pioneer of Kentucky.New York, 1872. Fairly accurate throughout.

J. M. Peck,Daniel Boone(in Sparks,Library of American Biography.Boston, 1847).

William Henry Bogart.Daniel Boone and the Hunters of Kentucky.New York, 1856.

William Hayden English,Conquest of the Country Northwest of the River Ohio, 1778-1783, and Life of General George Rogers Clark,2 vols. Indianapolis, 1896. An accurate and valuable work for which the author has made painstaking research among printed and unprinted documents. Contains Clark's own account of his campaigns, letters he wrote on public and personal matters, and also letters from contemporaries in defense of his reputation.

Theodore Roosevelt,The Winning of the West,4 vols. New York, 1889-1896. A vigorous and spirited narrative.

J. G. M. Ramsey,The Annals of Tennessee.Charleston, 1853. John Haywood,The Civil and Political History of the State of Tennessee.Nashville, 1891. (Reprint from 1828.) These works, with the North CarolinaColonial Records,are the source books of early Tennessee. In statistics, such as numbers of Indians and other foes defeated by Tennessee heroes, notreliable. Incorrect as to causes of Indian wars during the Revolution. On this subject see letters and reports by John and Henry Stuart in North CarolinaColonial Records,vol. X; and letters by General Gage and letters and proclamation by General Ethan Allen in American Archives, Fourth Series, vol. II, and by President Rutledge of South Carolina in North CarolinaColonial Records,vol. X. See also Justin Winsor,The Westward Movement.

J. Allison,Dropped Stitches in Tennessee History.Nashville, 1897. Contains interesting matter relative to Andrew Jackson in his younger days as well as about other striking figures of the time.

F. M. Turner,The Life of General John Sevier.New York, 1910. A fairly accurate narrative of events in which Sevier participated, compiled from theDraper Manuscripts.

A. W. Putnam,History of Middle Tennessee, or Life and Times of General James Robertson.Nashville, 1859. A rambling lengthy narrative containing some interesting material and much that is unreliable. Its worst fault is distortion through sentimentality, and indulgence in the habit of putting the author's rodomontades into the mouths of Robertson and other characters.

J. S. Bassett,Regulators of North Carolina,in Report of the American Historical Association, 1894.

L. C. Draper,King's Mountain and its Heroes.Cincinnati, 1881. The source book on this event. Contains interesting biographical material about the men engaged in the battle.

Henry Doniol,Histoire de la participation de la France á l'établissement des États-Unis d'Amérique,5 vols.Paris, 1886-1892. A complete exposition of the French and Spanish policy towards America during the Revolutionary Period.

Manuel Serrano y Sanz,El brigadier Jaime Wilkinson y sus tratos con España para la independencia del Kentucky, años 1787 á 1797.Madrid, 1915. A Spanish view of Wilkinson's intrigues with Spain, based on letters and reports in the Spanish Archives.

Thomas Marshall Green,The Spanish Conspiracy.Cincinnati, 1891. A good local account, from American sources. The best material on this subject is found in Justin Winsor'sThe Westward Movement and Narrative and Critical Historybecause there viewed against a broad historical background. See Winsor also for the Latin intrigues in Tennessee. For material on Alexander McGillivray see the American Archives and the Colonial Records of Georgia.

Edward S. Corwin,French Policy and the American Alliance of 1778.Princeton, 1916. Deals chiefly with the commercial aspects of French policy and should be read in conjunction with Winsor, Jay, and Fitzmaurice'sLife of William, Earl of Shelburne.3 vols. London, 1875.

John Jay,On the Peace Negotiations of 1782-83 as Illustrated by the Secret Correspondence of France and England.New York, 1888. A paper read before the American Historical Association, May 23, 1887.

INDEX

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