418. WHAT CONSTITUTES FITNESS?—The ballot cannot be exercised by the unfit without endangering the whole fabric of government. But what is the standard of fitness? The history of the suffrage in the United States throws some light upon this question. In colonial times the plea of the propertied classes was that fitness was primarily a matter of racial origin, the ownership of property, or church affiliation. According to the theory of natural rights, fitness was vaguely associated with manhood and citizenship. More recently we have come to believe that while many factors influence the capacity of the voter, such factors as religion, racial origin, and ownership of substantial amounts of property, are not vital. A definite standard of fitness has never been established, but at least we can say that fitness means both the desire and the capacity to serve the state by an honest and intelligent use of the ballot.
419. THE QUESTION OF NEGRO SUFFRAGE.—We are beginning to suspect that the attention attracted by Negro suffrage is due, not so much to the injustice of disfranchising the Negro as to the spectacular circumstances surrounding the American Negro. It is unjust, of course, to exclude the Negro from the vote merely because of his race. But exclusion of Negroes not qualified to make an intelligent use of the ballot is no more unfair than are the educational tests imposed by many northern states. To exclude illiterate Negroes from the vote, and at the same time to allow illiterate whites the ballot, is, on the other hand, manifestly unfair. But far more productive of good than debating this unfairness is the attempt to fit the Negro for the vote as a prerequisite to his exercise of it. During this preparation the Negro should have before him the incentive of securing the ballot when he has made sufficient progress in education and civic responsibility.
420. PROBLEM OF AN INTELLIGENT ELECTORATE.—The problem of building up an intelligent electorate gives rise to two additional questions: First, how may the enfranchised classes be trained to a full realization of their civic responsibilities? Second, to what extent is intelligent voting dependent upon actual exercise of the suffrage? The first question has been treated elsewhere, and we may close this chapter with a brief consideration of the second question.
It is maintained by some that no one should be admitted to the suffrage who has not first demonstrated his capacity to use the vote intelligently. Others reply that this capacity comes only through actual exercise of the vote. The solution of this problem probably lies in a judicious combination of theory and practice. A boy cannot learn to swim by standing on the bank and forever listening to theoretical instruction; on the other hand, it may prove fatal to push him into deep water without preparation for that step. Instruction and practice must go hand in hand, wisely interwoven and harmonized.
Similarly, it would seem, one way to secure an intelligent electorate is to admit individuals to the suffrage only when they demonstrate a minimum capacity for civic service, but at the same time to recognize thatfullmoral development can come only through actual exercise of the vote.
1. Distinguish between citizenship and the suffrage.
2. Why is the suffrage important in a representative democracy?
3. Discuss the suffrage in colonial times.
4. What was the probable extent of the suffrage in 1789?
5. What is the doctrine of natural rights?
6. How was this doctrine applied to the question of the suffrage?
7. Why was the suffrage in the eastern states widened in the nineteenth century?
8. Discuss the suffrage in the new West.
9. Describe the enfranchisement of the Negro.
10. Outline the early development of the woman suffrage movement.
11. Discuss the decline of the natural rights theory.
12. Outline some recent shifts in the suffrage movement.
13. Enumerate the present restrictions on the right to vote.
14. What is the present status of the suffrage movement?
15. What is meant by saying that the suffrage is a privilege and not a right?
16. What is meant by saying that "fitness" is the basis of the suffrage?
17. What can be said as to the question of Negro suffrage?
18. To what extent does intelligent voting depend upon actual exercise of the ballot?
1. Williamson,Readings in American Democracy,chapter xxxiii.
Or all of the following:
2. Beard,American Citizenship,chapter vi.
3. Cleveland,Organized Democracy,chapters x and xii.
4. Porter,A History of Suffrage in the United States,chapter i.
5. Seymour,How the World Votes,vol. i, chapters i and ii.
1. What is the relation of political to civil liberty? (Beard, pages 64-65.)
2. Name some groups of people who were excluded from the suffrage in colonial times. (Porter, page 5.)
3. What were some of the early arguments for giving propertyless men the vote? (Beard, pages 66-67.)
4. What was Dorr's Rebellion? (Beard, page 69.)
5. What is the significance of the "foreign vote"? (Beard, pages 73- 74.)
6. What are the four theories of suffrage? (Seymour, pages 1-2.)
7. In what form did the suffrage enter the American colonies? (Seymour, page 9.)
8. What theory of suffrage supplanted the theory of natural rights? (Seymour, pages 13-14.)
9. What effect has the suffrage upon the individual? (Seymour, pages 15-16.)
10. Discuss the educational test. (Cleveland, pages 172-174.)
11. To what extent is bearing arms against the country a disqualification for voting? (Cleveland, page 176.)
12. What is the purpose of compulsory voting? (Cleveland, pages 176- 178.)
1. Civil rights guaranteed by the constitution of your state.
2. History of woman suffrage in your state.
3. Citizenship as a prerequisite for voting in your state.
4. Present restrictions on the right to vote in your state.
5. List the groups or classes of people in your community who are not allowed to vote. What is the proportion of these classes to the total population of the community? What per cent of these excluded classes are aliens? What is the basis for exclusion in each case? Would you favor the extension of the vote to any of these groups? Explain.
6. Colonial suffrage. (McKinley,The Suffrage Franchise in the Thirteen English Colonies in America; Cleveland,Organized Democracy, chapter x.)
7. Dorr's Rebellion. (Consult any standard text on American history or an encyclopedia.)
8. Suffrage and the frontier. (Seymour,How the World Votes, vol. i, chapter xi.)
9. Property and tax-paying qualifications in the nineteenth century. (Porter,A History of Suffrage in the United States, chapters ii- iv.)
10. Woman suffrage in the nineteenth century. (Consult Porter, Seymour, or theCyclopedia of American Government. [Footnote: Throughout the remainder of this text the student will find it to his advantage to make frequent use of theCyclopedia of American Government, edited, in three volumes, by A. C. McLaughlin and A. B. Hart. N.Y. 1914. Appleton and Company. This cyclopedia will furnish considerable material for students seeking either general information on political subjects, or special information for topic work. ])
11. History of the Nineteenth Amendment. (Consult American Yearbooks, and also newspaper files for August, 1920.)
12. Effect of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments upon the suffrage. (Kaye,Readings in Civil Government, pages 113-116.)
13. Negro suffrage. (Consult an encyclopedia, or any standard work on American government.)
14. Types of individuals who are excluded from the suffrage. (Cleveland,Organized Democracy, chapter xii.)
15. Duties of the American voter. (Forman,The American Democracy, pages 14-15.)
16. To what extent is the doctrine of natural rights still influential in American political discussions?
17. Do you favor an amendment to the Federal Constitution, providing that no state may extend the suffrage to persons who are not citizens of the United States?
18. How long should a potential voter be required to live in a state before being allowed to exercise the ballot?
19. To what extent does the educational test show the fitness of the individual to make the right use of his vote?
20. Should all convicted criminals be denied the vote during the remainder of their lives?
21. Just what constitutes fitness for the suffrage?
421. NATURE OF THE POLITICAL PARTY.—A political party may be defined as a voluntary association of voters, entered into for the purpose of influencing elections to public office. The individuals comprising a party have certain broad political principles in common, and these they seek, by organized effort, to have applied to actual government. Just as individuals differ on matters of business or religion, so it is human nature for the voters of a community to form varying opinions as to the nature, functions, and methods of government. And just as men tend to draw away from those with whose opinions they do not agree, so they tend to draw toward those with whom they are in agreement, and with whose co÷peration they may advance principles of mutual interest. It is this natural tendency of men, first, to differ with one another, and second, to form associations for the advancement of mutual aims, that has led to the formation of political parties.
422. DEVELOPMENT OF PARTIES IN THE UNITED STATES.—The American political party is older than the nation. Differences of political opinion divided the American colonists into Whigs and Tories. Later, party spirit was manifested in the formation of the Revolutionary committees of correspondence. The struggle over the Constitution of 1787 divided men into Federalists and Anti-Federalists. The question of a broad or a strict construction of the constitution, the tariff, and the problem of slavery in the territories,—these are a few of the great national issues that have influenced party lines. Before the Civil War party spirit had extended to all parts of the country, evidencing itself in a number of party organizations. Many of these organizations proved temporary, but since the Civil War party lines have been relatively fixed. For more than a half century there have been two great parties, the Democratic and the Republican. Third parties have been either temporary or relatively unimportant.
423. PARTY ORGANIZATION.—There is no constitutional basis or provision for American political parties, nevertheless each of the great parties has built up a powerful organization which co÷rdinates party members in every part of the country. In practically every township, village, election district, and city ward there are party agents and local committees whose work it is to promote the interests of the party both at election time and between elections. The local party workers constitute a link between individual voters and the county or State committees, while these latter groups in turn connect with the national committee of the party.
It is the work of all those officially connected with this centralized organization to win adherents to the party standard, to place issues before the voters, to stimulate interest in candidates, to organize meetings and clubs, to collect funds for party support, to secure the registration of voters, and to see that they get to the polls. Party opinion is formed by means of personal contacts, campaign literature, speeches, parades, and every manner of propaganda. Party opinion is formally expressed through the caucus, the primary, the convention, and the regular election. (See Sections 435-438.)
424. SERVICES PERFORMED BY THE POLITICAL PARTY.—The political party performs three great services. [Footnote: The following arrangement of the services of the political party was suggested to me by Professor W. B. Munro, of Harvard University. For a fuller discussion see Chapter XXII of hisThe Government of the United States, The Macmillan Company, New York, 1919.]
The first of these is that the party provides machinery which bridges over the gaps between local, state, and National government. Similarly, it often serves to bring the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government into harmony with one another. The check and balance system so divides authority in American government that in many ways the different branches and divisions of government are unco÷rdinated. The party facilitates the working of American government because party members affiliated with one division of government will tend to co÷perate with members of the same party who may be in control of other divisions of government. For example, a Democratic governor tends to co÷perate with the Democratic members of the state legislature. Similarly, a Republican President will tend to work in harmony with those members of his party who are in control of purely state government.
The second great service performed by the party is that it formulates public issues and presents them in concrete shape to the voters. Just as in industry it is the function of the entrepreneur to co÷rdinate the other factors of production, so in government it is the function of the politician to act as a co÷rdinator. Indeed, President Lowell calls the politician a broker, without whose services popular government would be impossible. If voters went to the polls with no previous agreement as to candidates or issues, but each determined to vote for whomever he liked, thousands of names might be found on the ballot. If a majority were required to elect, no individual would be chosen. The party thus performs a valuable service by formulating those principles which will attract the greatest number of voters, and by definitely associating those principles with particular candidates. These issues and these candidates the party places squarely before the electorate, to the exclusion of minor issues and unimportant candidates. The party is thus a means whereby democracy makes up its mind, and expresses that mind with a minimum of confusion and disorder.
The third great service of the political party is that it provides a means of collective and continuing responsibility in politics. If a candidate were not affiliated with any political party, misbehavior in office might result in his removal or in his failure to secure reŰlection. But here responsibility would end. When, on the other hand, the party selects, supports, and vouches for a candidate, the party constitutes a definite and permanent pledge to the voters. Thus the party is stimulated to select its candidates carefully, lest their incompetence or dishonesty fatally injure the reputation of the party. The past exploits of the party are appropriated for future campaigns; conversely, the failure or misbehavior of an officeholder will be pointed out by his political enemies as typical of the party to which the unfortunate man belongs.
425. THE ABUSE OF PARTY POWER.—Though party government confers substantial benefits, it is likewise true that the power of the political party has been frequently abused. American party organizations sprang up silently, and developed largely without legal control. Increased power has been accompanied by diffused responsibility; increased power and diffused responsibility have led to the abuse of power. The evils of the party are numerous, and only those of fundamental importance can be discussed in this text. Some of these evils will appear in successive chapters; a few may be treated here. In every case, it should be borne in mind, the basic defect of party government is that the party has tended to use its power primarily for private rather than public ends.
426. CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTIONS.—Throughout much of our national history one of the great evils of the political party has had to do with contributions to the campaign fund. A few decades ago it was the custom of parties, not only to accept large sums of money from special interests, but actually to demand substantial contributions from railroad and other corporations on pain of unfriendly legislation when the party got into power. In our cities gambling houses and other vicious interests habitually contributed to the campaign fund of the party, with the understanding that the party so supported would, if successful at the polls, protect these unlawful businesses. Large amounts were also secured from officeholders who feared to incur the ill will of the party by refusing to contribute to the campaign fund. The enormous sums got together from these various sources were used to finance election contests, the peak being reached when in the presidential election of 1896 the Republican party is said to have spent more than $7,000,000. The source of most of this sum was unknown to the general public.
Fortunately, recent legislation has remedied a considerable measure of the evils attending unrestricted contributions to the campaign fund. Laws now prohibit party agents from seeking contributions from the holders of Federal civil service offices. In 1910 and 1911 Congress passed Acts providing that a candidate for Representative to Congress may not expend more than $5000 toward his election, while a United States Senator may not spend more than $10,000 for a similar purpose. Other laws specify the purposes for which campaign money may be spent. In presidential and congressional elections the treasurer of the national committee of each party must now report the entire campaign fund contributed and expended, giving the name of every individual contributing over $1000, and also furnishing an itemized statement of all expenditures over $10. This report is filed with the clerk of the House of Representatives, and is open to the public.
There can be no doubt but that these and similar laws have operated to deprive the campaign fund of many of its illegitimate features. Most of the money now expended by parties is secured from a large number of small contributions. This not only lessens the control of party policies by special interests, but it also serves to make the party more responsible to the rank and file of the organization.
427. PARTY DOMINATION OF NOMINATIONS AND ELECTIONS.—A great problem of party government is to prevent parties from unduly influencing the choice of public officials. Leaving until later the general question of nominations and elections, it may be pointed out here that very often the whole weight of party power is directed toward securing the election to office of candidates deemed desirable by the party machine. The political "boss" has consistently used his power to manipulate the caucus or the primary so as to advance his own interests at public expense. Caucuses have been held without proper notice being given, and party henchmen have been employed to work for an inside clique or ring. Formerly the rolls of party members were padded with the names of men dead or absent. Too often elections were characterized by the stuffing of ballot boxes, the intimidation or bribery of voters, and the practice of voting more than once. The effect of these and similar practices has been to thwart the will of the majority of party members, and to elevate self-interest above the general welfare.
The last few decades of American political history have been characterized by a number of laws designed to safeguard the process of nomination and election. In practically every state in the Union there are corrupt practices acts which aim not only to prevent the misuse of the campaign fund, but to control the party in other respects also. In all but two states registration is a prerequisite to voting. The introduction into this country of the Australian ballot, and its rapid spread among the states after 1890, has made the ballot secret. By preventing the intimidation of the voter, and by otherwise safeguarding his rights at the polls, ballot reform has remedied many abuses which formerly resulted in illegal and unrepresentative elections. Bribery and illegal voting are no longer glaring evils. It is now the general practice for state laws to provide definite polling places, and to guard the receiving and counting of the ballots.
428. THE SPOILS SYSTEM.—During the first forty years of our national life it was taken for granted that subordinate executive officials should continue in office during good behavior, regardless of a change of administration. After President Jackson's first term, however, it became the general practice for the incoming party to use offices to reward party supporters. Senator Marcy's original declaration that "to the victor belongs the spoils," was accepted by both Democratic and Republican parties. Each party, upon coming into power, habitually turned out appointive officials placed in office by the opposition party. The positions thus made vacant were filled by individuals from the ranks of the victorious party.
The spoils system is a serious evil for which party spirit must be held accountable. By virtue of their patronage, party leaders have exercised an undue influence over the rank and file of the party. Frequently a candidate has been named for office, not because he possessed marked capacity for public service, but because he showed promise of being a good vote-getter at election time. Very frequently, therefore, officeholders have secured their positions as the reward of party support, rather than because of merit. The spoils system has encouraged the holders of executive offices to pay more attention to the political fortunes of their party than to their public duties. Knowing that with a change of administration they would probably be ousted to make room for the supporters of the rival party, officials have been tempted to use public office for personal ends.
The spoils system still constitutes a defect in American government. Nevertheless something has been done toward eliminating its worst features. The Civil Service Act of 1883 provided that more than 12,000 Federal executive offices should be filled by competitive examinations rather than by political appointment. The Federal Civil Service System has been subsequently extended until at the present time about two thirds of the administrative offices in the Federal government are filled on the merit plan. In many sections of the country the merit plan has also been used to fill state and municipal offices. Though as yet limited in scope, it would appear that the future will see a steady expansion of the merit plan in local and state as well as in the National government.
The essential feature of this system, whether in local, state or National government, is that officeholders secure their positions on the basis of individual merit. In theory at least, they are little affected by changes of administration. Both retention of office and promotion are on the basis of merit, though the standards by which appointees are judged have not yet been perfected.
429. EXTENSION OF FAVORS TO SPECIAL INTERESTS.—The tendency of the political party to extend special favors to private corporations has constituted a serious evil in American politics. In some instances powerful corporations have corrupted party politics; in other cases party organizations have blackmailed corporations under the threat of unfriendly legislation; in many other cases both party and corporations have been to blame. In every case, however, the essential fact is that often the party has been used for the advancement of special interests rather than to promote the general welfare. Unfavorable legislation has been bought off and favorable laws secured by trusts, public service corporations, and other large industrial interests. Exemption from prosecution has been purchased by gambling houses and other illegal businesses. Public service corporations have secured valuable franchises for inadequate consideration. Contracts for paving and other public works have many times been awarded, not to firms offering the best work at the lowest price, but to incompetent or dishonest corporations. Such contracts have been secured by these corporations because of favoritism shown them by political henchmen holding office under the spoils system.
Notable headway has been made in checking these evils. The regulation of the railroads by the Interstate Commerce Commission renders it difficult for railroad corporations unduly to influence party policies. Anti-trust legislation has similarly checked the political activities of other great industrial combinations. There is a growing tendency for states to pass laws forbidding or restricting the maintenance of lobbies in legislative halls. Many recent state constitutions narrowly restrict the franchise-granting power. Corrupt practices acts forbid party contributions from corporations. The Civil Service System renders less easy the unfair award of government contracts to private corporations.
430. DECLINE OF PARTY ABUSES.—It is clear that the development of party government in this country has been attended by important benefits and serious evils. But the best authorities agree that the merits of the party system outweigh its defects. Hence our problem is not how to destroy the system, but how to regulate it so that we may secure the benefit of its services and avoid the evil results of its defects. The experience of the last half century is heartening, and it must be admitted, not only that party abuses have declined, but that there is good reason to believe that they will continue to decline. In our attitude toward the political party we must distinguish, as Burke distinguished, between the legitimate form of the party and its perverted form. The perverted forms of party organization call for censure and attack; the legitimate features of the party deserve our appreciation and support.
431. DUTY OF PARTY SUPPORT.—Parties seem to be inevitable, for no one has yet shown how representative government can be carried on without them. Since the average voter cannot make his influence felt except through organization and mass action, it is, as a rule, as futile for the individual to cast his vote regardless of party affiliations as it is for a soldier to fight without regard for army discipline and organization. Parties are the result of compromises, and the individual must be willing to shelve minor issues for the sake of uniting with his fellows upon vital issues. Ordinarily, the individual will best perform his civic duties by affiliating himself with some political party.
But we are coming to believe that the necessity of party support in National and state elections does not imply that party support is necessary in local elections. In National politics each party generally has a definite policy with regard to taxation, the tariff, armaments, and other debatable issues. Support of the party for the realization of its program on these matters may be justifiable; on the other hand, loyalty to party in local politics may be an evil. There is no Democratic way of cleaning a street, and no Republican method of fighting a fire. Thus the same citizen who may be under a moral obligation to support some party in National and state politics, may be under a similar obligation to make his choice of local candidates independent of party. A desirable development, in this regard, is the recent tendency for some municipal elections to be decided regardless of the party affiliations of the candidates.
432. INTEGRITY IS ABOVE PARTY.—Young people are commonly advised to affiliate themselves with that political party which seems most adequately to express their political ideals. But though this is a method of conserving political energy, no citizen ought to support a party which has ceased to represent him on matters which he considers of vital importance. When the party machine sets itself up as an end rather than a means, and when it emphasizes gain to a few rather than benefits to the party as a whole, then it is time for honest men to abandon their party. Integrity is above party. The slogan, "My party right or wrong" is not only stupid but treasonable. Let the citizen be eager to co÷perate with his fellows for the advancement of common political views, but let the corrupt party be abandoned.
433. RESPONSIBILITY OF THE INDIVIDUAL FOR PARTY ABUSES.—Nothing could be more mistaken than the belief that defective government is due primarily to the existence of an entity known as the political party. The party is merely an association of individuals, and if it is corrupt it is so because of the corruption of the individuals comprising it. It is time that political pessimists stopped blaming the party for the defects of party government, and time they began to see that the indifference and shortsightedness of the individual voter is at the bottom of the trouble. One of the greatest sources of corruption in American life is the knowledge of political bosses that many of their adherents will follow the party standard regardless of its platform and no matter what the character of its candidates. The party boss is given an opening when individuals neglect to perform their civic duties. The failure to vote, or to serve in office when the opportunity offers, the failure either to protest against candidates chosen unfairly, or to demand an accounting of officeholders, spell corruption and inefficiency in government.
1. Define a political party. Why have parties arisen?
2. Trace briefly the development of parties in the United States.
3. Outline the organization of a political party.
4. Explain clearly the three great benefits of party organization.
5. What is the basic defect of party government?
6. What can be said as to contributions to the campaign fund of political parties?
7. Name some methods whereby the party boss may dominate nominations and elections. Outline some laws designed to safeguard nominations and elections.
8. What is the spoils system and when did it arise?
9. What effect has the merit plan had upon the spoils system?
10. Are party abuses declining or increasing?
11. Distinguish between the duty of party support in National and perhaps State elections, and the duty of such support in local elections.
12. Under what circumstances should an individual abandon his party?
13. To what extent is the individual responsible for party abuses?
1. Williamson,Readings in American Democracy, chapter xxxiv.
Or all of the following:
2. Bryce,Modern Democracies, vol. i, chapter ii; vol. ii, chapter xl.
3. Guitteau,Government and Politics in the United States, chapter xxxvi.
4. Munro,The Government of the United States, chapters xxii and xxiii.
5. Woodburn,Political Parties and Party Problems, chapter xv.
1. What was Washington's opinion of the political party? (Munro, page 313.)
2. Who were the Federalists? (Guitteau, pages 455-456.)
3. Discuss the principles of the Democratic-Republican party. (Guitteau, pages 456-457.)
4. What was the origin of the National-Republican party? (Guitteau, pages 457-458.)
5. What was the origin of the Democratic party? (Guitteau, page 457.)
6. What part have third parties played in our history? (Guitteau, pages 459-460.)
7. What three sets of men exist in every party? (Bryce, vol. i, pages 126-127.)
8. What are the three contributions of the United States to political science? (Bryce, vol. ii, page 27.)
9. What are the two aims of party organization? (Bryce, vol. ii, page 32.)
10. What is the relation of the party to national unity? (Bryce, vol. ii, pages 43-44-)
11. In what way does the party stabilize popular government? (Bryce, vol. ii, pages 44-45.)
12. What is the relation of constancy and faithfulness to the safety of the Republic? (Woodburn, page 338.)
1. Which party occupies the dominant position in the political life of your community? Find out why it holds this position.
2. The history of third parties in your section,i.e., parties other than the Democratic and Republican parties.
3. The organization of any political party having official representatives in your community.
4. The work of local political committees in your community immediately preceding election.
5. Corrupt practices acts in your state.
6. The Civil Service System in your state.
7. Make a study of the different political parties with a view to determining which you would prefer to join.
8. Origin and growth of parties in the United States. (Beard,American Government and Politics, pages 103-108; Guitteau,Government and Politics in the United States, chapter xxxvi; Bryce,The American Commonwealth, vol. ii, chapters liii and liv; Ford,The Rise and Growth of American Politics, chapter vii.)
9. Characteristics of the political party. (Ray,Introduction to Political Parties and Practical Politics, chapter i.)
10. Distrust of parties in our early history. (Jones,Readings on Parties and Elections in the United States, pages 28 36.)
11. The spoils system. (Bryce,The American Commonwealth, vol. ii, chapters lxv and lxvii; Ray,Introduction to Political Parties and Practical Politics, chapter xiv.)
12. "Why the best men do not go into politics." (Bryce,The American Commonwealth, vol. ii, chapter lviii.)
13. Campaign contributions. (Brooks,Corruption in American Politics and Life.)
14. The party ring. (Bryce,The American Commonwealth, vol. ii, chapters lxiii and lxiv.)
15. The state boss. (Reinsch,Readings on American State Government, pages 432-434; Ray,Introduction to Political Parties and Practical Politics, chapter xvi.)
16. How the party machine works. (Ford,The Rise and Growth ofAmerican Politics, pages 294-333; Kaye,Readings in CivilGovernments, pages 373-377; Jones,Readings on Parties andElections in the United States, pages 175-178; Lowell,PublicOpinion and Popular Government,chapter vi.)
17. Party government in England and in the United States. (Jones,Readings on Parties and Elections in the United States, pages I-II.)
18. Necessity of strong parties in the United States. (Jones,Readings on Parties and Elections in the United States, pages 20- 27.)
19. The struggle for good government. (Hammond and Jenks,Great American Issues, chapter v.)
20. The citizen and the party. (Bryce,Hindrances to GoodCitizenship, all; _Hughes,Conditions of Progress in DemocraticGovernment, lectures in and iv; Root,Addressee on Government andCitizenship, pages 1-77.)
21. Do third parties serve a useful purpose?
22. Should we pass laws limiting the total amount which any political candidate may spend in the campaign for nomination and election?
23. What are the advantages and disadvantages of placing party emblems at the head of ballots?
24. To what extent will civic education remedy the evils of the spoils system?
25. How will you determine which party you prefer to affiliate with, when you become of age?
26. How would you determine whether or not an individual ought to abandon his party? Suppose that an individual has severed connections with a party which he had reason to suppose was corrupt. Under what circumstances should he return to the ranks of that party?
434. THE PROBLEM.—In an important sense, good government is a matter of getting the right men into office, hence one of the most vital problems in American democracy has to do with the choice of public officials. In any representative democracy nominations and elections must be a difficult and complex matter; in the United States the problem is rendered doubly difficult by the great size of the country, and by the rapidity with which its population is increasing. In this country hundreds of thousands of public officials are placed in office annually, all of them either elected at the polls, or chosen by agents who are themselves elected.
The problem before us involves four questions: First, how can we perfect the mechanism by means of which the officers of government are selected? Second, how can we elect officials who represent amajority, rather than aplurality[Footnote: See Section 444.], of those actually voting? Third, how can voters be helped to make intelligent choices at the polls? Fourth, how can we encourage qualified voters to make an habitual use of the ballot?
435. NOMINATION BY CAUCUS.—One of the earliest methods of choosing party candidates in this country was by means of the caucus. The caucus was an informal meeting in which the local members of a political party nominated candidates for town and county offices. Candidates for state offices were named by a legislative caucus, in which legislators belonging to the same party came together and determined their respective nominations. The legislative caucus spread to all of the states, and in 1800 was transferred to Congress as a mode of nominating the President and Vice-President.
After 1825 the caucus declined in importance. In the lawmaking bodies of both nation and states there continues to be a legislative caucus, but its influence upon the choice of public officials has greatly diminished. Outside of the state and National legislatures the caucus is now found only in towns, wards, and other small areas. In these areas it is used for the purpose of nominating candidates for local offices, and for the purpose of electing delegates to nominating conventions. Except in some parts of New England, it should be noted, this local caucus is now generally known as the primary.
436. RISE OF THE NOMINATING CONVENTION.—After 1825 the caucus was largely superseded by the convention. The convention is a relatively large meeting of party delegates chosen for the express purpose of deciding upon party policies and candidates. The convention device was developed, partly because party bosses had come to dominate the caucus, and partly because the increasing population of the country necessitated larger congregations of party members. The convention was made possible by improved means of transportation, which allowed relatively large groups of individuals to come together for deliberative purposes. By 1850 all of the political parties had adopted the convention plan for the nomination of candidates for most local, state, and National offices.
437. DECLINE OF THE CONVENTION.—The convention was an improvement upon the caucus in that it allowed a greater number of party members to participate in nominations. Unfortunately, delegates to the convention continued to be chosen in local caucuses, where the party "ring" or machine usually determined the choice of delegates. Bosses prepared "slates," bribed delegates, and otherwise manipulated what was supposed to be an expression of the party will in convention. In many cases the convention became-merely a cut-and-dried affair in which party members ratified nominations previously agreed upon by party leaders.
In the latter part of the nineteenth century, and especially after 1900, these defects stimulated the development of measures designed to reduce or eliminate the abuses of the convention system. The most important of these reform measures is the Direct Primary.
438. NATURE OF THE DIRECT PRIMARY.—The terms caucus, primary, and direct primary are easily confused. We have seen that the local caucus is now generally known as the primary. The essential difference between this caucus or primary and the Direct Primary is this: in the Direct Primary, party members vote directly for the party's candidates at the forthcoming election; in the caucus or primary, on the other hand, party members do not vote directly for the more important of these candidates, but instead vote for delegates to a convention. Later these delegates meet in convention and there vote directly for party candidates. Thus the Direct Primary is really an election within the party, held for the purpose of allowing party members to choose the candidates who will represent the party at the approaching regular election. When adopted, the Direct Primary abolishes the convention by allowing party members to cast their ballots directly for their party's candidates. Those individuals are nominated who receive a plurality of all votes cast.
In most states the Direct Primary has recently been placed under detailed legal control. Such laws generally prescribe the time and place of holding the Direct Primary, the qualifications of those who may participate, and the organization and general management of this party election. There is provision for polling places, official ballots, and election of officials, just as there is provision for similar machinery in the regular election which follows the Direct Primary.
439. EXTENT OF THE DIRECT PRIMARY.—Heralded as a cure for the defects of the convention, the Direct Primary spread rapidly after 1900. By 1919 every state in the Union had adopted it in some form, and about forty states were applying the state-wide primary. At first the Direct Primary was used only to nominate candidates for local offices, but at the present time state officers, and even Federal Senators and Representatives, are often nominated by this method. In more than a third of the states the voters at the Direct Primary are allowed to express their preference directly for one of the candidates for the presidential nomination. Altogether, the Direct Primary has largely supplanted the convention in about three fourths of the states.
440. ADVANTAGES CLAIMED FOR THE DIRECT PRIMARY.—A number of important advantages are claimed for the Direct Primary. It is said that the device reduces the power of the party boss, and insures democratic control within the party. Party members are more interested in the Direct Primary than in the local caucus or primary because in the Direct Primary they actually aid in the direct selection of party candidates. The local caucus or primary, on the other hand, does not directly select the more important party candidates, but can only choose delegates to a nominating convention. Because the Direct Primary increases the control of the individual over party policies, it encourages active political work on the part of the rank and file. It is maintained that the Direct Primary brings out a larger vote than would otherwise be possible. Better candidates are secured by means of the Direct Primary, it is claimed, because the nomination of individuals depends upon the presentation of their claims to the voters, rather than upon winning the favor of party bosses.
441. OBJECTIONS URGED AGAINST THE DIRECT PRIMARY.—The opponents of the plan claim that the Direct Primary has serious faults. It is said that in supplanting the convention the Direct Primary has made more difficult the exchange of views and opinions among party members. It is declared that the Direct Primary has disorganized the party and has therefore broken down party responsibility. It is claimed that the Direct Primary has not eliminated the boss, for rather than voting directly for candidates of their own choice, electors must make a selection from a list of candidates previously arranged by party leaders. All of these candidates may be objectionable to the voter. It is also pointed out that many worthy candidates have not the money to defray the expense of competing in the Direct Primaries. Frequently the "ring" brings out a number of candidates to divide the voters, while the henchmen of the ring concentrate their votes upon one man. Lastly, it is pointed out, the excessive number of candidates to be selected renders it impossible for the average individual to make an intelligent selection. In such a case, the average individual attends the Direct Primary only to confirm the choice of party leaders.
442. OUTLOOK FOR THE DIRECT PRIMARY.—Although there is much to be said for and against the Direct Primary, the belief is gaining ground that this device does not offer the final solution of the difficulty which led to its establishment. After an exhaustive study of the subject, Professor Munro concludes as follows: "In a word, the primary seems to afford protection against the worst fault of the convention, which was the frequent selection of incapable and corrupt candidates at the behest of a few political leaders. But it has not, in twenty years or more of experience, demonstrated that it can achieve positive results of a measurably satisfactory character. It has not rid the state of boss domination; it has increased the expense which every candidate must incur, and it gives a marked advantage to the man whose name is well known to the voters, whether he be a professional politician or not. To say that the primary secures on the average somewhat better results than the old convention may be stating the truth, but it is not high praise."
443. NOMINATION BY PETITION.—The system of nomination by petition came into use between 1880 and 1890. It provides that candidates may be placed in nomination by filing with some specified officer nomination papers, or petitions, signed by a specified number of qualified voters. The filing of these papers entitles the candidates named thereon to have their names printed upon the official ballot. The merit of this device is that it prevents the party machine from dictating the choice of candidates, and that it enables independent candidates to be brought forward. On the other hand, it has encouraged the circulation of petitions for hire.
On the whole this method of nomination is proving more and more popular in local elections. It seems well adapted to the needs of municipalities, for it reduces partisanship to a minimum. It is said that in some cases it practically eliminates national politics from local elections. The supporters of nomination by petition are increasing, and it is now proposed to apply it to all local and state nominations. In such an event the Direct Primary would be radically modified, or even abolished.
444. MAJORITY REPRESENTATION.—How can we make certain that an individual nominated or elected represents a majority of those voting? When there are only two candidates, the one receiving the largest number of votes receives both a plurality and a majority. But when there are several candidates, it often happens that the individual receiving the largest number of votes does not receive a majority. Suppose, for example, that 100,000 votes are cast, and that A receives 20,000, B 25,000 C 30,000 and D 25,000. Ordinarily C will be declared successful because he has received apluralityof the votes cast. But he has not received amajorityof the votes cast. This custom of declaring successful the candidate receiving a plurality constitutes a defect in our representative system, since a plurality candidate may represent only a small minority of those actually voting.
Several attempts have been made to remedy this defect. In some southern states it is the practice to require an absolute majority for election. If no aspirant receives a majority, a second ballot is taken on the two candidates standing highest on the list. In a number of northern cities, the evil of plurality voting has been attacked through thepreferential votingdevice. This system of voting allows the voter to designate not only his first, but his second and third choices as well. If any candidate receives a clear majority of first choice votes, he is declared elected. But if no one receives such a majority, the second choices are added to the first choices. If this further calculation does not give any candidate a majority, third choices are resorted to. In cities where the plan has been tried, preferential voting is said to have proved markedly successful.
445. MINORITY REPRESENTATION.—Related to the question of making sure that successful candidates represent a majority of those voting is the problem of the adequate representation of the minority. The most notorious phase of this problem has grown out of our custom of electing one national Representative from each of the congressional districts into which every state is divided. Often gerrymandering [Footnote: The origin and nature of "gerrymandering" are discussed in Chapter XLII, Sections 542 and 543.] is resorted to, that is to say, congressional districts are so arranged as to give the minority party overwhelming majorities in a few districts, while the dominant party is allowed to carry the remaining districts by very small majorities. The result is gross misrepresentation in Congress, because the party having a bare majority often secures a large percentage of the representatives, while the minority is very inadequately represented.
Such misrepresentation also appears in connection with the choice of representatives to the state legislatures.
In the attempt to remedy this type of misrepresentation various plans ofproportional representationhave been put forth. In Illinois members of the lower house of the state legislature have long been chosen as follows: Each state senatorial district is given the right to elect three assemblymen. Every elector in the district has the right to cast three votes, one each for three different persons, or two votes for one candidate and one for another, or all for one candidate. By concentrating its votes upon one candidate, an average minority can be sure of at least one representative in each district. A plan employed in several other states likewise aims to give each political party representation proportional to the number of votes cast by the party, regardless of whether the number is a minority or a majority. The principle of proportional representation, if fully worked out, and if made simple enough to be comprehended by the average voter, would insure majority rule and at the same time allow the adequate representation of minorities.
446. OBSTACLES TO INTELLIGENTY VOTING.—Several obstacles to intelligent voting in this country are intimately connected with the long ballot. [Footnote: The term "long ballot" refers to the fact that so many officials are elective that the ballot on which their names appear is often of great length. The term "short ballot" refers to a reduction of the length of this ballot by making fewer officers elective.] The wave of democracy which swept the country in the last century had the double effect of increasing the number of elective offices, and of shortening the terms during which officials were allowed to hold office. A greatly lengthened ballot, together with the great frequency of elections, has made it impossible for the average voter to exercise proper judgment at the polls. The difficulty of investigating the merits of the numerous candidates, or even of becoming familiar with their names, has discouraged many from voting. Of those who still pretend to reach independent decisions regarding candidates and issues, a considerable number really rely upon the direction and advice of professional politicians. The long ballot is the enemy of democracy, since it allows politicians, rather than the masses, to control actual government.
447. SHORTENING THE BALLOT.—The chief remedy for these evils is the short ballot. The essential features of the short ballot plan are as follows: Popular elections should be resorted to only for the purpose of choosing those officials who have to do with public policies. For example, state voters ought to select only the governor, lieutenant governor, and members of the legislature; city voters ought to choose only the mayor and council; [Footnote: Where this form of municipal government is still employed.] while county voters ought to confine their attention to a small group of county commissioners or supervisors. All other officials ought to be appointed, either directly by chief executive officers, or by means of the merit plan. Along with the shortening of the ballot, we should be increasingly willing to allow officials to hold office for longer terms. A supplementary feature of great value would be the establishment of such means of popular control as would protect the public against abuse of power by officials to whom these longer terms had been extended.
448. MERITS OF THE SHORT BALLOT.—There can be little doubt that a drastic shortening of the ballot would work a great improvement in our electoral system. If the vast majority of officials were made appointive, the voter could give more time and thought to the consideration of a few important elective officials. A short ballot would lessen the possibilities of manipulation by rings and bosses. Unquestionably the interest of the voter would be quickened, since his influence upon the political life of his community would be more apparent. And not only would the short ballot make government more representative, but it would help to make it more responsible.
If the majority of the administrative officials who are now elected were made appointive, responsibility for their conduct in office could be concentrated upon the chief executive officer appointing them.
449. THE NEGLECT TO VOTE.—The last of the vital questions arising in connection with the choice of public officials is the matter of encouraging the enfranchised classes to use the ballot. The long ballot and the domination of party politics by rings and bosses discourage many from voting, nevertheless it is probably true that the slackness of the individual is the chief reason why voters neglect to use the ballot. This slackness may take the form of personal indolence, or of indifference to civic duty, or of preoccupation with the press of personal business. When individuals are busy with their private affairs the time needed for intelligent political action is often begrudged. Again, the duty to vote is not always a compelling one. When a duty is shared with innumerable other people, it appears less of a personal duty; when the individual notes that his fellow- citizens neglect that duty, his own tendency toward slackness is encouraged. In a democracy, as Lord Bryce points out, "everybody's business becomes nobody's business."
450. IMPORTANCE OF CIVIC EDUCATION.—The perfecting of our nominating and elective machinery, together with the shortening of the ballot, is doing a good deal to awaken interest in the proper use of the vote. But the problems of democracy cannot be solved by purely mechanical means. If our voters are to regard the use of the ballot as a civic duty, we must rely largely upon civic education. Young people, soon to be voters, must be impressed with the responsibilities of democracy. They must be taught the vital importance of using the vote. In Belgium and Spain it is customary to penalize individuals for neglecting to vote, but the idea of compulsory voting is repugnant to the American spirit. Moreover, law alone can neither build up nor sustain individual morality. The remedy for indifference to the ballot would seem to be not law, but the education of voters to their moral obligation toward the government under which they live.
1. What four questions arise in connection with the choice of public officials?
2. Describe nomination by caucus. To what extent is this method still used?
3. Why did the nominating convention arise?
4. What forces were responsible for the decline of the convention?
5. What is the nature and purpose of the Direct Primary?
6. To what extent is the Direct Primary used in this country?
7. What are the chief advantages of this device?
8. What defects are urged against the Direct Primary?
9. What does Professor Munro conclude as to the value of the Direct Primary?
10. What is nomination by petition?
11. What is the problem of majority representation?
12. Discuss the nature and purpose of the preferential voting device.
13. What is the purpose of gerrymandering?
14. What is the nature and purpose of proportional representation?
15. What is the relation of civic education to the proper use of the ballot?
1. Williamson,Readings in American Democracy,chapter xxxv.
Or all of the following:
2. Bryce,The American Commonwealthvol. ii, chapter lxvi.
3. Guitteau,Government and Politics in the United States,chapter xxxvii.
4. Ray,Introduction to Political Parties and Practical Politics,chapter iv.
5. Reed,Form and Functions of American Government,chapter vii.
1. Is the number of elective officers in the United States greater or less than in Europe? (Bryce, page 146.)
2. How is the caucus used at the present time? (Ray, page 75.)
3. What is a "self-announced" candidate? (Ray, page 75.)
4. Describe the workings of the "nomination by petition" device. (Ray, page 76.)
5. What evils attend the unregulated caucus or primary? (Ray, pages 80-83.)
6. Describe the work of the state nominating convention. (Guitteau, pages 467-468.)
7. Outline the procedure in the national convention. (Guitteau, pages 471-472.)
8. What are the two chief types of Australian ballot? (Reed, pages 82- 84.)
9. What is the chief weakness of the Direct Primary? (Reed, page 87.)
10. Name some states in which the presidential preference primary is used. (Reed, page 87.)
11. How is a typical presidential preference primary conducted? (Reed, page 87.)
1. Use of the caucus or primary in your community.
2. The nominating convention in your state.
3. The Direct Primary in your state or community.
4. Legal control of the Direct Primary in your state.
5. The extent to which nomination by petition is employed in your state.
6. The representation of minorities in your state legislature.
7. Recent ballot reform in your state.
8. The framework of the convention. (Ford,Rise and Growth ofAmerican Politics, chapter xvi; Ray,Introduction to PoliticalParties and Practical Politics, chapter v; Woodburn,PoliticalParties and Party Problems in the United States, chapters xi-xiii.)
9. The nominating convention at work. (Bryce,The American Commonwealth, vol. ii, chapter lxx; Ray,Introduction to Political Parties and Practical Politics, chapter viii.)
10. Structure of the Direct Primary. (Ray,Introduction to Political Parties and Practical Politics, chapter vi.)
11. How the Direct Primary works. (Cleveland,Organised Democracy,chapter xvii; Woodburn,Political Parties and Party Problems in the United States,chapter xxi.)
12. Effect of the Direct Primary upon party organization. (Holcombe,State Government in the United States,pages 193-204.)
13. Direct nominations. (Reinsch,Readings on American State Governments,pages 383-394)
14. Tyranny of the majority. (Bryce,The American Commonwealth,vol. ii, chapter lxxxiv.)
15. Safeguarding the rights of the minority. (Gettell,Readings in Political Science,pages 322-325.)
16. The nature of proportional representation. (Jones,Readings on Parties and Elections in the United States,pages 164-168; Commons,Proportional Representation.)
17. Objections to the principle of proportional representation. (Gettell,Readings in Political Science,pages 324-325.)
18. Preferential voting. (Massachusetts Constitutional Convention Bulletins,1917.)
19. The gerrymander. (Woodburn,Political Parties and Party Problems in the United States,chapter xx.)
20. The short ballot. (Childs,Short Ballot Principles;Massachusetts Constitutional Convention Bulletins, 1917.)
21. What proportion of qualified voters actually use the ballot? (Hart,Practical Essays on American Government,No. 2.)
22. The desirability of extending the Direct Primary in your state.
23. The closed versus the open primary.
24. Advantages and disadvantages of nomination by petition.
25. Advantages and disadvantages of holding local, state and National elections at different times.