Same:
New York Centennial Volume, pp. 296-305.
Same:
The Remembrancer or Impartial Repository of Public Events for the year 1780. Vol. 9. p. 158.
Letter to John Langdon and some comments by George W. Nesmith.
Granite Monthly. Vol. 3. pp. 153-161.
Letter to Reed. Easton, May 11th, 1779. (Requesting order empowering Quartermasters to Impress Waggons, Horses, &c.)
Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 388.
Same:
Easton, Pa., May 26th, 1779. (Ans. rec'd of 21st inst.)
Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 439.
Same:
Easton, Pa., May 31st, 1779.
Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 450.
Same:
Easton, June 7th, 1779. (Lamenting obstructions in Quartermaster's Department.)
Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7., p. 473.
Same:
Wyoming, July 21st, 1779. (Complaining that Pennsylvania Rangers and Riflemen had not joined.)
Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 568.
Letter to Colonel John Cook. Headquarters, July 30th, 1779. (Answering requisition.)
Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 593.
Letter to Colonel Sam. Hunter. Wyoming, July 30th, 1779. (Acknowledging news of loss of Ft. Freeland.)
Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 594.
Letter to Reed. Easton, October 18th, 1779. (Requisition for 100 Waggons.)
Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 756.
Same: Easton, October 23d, 1779. (Acknowledging action of Executive Council and declining as too late.)
Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 768.
Letter to the Warriors of the Oneida Nation, &c.
The Remembrancer or Impartial Repository of Public Events for the year 1780. Vol. 9. pp. 25-28. J. Almon. London. 1780.
Address to Troops. Same. pp. 24-25.
Letter to the Congress containing his acct. of his Expedition against the Indians. Same. pp. 158-166.
Address to the Inhabitants of Northhampton County. Same. p. 166.
Address to the Officers of the Artillery. Same, pp. 166-167.
Address to the Corps of Light Infantry. Same. p. 167.
Thacher, Dr.:
Military Journal. Biographical Sketch of Major General Sullivan.
Farmer and Moore's Collection Historical and Miscellaneous and Monthly Literary Journal. Vol. 2. p. 201.
Treat, Samuel:
Oration at interment of Lieutenant Boyd of General Sullivan's Army.
History of Buffalo and the Senecas, by Ketcham. Vol. 2. pp. 318-340.
Trist, Elizabeth:
Letters to General Lee.
Collections, New York Historical Society. Vol. 6. pp. 381-382.
Turner, O.:
Pioneer History of the Holland Purchase of Western New York. pp. 666. p. 277 et seq. 8 vo. Jewett, Thomas & Co. Buffalo. 1849.
History of the Pioneer Settlement of Phelps and Gorhams Purchase and Morris Reserve. pp. 588. p. 80 et seq. William Ailing, Rochester. 1852.
Van Campen, Moses:
Memorial to Congress.
Pritt's Mirror of Olden Time Border Life. pp. 697. pp. 481-491. Abington, Va.
Narrative. Same.
Van Cortlandt, Philip (Colonel commanding Second New York Regiment):
Autobiography, with Notes by Pierre C. Van Wyck.
Magazine of American History. Vol. 2. p. 278 et seq.
Same:
Elmira Daily Advertiser, February 17th, 1879.
Van Hovenburgh, Rudolphus (Lieutenant Fourth New York Regiment):
Journal.
New York Centennial Volume. pp. 275-284.
Table of Distances.
New York Centennial Volume. p. 284.
Van Wyck, Pierre C.:
Notes to Autobiography, Philip Van Cortlandt.
Magazine of American History, Vol. 2. p. 278.
Washington, General George:
Instructions to General Sullivan.
Historical Magazine. Second Series. Vol. 2. pp. 139-141.
Letter to John Jay, President of Congress.
Magazine of American History. Vol. 3. p. 142.
Letter to War Council. July 5th, 1779. (As to Sullivan's disappointment as to Pennsylvania's assistance.)
Pennsylvania Archives. First Series. Vol. 7. p. 535.
Webb, Nathaniel (Sergeant Major Second New York Regiment):
Journal.
New York Centennial Volume, pp. 285-287.
Same:
Elmira Republican, September 11th and 12th, 1855. Elmira, New York.
Welles, S. R. (M. D.):
Paper read before the Waterloo Library and Historical Society, November 27th, 1877.
New York Centennial Volume, pp. 527-535.
White, Pliny T.:
Note to History of the Expedition against the Five Nations commanded by General Sullivan in 1779.
Historical Magazine. Second Series. Vol. 3. p. 198.
Wilkinson, J. B.:
Annals of Binghamton and of the Country connected with it from the early settlement. p. 256. 12 mo. Binghamton, New York. 1840.
Willers, Diedrich, Jr.:
The Centennial Celebration of General Sullivan's Campaign against the Iroquois in 1779. Held at Waterloo, September 3d, 1879. pp. 356. 8 vo. Plates. Portraits. Waterloo, New York, 1880.
Willett, William M.:
A Narrative of the Military Actions of Colonel Marinus Willett. 8 vo. New York. 1831.
Williams, Rev. Dwight:
Poem, Sullivan's Centennial.
New York Centennial Volume, pp. 506-510.
Winsor, Justin:
Narrative and Critical History of America. 8 Vols. Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston. 1889. Vol. VI. pp. 637, 642, 653, 667, 669, 671 and 681. Vol. VIII. pp. 439.
Handbook of the American Revolution. pp. 206-208. 12 mo. Boston. 1880.
No nearer approach to what may be called civilization, if the term may be applied to a people who left no record, other than the legendary lore transmitted from father to son, may be found than the Iroquoian Confederacy, whose form of government was maintained for a greater length of time than that of any republic which had previously or has since existed.
Their location, according to their claim, was upon the highest part of the Continent, from whence flowed the Mohawk, Hudson, Genesee, Delaware, Susquehanna, Ohio and the St. Lawrence rivers, going in all directions to the sea. The intersection of lakes and streams, separated only by short portages, the continuous valleys being divided by no mountain barriers, offered unequaled facilities for intercommunication.
Their custom of settling on both sides of a river or encircling a lake made the tribal boundaries well defined.
One of the most interesting features of aboriginal geography was the location of their principal trails. If we travel either of the great railways extending through our State, we are upon one of the leading trails that Lewis H. Morgan stated were used in 1732. They followed the lines of the least resistance.
The central trail, extending from east to west, intersected by cross trails which passed along the shores of lakes or banks of the rivers, commenced at the point where Albany now is, touched the Mohawk at Schenectady, following the river to the carrying place at Rome, from thence west, crossing the Onondaga Valley, along the foot of Cayuga and Seneca Lakes, terminating at Buffalo Creek, the present site of the city of Buffalo.
This trail was later the route taken by early settlers, because it connected the principal villages and established a line of travel into Canada on the west and over the Hudson on the east.
Upon the banks of the Susquehanna and its tributaries, which have their source near the Mohawk, and the banks of the Chemung, which has its source near the Genesee river, were other trails, all of which converged at the junction of these two rivers, forming the southern route, into Pennsylvania and Virginia. On these footpaths the Iroquois conducted war parties and became well versed in the topography of the country.
Lakes, hills and streams had significant names, many of which the Anglicized orthography and pronunciation have robbed of their euphony and force of accent.
Mary Jemison says that "No people can live more happily than the Indians in times of peace." Their life was one round of simple sport and pleasure, in keeping with their free life; their simple wants were supplied with but little exertion. Following the chase gave them amusement and served to keep them in good physical condition, as well as to retain their skill with weapons that were their dependence in time of war.
The growing youth were taught Indian warfare, becoming experts with the tomahawk and scalping knife. At such times the squaws were employed with their simple domestic duties, or industriously tilling the soil. Apple and peach trees were planted and cultivated about the villages. To the Jesuit Fathers they were indebted for instruction in the art of cultivating fruit trees, as well as many of the vegetables which they raised in abundance; also producing a fine quality of tobacco whence their original name, IREOKWA.
The reports of Sullivan's officers speak of cornfields exceeding in quality and quantity anything they had been accustomed to in their eastern homes. They wrote of ears of corn measuring twenty-two inches in length, and grass as high as the backs of the horses on which they rode.
Not only in war and diplomacy did the Iroquois show superiority, but in their cultivation of crops and housebuilding some were so good as to be called by General Sullivan elegant Indian homes. The weight of evidence goes to show that many of them were framed, and of such a creditable order of architecture as to surprise those who accompanied Sullivan's expedition. Some of the officers writing home said that the houses were large and beautifully painted. Many of those who have considered the Indian as a forest roamer will be incredulous of the above statement, and yet there is no people who in their primitive state more religiously respected, or distinctly defined the family ties and relationship. There is a bright and pleasing side to Indian character.
The ordinary picture of the Indian represents him with war club and tomahawk. They do not deserve the appellation of savages any more than kindred terms might be applied to their white successors.
"Bury me with my fathers" was the last plea of the red man. Not until they had listened to the teaching of the whites did they view death with terror, or life as anything but a blessing.
In ancient times they had a beautiful custom of freeing a captured bird over the grave on the evening of burial, to bear away the spirit to the happy home beyond the setting sun.
The following motto shows that hospitality was the prevailing characteristic:
"If a stranger wanders about your abode, welcome him to your home, be hospitable toward him, speak to him with kind words, and forget not to always mention the Great Spirit."
From a speculative point of view the institutions of the Iroquois assume an interesting aspect. Would they naturally have emancipated the people from their strange infatuation for a hunter life? It can not be denied that there are some grounds for belief that their institutions would have eventually improved into an advanced form of civilization. The Iroquois manifested sufficient intelligence to promise a high degree of improvement had it been directed into right pursuits, although centuries of time might have been required to effect the change.
But these institutions have a present value irrespective of what they might have become. Let us render tardy justice by preserving, as far as possible, their names, deeds and customs, and their institutions.
We should not tread ignorantly upon those extinguished council fires, whose light in the days of original occupation was visible over half this Continent. They had planned a mighty nation and without doubt had the coming of the Europeans been delayed but a century, the League would have included all the tribes between the Great Lakes and the Gulf of Mexico.
The first stage in the development of this confederacy was the union of several tribes into one nation. They mingled by intermarriage. The Chief ceased to be alone in his power and the government became a Pure Democracy. Several nations, thus being formed into a confederacy or league, more perfect, systematic and liberal than those of antiquity, there was in it more of fixedness, more of dependence upon the people, and more of vigor and strength.
Their original congress was composed of fifty sachems and it generally met at the Onondaga Council House. The business of the congress was conducted in a grave and dignified manner, the reason and judgment of the Chiefs being appealed to, rather than their passions. It was considered a breach of decorum for a sachem to reply to a speech on the day of its delivery, and no question could be decided without unanimous concurrence. The sachems served without badge of office, their sole reward being the veneration of their people in whose interest they were meeting.
Public opinion exercised a powerful influence among the Iroquois, the ablest among them having a dread of an adverse criticism from the common people.
Subordinate to the Congress of Sachems were the noted chiefs, such as Red Jacket, Big Kettle, Corn Planter and others who influenced the councils with their oratory.
Women were recognized by them as having rights in the government of the nation, being represented in council by chiefs, known as their champions. Thus they became factors in war or peace, and were granted special rights in the concurrence or interference in the sale of lands, claiming that the land belonged equally to the tillers of the soil, and its defenders. The equality of rights granted women was one of the principal factors of strength in their confederacy, or union.
Their orators studied euphony in the arrangement of their words. Their graceful attitudes and gestures made their discourse deeply impressive. A straight, commanding figure, with blanket thrown over the shoulder, the naked arm raised in gesture, would, to use the words of an early historian, "give no faint picture of Rome in her early days."
A difference existed between the Iroquois and other tribes with respect to oratory. No others have left records of models of eloquence except in single instances on rare occasions.
Red Jacket, Logan and Corn Planter were orators, who have by their eloquence perpetuated their names on the pages of history.
In the happy constitution of the ruling body and the effective security of the people from misgovernment, the confederacy stands unrivaled. The prevailing spirit was freedom.
They were secured all the liberty necessary for the united state and fully appreciated its value.
The red man was always free from political bondage. He was convinced that man was born free; that no person had any right to deprive him of that liberty. Undoubtedly the reason for this was the absence from the Indian mind of a desire for gain—that great passion of the white man—"His blessing and his curse in its use and abuse."
The hunter wants of the Indian, absence of property in a comparative sense, and the infrequency of crime, dispensed with a vast amount of legislation and machinery incident to the protection of civilized society.
The system upon which the League was founded, as before stated, was a singularly well chosen one, and is highly illustrative of the intellectual character of this people. "It was wisely conceived by the untaught statesman of the forest, who had no precedents to consult, no written lore of ages to refer to, no failures or triumphs of systems of human governments to use as models or comparisons, nothing to prompt them but necessity and emergency."
President Dwight said, "Had they enjoyed the advantages possessed by the Greeks and Romans, there is no reason to believe they would have been at all inferior to these celebrated nations." Their minds appear to have been equal to any effort within the reach of man. Their conquests, if we consider their numbers and circumstances, were little inferior to Rome itself. In their harmony, the unity of their operations, the energy of their character, the vastness, vigor and success of their enterprises, and the strength and sublimity of their eloquence, they may be fairly compared to the Greeks.
Both the Greeks and Romans, before they began to rise into distinction, had already reached the state of society in which they were able to improve. The Iroquois had not. The Greeks and Romans had ample means for improvement. The Iroquois had none.
The destruction of the confederacy was necessary to the well being of the colonists. During the Revolutionary war, harassed as they were by roving bands instigated by the tribes to massacre and burn, the Colonial government authorized the Commander-in-Chief to administer punishment for the horrible atrocities committed at Wyoming and Cherry Valley. To obtain a complete, detailed account of the manner in which it was done, one has but to read the record of Sullivan's Expedition in 1779, compiled by the Hon. George S. Conover for the Secretary of State, 1886.
This remarkable undertaking by General Sullivan has been aptly compared to some of the most famous expeditions in the world's history. The boldness of its conception, the bravery of the officers and men, were equaled on but few occasions during the great Revolutionary struggle.
The writings and researches of historians of the present day attach greater importance to this expedition than formerly. The collection of materials during the last centennial celebrations has resulted in shedding much light upon the pages of Our Country's history, that was formerly but little known.
In this respect General John S. Clark, Rev. David Craft, Lockwood L. Doty, Hon. George S. Conover and others have performed a great service that should receive recognition.
The colonists were particularly concerned regarding the attitude of the Iroquois, who were considered more dangerous than three times the number of civilized foes. The strong influence exerted by the Johnsons with their allies, the Mohawks, was dreaded. Subsequently these fears were proved well grounded.
When the General Council was held by the Iroquois to consider the question of joining the British in the war against the colonies, a division occurred—the Oneidas opposing the alliance, while the Mohawks were anxious for an alliance with the British.
As unanimity could not be secured, each tribe was by law of the League free to engage in the war or remain at peace with the Americans. The sequel shows that the British agents, with presents of gunpowder and lead, also promises of a bounty to be paid for scalps taken from the colonists, were successful with all but the Oneidas, who remained true to their first declaration.
To friendship alone could the colonists appeal. They were not able to assure the Indians that the rum of the Americans was as plenty as the water of the lake, as the British had done.
The majority of the Indians concluded that the colonists were too poor or too mean to make them any gifts. Had the influences been less powerful the Indians might still have remained the friend of the settlers as he had been during long years of peace.
The indignation of Pitt in denunciation of the wrong done by the employment of Indians has made his name immortal. How different the policy of the American! The offers of the Oneidas were courteously yet firmly refused. They only shared in the struggle as guides or scouts.
Wyoming in July—Cherry Valley in November, were only on a larger scale the repetition of recurring events along the entire frontier. The blood-curdling yell, accompanied by the tomahawk and scalping knife, were a constant menace to the settler. The demand for decided measures was imperative. The Wyoming massacre sent a thrill of horror through the country, and renewed the demand for retaliatory measures.
General Washington was directed to take such measures as he deemed advisable, for the protection of the frontiers. Realizing the country's condition and the great need of economy in public expenditures, Washington's policy for 1779 was to remain on the defensive, except as might be found necessary to hold the Indians in check.
England's affairs in Europe at this time were such that she would not be apt to push her operations in America. Washington himself was an experienced Indian fighter—knew how they could be punished—early favored an expedition into the heart of the Indian country—having but little faith in the plan of establishing forts. He wished to carry the war to their own homes, destroy villages and crops and compel them to accept peace or depend on the British for sustenance.
The country to be traversed on such an expedition was but little known, so Washington during the winter and spring devoted a great deal of time to obtaining information needed and planning for the campaign, which was subsequently shown to be the most important event of that year, and furnished a lasting lesson to the hostile tribes of the North.
After the declination of the command by General Gates, Washington tendered the command, which was promptly accepted by General Sullivan, whose patriotism and bravery were well known.
Preparations were immediately commenced for the great undertaking. Hamilton under Washington's direction, drew up a letter of instructions, which was signed by Washington. The first paragraph is interesting:
"May 31, 1779. Sir:—The expedition you are appointed to command is to be directed against the hostile tribes of the Six Nations of Indians with their associates and adherents. The immediate object is their total destruction and devastation and the capture of as many persons of every age and sex as possible. It will be essential to ruin their crops, now on the ground, and prevent their planting more."
Then followed instructions more in detail, showing that Washington had acquired an almost accurate knowledge of the country not only, but the people as well. His instructions were carried out almost to the letter as far as the army proceeded.
Sullivan concluded when he had driven them from the valley of the Genesee that his mission was fulfilled.
Sensitiveness that is unreasoning may have been shocked at Washington's policy, carried out by Sullivan. The destruction of forty villages, some of them extensive, as reported by Sullivan, sixty thousand bushels of corn, three thousand bushels of beans—in one orchard fifteen hundred peach trees—seemed harsh treatment, but when we consider that a major portion of this would have furnished the Tories with sustenance, another view must be taken.
Humanity, however, dictated the firing of cannon every morning, giving the Indians an opportunity to retreat, which was in strong contrast with the savage, cruel manner of Brant and Butler in their attacks upon peaceful settlers.
When the Senecas returned after peace was declared, their respect for Ha-na-de-ga-na-ars (destroyer of villages), as Washington was called by them, was greatly strengthened.
When Horatio Jones, Major Van Campen and others moved into their territory, they were kindly treated, and gave kind treatment in return.
The record of the Iroquois has been one of unbroken peace and friendship since then, for their last treaty made with General Washington has been kept inviolate.
In the campaign of 1779 it was evident that the British intended to confine their operations to pillaging expeditions on the frontiers in the north, and an effort to cripple the Union in the south.
In July of the previous year, Butler and Brant with a force of 1600 Indians and Tories had entered the Wyoming Valley and spread death and destruction in their path, and in November raided the inhabitants of Cherry Valley.
Two years before, St. Leger had made his unsuccessful attempt on Fort Stanwix and the Mohawk Valley, while Burgoyne was attempting to force his way through our northern frontier.
Nor were these raids upon the valleys of the Mohawk and the Wyoming, and the inhabitants of Cherry Valley, the only calamities visited upon the frontiers. By reason of the location and small size of the border settlements and the great distance between detached dwellings, the inhabitants, from the very beginning of the Revolutionary struggle, were subject to constant attack by small bands of Indians, and Tories disguised as such, who murdered those who fell into their hands and burned and pillaged their dwellings until none but the most intrepid dared remain in their homes. The supplicating tears of women and children, and the wail of helpless babes, were unheeded. The tomahawk and war-club fell without pity upon the defenceless heads of all alike, and the scalps of women and children and the silvered locks of the aged mingled with those of manhood to adorn the belt of the savage, and be bartered for British gold. Here and there a heap of ashes and a few putrefying bodies remained to show the location of some unfortunate settler's cabin or frontier hamlet. Desolation was spread from one end of the border to the other, and the wail of despair was not to be resisted by the Congress. That body had received a constant stream of appeals for aid from the sufferers at the front since the very beginning of the war. A large part of the documentary remains of that period consist of such letters to Washington, Governor Clinton, and others in authority.
On the first of April, 1779, Congress, in response to a letter of March 13th, from the Legislature of New York, passed a resolution authorizing an expedition against these marauders. The campaign was planned by the Commander-in-chief. Its execution was first offered to General Gates because of his seniority, but the offer was made in such a way that it could not be accepted, and Gates was obliged to decline in favor of Major-General John Sullivan, whom Washington intended from the first should be its commander.
General Washington's orders to Sullivan for the conduct of the campaign were very explicit, and were in part as follows:
"The immediate objects are the total destruction and devastation of their settlements, and the capture of as many prisoners of every age and sex as possible. It will be essential to ruin their crops now in the ground and prevent their planting more . . . parties should be detached to lay waste all the settlements around, with instructions to do it in the most effectual manner, that the country may not be merely overrun, but destroyed. Make rather than receive attacks, attend with as much impetuosity, shouting, and noise, as possible; and make the troops act in as loose and dispersed a way as is consistent with a proper degree of government, concert, and mutual support. It should be previously impressed upon the minds of the men, whenever they have an opportunity, to rush on with the war-whoop and fixed bayonet. Nothing will disconcert and terrify the Indians more than this."
The forces were gathered in three divisions; the principal and central one, rendezvousing at Wyoming, was composed of the three brigades of Maxwell, Poor, and Hand, and proceeded up the valley of the Susquehanna to Tioga, where it was joined by the right division under Gen. James Clinton, whose force, consisting of 1,600 men, was gathered at Canajoharie, and proceeded down the headwaters of the Susquehanna. The left division, consisting of 600 men, under Col. Daniel Brodhead, marched up the Allegheny from Pittsburgh, leaving that place the 11th of August, burned 11 towns, containing about 165 houses, which were for the most part constructed of logs and framed timber; destroyed more than 500 acres of cultivated land then in full crop, and took loot estimated as worth $30,000. This division returned to Pittsburgh the 14th of September, having been too late to join the main body, and never having come under the direct command of Gen. Sullivan.
The main division began to assemble at Wyoming early in April, but it was not until the last day of July, in the afternoon, that they finally began their advance. The artillery, ammunition and provisions were loaded on 214 boats (this is the number stated by Col. Proctor, who was in charge of the fleet; most accounts say 120), while 1,200 pack horses carried the baggage and camp utensils, and 700 beef cattle were driven along for food. Gordon, and some other British writers, have claimed that Sullivan demanded much more than he should in the way of supplies. Some of Sullivan's enemies at home made the same charge; but it is a notorious fact that the commander had great difficulty in procuring the amount that he had and that it fell far short of what prudence required. As it was, some of the pork was packed in barrels made of green staves, and spoiled. Much of the time the army subsisted on short rations, eked out by green corn and other supplies taken from the fields of the Indians which they were destroying.
Tioga was the Iroquois name for the point of land lying between the Chemung River and the north branch of the Susquehanna. Every name that an Indian gave to a place or a person was descriptive, and had a meaning. Most of these as we find them written are corruptions of the names as they sounded when spoken by an Indian, and therefore we find the same word in different documents spelled in as many ways as it could be spelled by illiterate English, Dutch and French settlers, with a few extra letters thrown in. Tioga is said to mean anything between any other two things, a gate, the forks of a river, etc. (from Teyaogen, or Teiohogen). Van Curler in his Journal of 1634 speaks of the Mohawk's name of their great river as Vyoge. Father Jogues gave Oiogue as the Mohawk name for the Hudson, in 1646. Ohio is another corrupted form of the same word, and all seem to be corrupted from the same Iroquois word, meaning a large stream. Many other Indian place-names occur in the various journals of the officers engaged in this expedition, and it would be interesting to take them up and consider their meaning if it were possible. But in the above case it seems fair to suppose that Indians coming down the trail from the Chemung Valley should speak of this spot as Vyoge, or Oiogue, the great or principal river, as distinguished from the smaller branch above.
However that may be, the time between the 31st of July and the 11th of August was consumed by the main body of the army in reaching this spot, selected as the meeting place of the divisions.
On their march for this place after leaving Wyoming, the first night they encamped at a place called by the Delaware Indians,Lechau-Hanneck,or Lackawanna, also said to mean the forks of a stream, and by the Iroquois called Hazirok, with something of the same meaning. The following night they encamped at a place the Indians called Quailutimack, meaning, "We came upon them unawares." On the 4th, it is related, they crossed a small creek, called where it joins the Susquehanna,Massasppi(missisipu), great river, this being a Delaware word meaning about the same as the Iroquois Oiogue.
On the 5th the detachment lost three of its men, one soldier dying of the so called "falling sickness," one of Proctor's artillerymen being drowned, and Sergt. Martin Johnson dying from heat. Dr. Elmer informs us in his journal that Johnson was a hard drinker and "his vitals were decayed by spirituous liquors." On the 8th, Col. Proctor destroyed the first of the Indian settlements, a place called Newtychanning, consisting of about twenty houses.
The army arrived at Tioga on the 13th. Here they remained until the 25th, awaiting the arrival of General Clinton's detachment. In the meantime Fort Sullivan was erected, and a detachment sent up the Chemung River to destroy an Indian town of the same name, consisting of about fifty houses, with more than 100 acres of cultivated fields of grain and other Indian produce. Some of the troops under General Hand, as they pursued the Indians who were fleeing from the village, fell into an ambush, whereby six were killed and nine wounded, with slight loss to the enemy. While destroying the crops, one other man was killed and three more wounded by some of the enemy who were concealed across the river. The houses here destroyed were built of split and hewed timber, covered with bark, and in the center of the town were two large buildings, presumably council houses. None of the buildings had chimneys or floors. While herding the stock in the camp at Tioga, the Indians succeeded in killing and scalping several of the pack-horse men and wounding some others.
Meantime a detachment under Generals Hand and Poor were sent up the Susquehanna to meet General Clinton.
Gen. Sullivan had written Clinton from Wyoming on July 30th, "I wish you to set out on the 9th of next month (marching moderately), as some allowance is to be made for bad weather, which will probably detain us some time. On my arrival at Tioga, I will immediately detach a considerable body of light troops to favor and secure your march."
Previous to this date Clinton had gathered his forces at Canajoharie and transported them to the shore of Otsego Lake, the level of which he had raised about two feet by erecting a dam, for the purpose of causing a flood which would float his expedition in boats over the shallows of the Susquehanna head-waters.
Breaking the dam, he left Otsego Lake, according to Sullivan's instructions, on the 9th of August, and proceeding down the river with little difficulty, destroyed such Indian dwellings and crops as came in his path.
Lieut.-Colonel Pawling, with a detachment, was marching from KingstonviaShandakin, under orders to join Clinton on August 16th. at Annaquaga, which, before it was destroyed by Col. William Butler, in the fall of 1778, was quite a large Indian settlement, occupying an island and both sides of the river, where the little village of Onaquaga now stands. Clinton arrived at this place on the 15th, and remained there until the 17th, awaiting the arrival of Pawling. In the center of the island he found the cellars and wells of about sixty houses, also fine orchards. Most of these buildings had been log houses, with stone chimneys and glass windows.
Pawling did not arrive, but returned to Kingston on September 1st and reported his inability to join Clinton, owing to the swollen streams and bad roads. Proceeding on their way, the Right Division passed several Tuscarora villages, which they destroyed, with the crops. Arriving at the mouth of the Chenango Creek, a small detachment was sent four miles up that stream to destroy the village of Chenango, consisting of about twenty houses.
On the 19th they joined the detachment of General Poor, burning the villages of Chukkanut and Owagea, and three days later arrived at the encampment of the main division at Tioga. On the 23d of August, by the accidental discharge of a musket, Captain Kimball was killed and a Lieutenant wounded.
Leaving a garrison to defend Fort Sullivan, at Tioga, the whole army proceeded, on the 26th, taking the route up the Tioga branch of the Susquehanna. About sixteen miles up this stream was a village called Newtown, which they reached on the 29th. Here the light troops, which were marching ahead, discovered a breastworks, artfully masked by green bushes, extending for about half a mile, in an advantageous place, protected by a high mountain on one side, the river on the other, and a large creek in front, behind which the enemy were entrenched. Here occurred the most important fight of the campaign. The design of the enemy appears to have been primarily, an ambuscade. His force of British regulars, consisting of two battalions of Royal Greens and Tories, was led by Col. John Butler, with Captains Walter Butler and Macdonald as subordinates. The Indian forces were commanded by the great Mohawk chief, Joseph Brant. All the cunning of the Indians, combined with the trained tactics of the British regulars, were here exerted to check the advance of Sullivan's invading army. Had the Americans not discovered the trap in time to avoid it, the story of this campaign would have ended here in a tale of butchery hardly equaled in the annals of war. But three companies of Morgan's riflemen, the pride of Washington, were in advance; veterans of a hundred battles, and in no way inferior to the enemy in Indian craft; and the ingenious device for drawing our forces into an ambush was thwarted. For hours the battle waged fiercely. By skillfully maneuvering his troops Sullivan had nearly succeeded in surrounding the enemy, when, admirably commanded, and wisely discreet, the signal for retreat was sounded just in time to escape. The entire loss to the Americans was three killed and thirty-nine wounded. Twelve Indians were found dead on the field, but the number of their wounded is unknown.
The events of the succeeding days during which the expedition was prosecuting its errand of destruction, were a constant repetition of each other. The army was almost constantly on the move, searching out and destroying such settlements as could be found. The Indians skulked away like a pack of wolves at the approach of the hunter, turning now and then to snap at their pursuers, and then vanishing. Where once had stood their pleasant villages surrounded by fruitful fields, was only left heaps of smouldering ashes and masses of trampled grain and prostrate fruit trees. They needed no spies to keep them informed of the progress of the invaders. A trail of smoke by day and a ruddy glow on the sky at night told it too plainly. The scourge had fallen. Not only were the frontiers cleared but the doom of the Iroquoian Confederacy was sealed, and its dominion over the vast territory which it had so long ruled was destroyed forever. From the mountains of northern Pennsylvania, through the beautiful valley of the Susquehanna and the lake region of central New York to the fruitful valley of the Genesee, no Indian settlement of importance was left. Said Sullivan in his official report: "The number of towns destroyed by this army amounted to 40, beside scattering houses. The quantity of corn destroyed, at a moderate computation, must amount to 160,000 bushels, with a vast quantity of vegetables of every kind. Every creek and river has been traced, and the whole country explored in search of Indian settlements, and I am well persuaded that, except one town situated near the Allegheny, about 50 miles from Genesee, there is not a single town left in the country of the Five Nations.
"It is with pleasure I inform Congress that this army has not suffered the loss of forty men, in action or otherwise, since my taking the command, though perhaps few troops have experienced a more fatiguing campaign. I flatter myself that the orders with which I was entrusted are fully executed, as we have not left a single settlement or field of corn in the country of the Five Nations, nor is there even the appearance of an Indian on this side of Niagara."