LETTERS FROM GEORGE WASHINGTON.

These evils are not the result of popular government; they are incident to our transitional civilization. They have always existed, probably in a grosser form than to-day. Would a return to monarchical government better things?

Possibly we have anticipated too much of organized democracy. It is still aiming for its ideal. As we have said of liberty, democracy is not a finality; it is only a status by which public opinion for the time being can be most effectively expressed in government.

The reaction, if there be one, is moral and spiritual, rather than political. The American people have been densely absorbed in the material development of our wonderful country. The task has been a huge one. So far as it has been completed, it has been magnificently done. If we have seemed to worship the Golden Calf, we may find in due time how unsatisfying wealth-gathering is. If at present the consumer seems to be throttled by the trust-magnate, on one hand, and the labor-trust on the other, each monopoly working to the common purpose of keeping up prices to be paid by the consumer, the remedy is in his own hands. It is not in riot, revolution, anarchy, by frenzied declamations against those who are doing only what nine-tenths of the human kind would do for themselves, if opportunity were afforded; but by using the power which free government gives to the people, and correcting the evils by what Gladstone called "the resources of civilization." Out of the roar and brawl of the times will come a sharp examination into the system of laws which permit the accumulation of stupendous fortunes by the "cornering" of a commodity which human necessities require; by shrewd manipulations of tariff, patent, corporation and transportation laws, and by other anti-social agencies. The people, the consumers, create all the legislatures, appoint all the judges, execute all the laws. The fortunes of the rich exist because the people so allow. "A breath can make them, and a breath has made," All the creature-comforts, all culture-conquests have been evolved by the people. It is not by a reversion to Asiatic paternalism, or by the assumption of all industrial agencies by the State, which is the present aim of Socialism, or by a retreat into aboriginal lawlessness and intense selfishness—which Anarchism would result in—that social relief will come.

The American people will work these problems out and will work them out right. "The glory of the sum of things" does not come with a flash. There are always remedial agencies actively at work. They have saved civilization again and again, when the economic order seemed about to break down, when effete governments have fallen in cataclysms which have almost wrecked the social fabric; when mankind seemed to be wandering in a wilderness of ignorance, doubt and despair. Human nature is a tough, elastic, expansive article. If common sense is a product of the ages, so is what is termed "the corporate morality" of the race. Everything makes for what Burke said he loved, "a manly, moral, regulated liberty."

It is hard for us to learn the imperative lesson that everything, except moral and spiritual elements, is only transitional. We are too much inclined to think that any existing status has come to stay. Not so. While evils do not cure themselves, evil is only the negative of the good. The human agent, with his enormous plasticity, constantly widening intelligence and marvelous capacity for growth, is always the instrument, guided by the unseen powers, that make for rectitude, to strike at wrong. There is always more good than evil; otherwise society could not hold together. If progress has been slow, it is because it ought to be slow.

In our economic order, the trust, the trade-unions—often in our day instruments of danger—are factors that in the end will tend to good. They are a part of the great synthetic movement which is unifying the race. They will lead to a greater coherency in our industrial life. They are educational in their tendency. Great fortunes, dizzying wealth, have their evil side; they are monstrous creations which have been created by a union of constructive talent with the mechanical inventions of the age. By-and-by, their possessors may see that they are but ashes; intolerable burdens; gilded rubbish. But in our present stage, there is need of wealthy men. They have important uses. Business has heretofore been too largely directed to the acquisition of wealth. This grossness will be succeeded by an era of equitable distribution.

We must remember that the very idea of property implies more or less of selfishness. An ideally altruistic man could not acquire property beyond his immediate needs. What view of it may be taken in remote future ages we know not. At present, however, it is absolutely necessary. To protect life and liberty, government must protect property. Undoubtedly the possession of enormous wealth, thereby generating sharp distinctions between classes, is inimical to the Democratic Ideal. Democracy pre-supposes a tolerable measure of equality in possessions, and an absence of class privilege. The people must perhaps re-cast much of their legislation, to make sure that their public franchises and natural monopolies are not exploited by the few at the expense of the many. In a country where the press is allowed unlimited freedom, and where every man has a share in the government, where laws are flexible and easily modified, there should be little difficulty in curbing the pretensions of insolent wealth and protecting the people from lawlessness.

Possibly in the Socialistic movement, which is now academic, crude and unscientific, and which, in its present stage, offers as a healing balm for industrial evils only the paralysis of state despotism, there may be a curative germ. Certainly, at its base, is the principle of human brotherhood, co-operation and a lofty altruism. It is now in antagonism with the Democratic Ideal; ultimately it may be resolved into an auxiliary in purging society from some of the evils with which it is infected.

If we live in an era of greed and graft, we also live in an era of enormous goodness, unparalleled philanthropy, increasing intelligence and advancing ethical standards. Can there be any doubt which forces will win?

The Democratic Ideal, towards which all nations are drifting by the inexorable sweep of ethical forces, still shines before the American people. Whatever is rotten, vulgar, base, corrupt, in our body politic will be eliminated by the same law of progress, moral, physical, social, spiritual, which has brought the race to its present transitional status. Lincoln's ideal of a government of the people, for the people, by the people, will not perish from the earth. Up from the scum and reek of corruption—unless the ancient power of conscience and intellect are dead; and they are not dead, but live in deathless vigor—will spring a new growth of justice, liberty, love.

But the nation must not lose it vision; that incommunicable quality that leads to the light. "Where there is no vision, the people perish."

The past is behind us, with all its solemn monitions. The future beckons us to the shining uplands of limitless progress. The ascent is not easy, but it must and will be made.

Head Quarters, West Point, July 29th, 1779.

Dr. Sir,

I have been duly favored with your letter of the 10th, the contents of which are of so serious a nature, with respect to the Quarter Masters and Commissary's department, that I thought it my duty to communicate them to General Greene and Col. Wadsworth.

... If there has been neglect in either department, the delinquents must be responsible to the public and these Gentlemen ought to be acquainted with what has been alleged. . . .

I cannot but repeat my entreaties, that you will hasten your operation with all possible dispatch; and that you will disencumber yourself of every article of baggage and stores which is not necessary to the expedition. Not only its success but its execution at all depends on this. 'Tis a kind of service in which both officers and men must expect to dispense with conveniences and endure hardships. . . . They must not and I trust will not expect to carry the same apparatus which is customary in other operations. I am persuaded that if you do not lighten yourself to the greatest possible degree, you will not only eminently hazard a defeat, but you will never be able to penetrate any distance into the Indian Country. . . . The greater part of your provisions will be consumed in preparation, and the remainder in the first stages of a tedious and laborious march.

General Clinton in a letter to the Governor of the 6th instant mentioned his arrival at the south end of Otsego Lake where he was waiting your orders. . . .

Enclosed I transmit you extracts of two letters of the 7th and 27th instant from Major-General Schuyler with interesting intelligence.

I am with great regard Dr. Sir Yr. Most Obet. Servant Ge. Washington

This will be accompanied by Commissions for the four New York Regiments and the 4th Pennsylvania. . . . in three packages. . . .

Col. Broadhead has informed me that he has a prospect of undertaking an expedition against the Mingoes with the aid of some of the friendly Indians; I have encouraged him by all means to do it, if practicable; should it take place, it will be an useful diversion in your favor as he will approach pretty near to your left flank. . . .

Head Quarters WestPoint August 1st, 1779.

Dr. Sir,

Brandt at the head of a party of whites & Indians said to have amounted to eighty or ninety men has lately made an incursion into the Minisinks and cut off a party of fifty or sixty of our militia. It is reported that Brandt himself was either killed or wounded in the action. . . . By a fellow belonging to this party, who has fallen into our hands, as he pretends voluntarily (but is suspected to have mistaken his way.) I am informed that the party came from Chemung in quest of provisions of which the savages are in great want. He says their deficiency in this respect is so great that they are obliged to keep themselves in a desperate state; and when they collect will not be able to remain long together. He gives the following account of their strength, movements & designs. . . . That the whole force they will be able to assemble will not exceed fifteen hundred fighting men whites and Indians, which they themselves conceive will be equal to double the number of our men in the woods. . . . That Butler with a party of both sorts was at Conosadago in number 3 or 400. . . . That at Chemung and the adjacent town were two or three hundred warriors. . . . That Chemung was appointed as the place of rendezvous where or in the neighborhood the Indians intended to give you battle, after which if they were unsuccessful they intended to retire towards Niagara harassing your march as much as possible with small parties and by ambuscades. . . . That some of the towns had sent off their old men & women, others more confident and discrediting that there was an army coming against them, had still kept them at home. . . . That no reinforcement had yet come from Canada; but that Brandt who was lately arrived from thence assured the Indians there was one coming after him. . . . The principal strength of the Indians is in the Genesee towns. . . .

You will give as much credit to this account as you think proper and in proportion to its conformity to your other intelligence. The informant is a deserter from Cortlandt's Regiment who says he was carried off by force to the Indians and took the present opportunity of leaving them. . . . He appears not to be destitute of shrewdness and as his apprehensions were pretty strong I am inclined to think as far as his knowledge extended he was sincere. . . .

In my last I forgot to inform you that on the 15th instant at night Brigadier Gen. Wayne with the Light Infantry took Stony point by assault. The whole garrison consisting of about 600 men with Col. Johnson commanding officer, fifteen pieces of cannon of different sizes & quantity of stores fell into our hands. Our loss in killed & wounded was less than an hundred, of which not above thirty will be finally lost to the service. . . . General Wayne received a wound in the head. . . . This affair does great honor to our troops who entered the works at the point of the bayonet, scarcely firing a gun. The post you may recollect was extremely formidable by nature and strongly fortified. . . . The enemy, it is said, supposed it capable of defying our whole force. The opposite point had it not been for some unavoidable accidents would probably also fallen into our hands. . . . The enemy from these had time to come to its relief and have since repossessed Stony Point, which we evacuated and destroyed.

I am with great regard Dr. Sr. (Duplicate) Yr. Obet. servt G Washington

ps. Enclosed is a duplicate of mine of the 29th with its enclosures lest there should be a miscarriage.

Head Quarters West Point 3d Sept. 1779.

Dear Sir,

I was made very happy to find, by yours of the 25th ulto that your junction with General Clinton would take place on the next day, and that no opposition had been given him on the passage down the River. Colonel Pauling, not having been able to reach Anagarga at the appointed time, and upon his arrival there, finding that General Clinton had passed by, has returned to the settlements with the men under his command—who were about 200. But as your junction has been effected with scarce any loss, I hope this small demonstration of force will not be felt in your operations.

I yesterday rec a letter of the 31st July from Colo. Broadhead at Fort Pitt, from which the enclosed is an extract. By this you will perceive, that he intended to begin his march towards the Seneca Country on the 7th or 8th of last month, and will also see his reasons for setting out so early.

On the receipt of your letter of the 13th ulto. I immediately desired the Commissary General to form a magazine for your future supply at some safe and convenient place in your rear, and on receiving that of the 20th I repeated the order, and directed him to make Wyoming the place of deposit. By the enclosed extracts from Colo. Wadsworth and Mr. Blaine you will find that matters are in forwardness for that purpose.

I have the pleasure to inform you that Spain has at length taken a decisive part. In the enclosed paper, you will find his Manifesto delivered to the Court of Great Britain on the 16th June last, with the message of the King to Parliament thereupon.

It is to be hoped this formidable junction of the House of Bourbon will not fail of establishing the Independence of America in a short time. . . .

I am Dear Sir Your most obt. Sert. Ge. Washington

Albany, April 29th, 1779.

Dear Sir:

Your Excellency's Favor of the 24th Instant, I had the Honor to receive on the 27th.

Yesterday I had a conference with General Clinton and General Ten Broeck on the subject matter of your letter. The latter has promised to make use of every exertion to raise the quota his Brigade is to furnish. He will advise you of the difficulties he has to encounter and I really fear if he should be able to procure the whole number at least (which I have not much reason to believe he will) so much time will elapse that the troops now to the Northward, will be drawn away before any part are sent to take the posts they now occupy, except Captain Stockwell's Company.

General Clinton proposes to send such men of the corps now in this Quarter, as may be unfit for the active service intended to be prosecuted, to the Block House he has built at Sacandaga, and if there should be more such men than what are necessary for that post, he will order them to the Northward.

If General Washington prosecutes the operations he at present meditates against the savages, the Western Frontiers will be in perfect security. I conceive it will therefore only be necessary to employ what Force you may have for the Defense of the Northern Frontiers of this County and that of Tryon.

Part of Warner's Regiment is now at Rutland. About one hundred men will be sufficient at Skenesborough; twenty-five men at Fort Edward and the Remainder I should advise to be stationed at the Junction of the North Branch of Hudson's River with the Western one or a little to the Westward of it, where the Road cut by the Tories in 1776 from Crown point comes to the River. Those would at once cover the North Western parts of this County and the Northern parts of Tryon.

I shall direct Capt. Stockwell to march to Skenesborough, having a small Detachment at Fort Edward. Copy of his orders I shall transmit your Excellency by a future Conveyance.

Last night I received a Resolution of Congress accepting of my Resignation. I feel myself happy in the prospect of that Ease and Satisfaction which my Retirement will afford me. Impressed however with a lively sense of the Duty I owe my Country, I must entreat you never to hesitate honoring me with your Commands on any occasion in which as a private Citizen I may be serviceable.

As General Clinton will transmit you the Account of our sweep against the Onondagas, it supersedes the Necessity of my doing it.

I have the Honor to be Dear Sir with great respect and esteem, Your Excellency's most obedient humble servant, Ph. Schuyler. (To Geo. Clinton.)

Phila. 26th Jany., 1778.

Sir,

Permit me to recommend to your Excellency's favorable attention and thro you in such manner as you may think most proper to the Legislature an application of the Bearer of this letter. From the conversation I have had with him on the subject his design appears to me well calculated for the purpose of serving in some Degree our Western Frontier and consequently enriching the intermediate country. It hath also the immediate effect of procuring a number of good industrious subjects. Perhaps I should not go too far in saying that every man so acquired would be worth two. To state or enlarge on his plan would be absurd as he will personally have the honor of conferring with you. I have only to say that the honorable stars he gained at Bemis' Heights will be a better recommendation than I can give. As a Representative of the State of New York I think I do my Duty in forwarding the Views of one who is so much its Friend.

I have the Honor to be most respectfully Your Excellency's most obedient and humble servant, GOUV. MORRIS.

Office of Finance, 5 June 1783.

Sir

Congress having directed a very considerable part of the Army to be sent home on Furlough, I am pressed exceedingly to make a payment of three months wages, and I am very desirous to accomplish it, but the want of money compels me to an Anticipation on the Taxes by making this payment in notes; to render this mode tolerably just or useful, the notes must be punctually discharged when they fall due, and my dependence must be on the money to be received of the several States, on the Requisitions for the last and present year. I hope the urgency of the case will produce the desired exertions and finally enable me to preserve the credit and honor of the Federal Government.

I have the honor to Remain Your Excellency's Most obedient & Very humble Servt. Robt. Morris. His Excellency The Governor of New York.

Paris 10th May 1783.

Dear Sir

I think it probable that every dutch Gentleman who goes to Philadelphia, will also visit New York, which was first settled by his own nation.

Mr. Boers, who has been deputed by Holland to transact certain affairs here, recommends Mr. de Hogendorp to me in the warmest Terms. This gentleman is a Lieutenant in the dutch guards, & of a respectable family. He expects to go to America with Mr. Van Berkel. The confidence I have in the Recommendation of Mr. Boers and my Desire of rendering our Country agreeable to Mr. Hogendorp, leads me to take the Liberty of introducing him to your Excellency and to request that in case he should visit New York, he may be favored with your friendly attentions.

I have the Honor to be with great esteem and Regard, Your Excellency's most ob't & most h'ble Servant, John Jay. His Excellency Geo. Clinton, Esq. Governor of New York.

Manor Livingston, 28th June 1778.

Sir

I returned from Albany the middle of this month and intended in the course of the present week to pay a visit to your Excellency principally to give you a more minute detail than can well be done by letter, of the state of our western frontier and the temper of the six nations. My intentions are frustrated by a summons to attend the Commission of Indian Affairs at Albany on an agreeable occasion. I firmly believe that if we do not take vigorous and decisive measures with the six nations they will in the course of this summer drive in a great part of the inhabitants and do us injuries which it will take years to retrieve. I have strongly inculcated this idea upon Congress in every letter since I became thoroughly acquainted with Indian Affairs, and they have now come to suitable resolutions on the subject. God grant that they may be shown proper exertions and crowned with success.

The dispatches which accompany this render it needless to be particular.

Mrs. Duane joins me in respectful Compliments to Mrs. Clinton. She continues very feeble, tho I flatter myself the malady has not yet reached her vitals and that by exercise and the course of medicine she is now in, her health may yet be re-established.

I am with highest respect Sir, Your Excellency's most obed. and very humble servant, JAMES DUANE. His Excellency Governor Clinton.

Hartford, April 8th, 1778.

Dear Sir,

I herewith send you Mr. Treland and Lieut. Griffith, both inhabitants of your State, the latter is an officer in the new Levies, was taken some time in August last, and since then has been exceeding busy, in poisoning the minds of the inhabitants where he has been stationed. The character of the former, I dare say your Excellancy is sufficiently acquainted with. I have Lieut. Griffith in consequence of a Resolution of Congress, making the Inhabitants of the States subject to trial by the Civil Law and for his bad behavior since he has been Indulged with a Parole.

I arrived here yesterday and to-morrow proceed as to Gov. Trumball.

I am, Dear Sir, Your most Obed. Serv't, Israel Putnam. His Excellency, Gov. Clinton.

P. S. The three pieces of heavy cannon which I mentioned to your Excellency has arrived here, one of them went on three or four Days since, the others will go in about two days.

Clinton Papers Furnished by Geo. Clinton Andrews, Esq. of Tarrytown, N. Y.

Fort Montgomery, 2d May 1777.

Sir,

I wrote to Convention this morning inclosing the Proceedings of a General Court Martial held at this place for the Trial of sundry prisoners for Treason against the States. Since which so many others have been sent to this Post charged with the same offense that the Guard House can't contain them. I have therefore thought it advisable to send those already tried to be confined in Livingston Gaol, together with Cadwallader Coldon Esquire, who stands charged with the like offense as will appear by the Examination of Jacob Davis taken before the Chairman of the Committee of Shawangunk and now transmitted to you by Lieutenant Rose, who has the care of the Prisoners. One of the Prisoners tells that Doctor Ansson and one Low was left behind their party in the Clove near Pysoryck at a little house there on Account of Low's being lame and the Doctor to take care of him. They ought in my opinion to be hunted up immediately. The Prisoners except Mr. Coldon, who are not yet tried, I mean to keep confined at this Place for Trial. Mr. Coldon I have thought best to send forward as it might not be prudent to keep him confined at this Post for many Reasons.

I am your Most Obed. Serv't, GEO. CLINTON. To the President of the Convention of the State of New York,

Albany, May 28th, 1779.

Sir,

I have received yours of the 23rd Inst. General Ten Broeck hath ascertained the Quota which each Regiment is to furnish for the Continental and State Regiments, and Issued Orders for them to join in one week after the Orders were issued. I believe the General has endeavored to take every necessary step to supply the Deficiencies which yet remain, Tho from the unavoidable delays of the officers of his Brigade he hath met with much trouble, as I have seen I believe, every letter he has received on the subject.

I have ordered Capt. McKean to command all the drafts of Tryon County, as I knew it was agreeable to all the Inhabitants of that part of the Country, tho I did not know at the time I appointed him for this service that you intended him to Command those drafts out of General Ten Broeck's Brigade. I conceived Lieut. Smith was to be his Lieutenant.

I have disposed of them in the following manner, to wit—Capt. McKean and Lieut. Smith with all the drafts from Colonels Clock, Bellinger and Gambles Regiments at Fort Dayton and a small Fort, eight miles higher up the River.

Lieut. Vrooman with those from Colonel Vesichus' Regiment at the Block House at Sacandaga, where there are a Captain and and sixty men of Colonel Dubois' Regiment. Those Drafts serve as Pilots.

The drafts from Colonel Vrooman's Regiment at Schoharie with an officer from the same Regiment, I have ordered to a Block House and Picqueted Fort, which I ordered to be built last Winter at Cobus Kill.

Those under Capt. Stockwell and a certain Lieut. Putnam, appointed by Colonel McCrea, are ordered to take Post at Skeenesborough and Fort Edwards.

I should be glad to see Major Van Burnschooten with the drafts you mention at this place. They might be disposed of to great advantage at Schoharie, where they will be much wanted when the Continental troops are ordered to March.

Enclosed I send you a Copy of a Letter from Colonel Van Schaick which contains all the news in this quarter.

I am your very humble servant, James Clinton. Gov. Clinton.

In the name of God, amen. I, Charles Clinton, of Little Brittain, in the County of Ulster and Province of New York in America, being of sound mind and memory, blessed be God, do this twenty-sixth day of March, in the year of Our Lord One thousand seven hundred and Seventy one, make and publish this my last Will and Testament in manner following (viz): First I give and bequeath to my Eldest son Charles, my Negro Boys Robin and Dublin, and I give and bequeath to him the sum of two hundred and Thirty seven pounds, Current money of New York, to be paid to him out of the money I have out at Interest, and I hereby authorize, impower and appoint my Executors hereinafter named to divide a lot of land of mine, Containing five hundred acres, lying on the West side of the Wallkill (being part of a tract of land granted by letters Patent to Frederick Morris and Samuel Heath) into two or three Lotts, as it may suit best for Sale, and to sell the same and give a good Sufficient deed for it, and I give and bequeath to my son Charles, four hundred and thirty-three pounds New York Currency of the money arising by the sale of the said land and I give and bequeath to my Son George the sum of two hundred pounds, and to my son James the sum of Seventy pounds of the Price of the said lands and if it shall or can be sold for any more, it is my Will my son George shall have the over surplus it brings. Also I give and Devise to my son James, his heirs and assigns forever, my farm whereon I now dwell in Little Brittain in Ulster County, Containing two hundred and fifteen acres, being part of a tract of two thousand acres Granted by letters patent to Andrew Johnson, lying in the Southwesterly Corner thereof. To have and to hold the said farm with all and singular the Rights, members and appurtenances thereof to my said Son James, his heirs and assigns forever, which farm I valued only at Seven hundred pounds, to him, and I give to my said Son, my Negro boys David and Isaac. And I give and bequeath to my Son George the sum of five hundred and Seventy pounds of the money I have at Interest and whatever money there shall be due to me at the time of my decease, either Interest or principle, more than the Legacies above mentioned and what will pay the quit Rent due for my Lands and my Just debts, I order it to be Equally Divided between my said three sons and I give my Son George, my Negro boys William and Samuel, my Negro Wench Lettice, I Intended to give to my Daughter Catherine but she being then very Sickly and having no Children, she Desired if she died before me, I should Leave her free which I promised to do and a promise made at the Request of so dutiful & affectionate a Child, who is now dead and Cannot Release me from it, I think my Self sacredly obliged to perform. Therefore it is my Will She shall be free and I hereby manumit her & make her free from Slavery but so as to Exclude and utterly to Debar all and every person and persons whatsoever from making any Covenant Bargain or agreement with her to enslave or bind her for life or for any Number of years or to use any other way or means to prevent or Defraud her of her time, liberty or wages that she may honestly earn for her maintainance and support. And I give and bequeath to my said three sons, Charles, James and George, all my Stock of Cows, Sheep, Oxen and horses, my negro Peter and my Wench Pegg or Margaret, and all my Crop of Grain on my farm and all my Books and household furniture, except the furniture hereafter mentioned, which I give to my Wife for her Room, and I leave my farming utensils on my farm for my son James, to whom I have Given my farm and it is my Will that my Said three Sons, Charles, James and George, their Executors & administrators, Shall out of my Estate hereby Given to them at their Equal Expense Decently Cloath, keep, maintain and find fit attendance for my Wife Elizabeth, according to her Rank and Station in life, and I leave her a good bed Curtains, bed-cloaths, Sheets, Pillows and one of my small looking glasses, tea table and Some Chairs for her Room, as she is now about Seventy four years of age and is or Soon will be incapable to take Care of her Self, therefore It is my Earnest Request that her sons may behave as they have always done in a kind and dutiful and affectionate manner to her While She lives. I give to my Grandson Charles Clinton Junior, my plate handled sword and I give my Grandson Alexander Clinton my fusee or small gun I carried when I was in the army, and I give to my Grandaughter Catherine Clinton, (my Son George's daughter) my Largest looking glass. I give to my son James all my mathematical Instruments. I give to my son James, my Clock and I give to my son George, my watch, and I give to my Son Charles, my Long Gun and my Desk as I have Given to each of my sons James and George one hundred pounds by this will more than I have to my Son Charles. . . . It is not done out of Partiality but for the following Reasons—When his Brother Alexander died he was Seized in fee of a Good Improved farm. Containing two hundred Acres; as he died Intestate, having no issue, It fell to my Son Charles, he being his Eldest Brother and my Son Charles' Education being more Expensive to me I thought it but Justice to Make that Small amendment To their portions, which is far from making them Equal to their Brother Charles. It is my Will I be buryed in the Graveyard in my own farm, beside my Daughter Catherine and it is my Will the said Graveyard be made four Rods Square and an open free Road to it at all times, when it Shall be necessary and I nominate and appoint my said three sons Charles, James and George, Executors of this my last will, to see the same Executed accordingly and I order that my said Executors procure a suitable stone to lay over my Grave, whereon I would have the time of my death, my age and Coat of Arms cut. I hope they will Indulge in this Last piece of vanity.

Signed, Sealed, Published and Declared in the presence of us, by the said Charles Clinton, the testator and for his last will, who were present at the Signing and Sealing thereof. (The words "George the sum of two hundred pounds and to my son" being first Interlined, the words "Devise to my Son James his heirs" being wrote on an erasure and a small erasure made between the words "Charles" and "It".) CHAS. CLINTON (L. S.) SAM'L SANDS. JEREMIAH WHITE. ARTHUR SMITH.

Half-way Brook Marker

In choosing as its first subject for a memorial marker "The Half-Way Brook," the New York State Historical Association has made a dignified and wise selection, for it may be truly said that no stream in the Adirondack Wilderness is more noted in history and the Annals of the Border, than this, whose appellation "Half-Way" comes from the fact that it was nearly equidistant from Fort Edward on the south and Fort William Henry on the north. Rising in the branch of the Palmertown range known as the Luzerne Mountains, west of Glens Falls, running a crooked but generally easterly and northerly course, now expanding into small lakes or basins, now receiving the waters of numerous small tributaries, ponds and rivulets, it divides the town of Queensbury into two parts, passes the Kingsbury line, turns in a northerly direction, and empties into Wood Creek at a point about three-quarters of a mile south from Battle Hill, at Fort Ann, in Washington County.

In the days before American history began, the region traversed by this stream was a favorite hunting ground for the Red Man, and this water course, even to-day famous for its speckled trout, was one of his chosen pleasuring places.

For more than two hundred years the great deep-worn warpaths or traveling trails of the Indian Nations ran to and from its banks. And whether the fleet, moccasined warriors went westward over the Sacandaga trail to the big bend of the Hudson and so on to the Iroquois strongholds, or whether they came to the "Great Carrying Place," at what is now Fort Edward, through Lake Champlain and Wood Creek, or chose the trip through Lake St. Sacrament past the site of the future Glens Falls, down to Albany, or the west, all must cross this stream, which thus became as familiar to the Adirondack and Iroquois Confederacies, as the alphabet to us of to-day. This knowledge so gained was made ample use of in later times in many a bloody ambush, surprise or savage foray. After the defeat of Dieskau in 1755, and the building of Fort William Henry at Lake George and Fort Edward at the "Great Carrying Place" the "Half-Way Brook" became a point of strategic importance, and as a halting place and rendezvous for the passing troops, and the convoys of supplies between the two forts, it was noted throughout the northern colonies, as long as the French and Indian war lasted.

It was variously denominated by the military authorities during that time. On an old manuscript map without date in the New York State Library, it is noted as "Schoone Creek," while the Earl of Louden's map in 1757 has it marked as "Fork's Creek." [FN-1] Rogers, the famous scout and ranger, called it "Bloody Brook." In Col. James Montresor's Journals, in 1757, it is styled "Half-Way Run." On the Robert Harpur map, in the Secretary of State's office at Albany, it is called "Scoune Creek," [FN-2] while Knox's Military Journal designated it as "Seven Mile Creek," because it was seven miles from the head of the lake. In Wilson's Orderly Book of Amherst's Expedition, in 1759, it is laid down as "Shone Creek." [FN-2]

[FN-1] The name of "Fork Creek" was probably derived from the name given it by Major General Fitz John Winthrop, who headed an unsuccessful expedition against the Canadians and their Indian allies in the summer of 1690. On August 6th, he states that "he encamped at a branch of Wood Creak, called the fork." This is the place where the "Half-Way" enters Wood Creek near Fort Ann. Here, while his command was in camp, smallpox broke out, and a Lieut. Hubbell died from this disease and was buried at that spot. Our Secretary, R. O. Bascom, in his "Fort Edward Book," p. 15, states "this was the first recorded burial in the country."

[FN-2] Possibly a corruption of "Skene," from the founder of Skenesborough.

On a "powder horn map" made by one John Taylor of "Swago" in 1765, there is a block house clearly defined at "Helf Br" between Forts Edward and George. [FN-1] On later maps such as the Sauthier map, published about 1778, and reproduced in the Seventh Volume of the Governor Clinton Papers, [FN-2] it bears the a popular name of "Half-Way Brook," bestowed upon it we know not by whom nor when, but which appearing in contemporary diaries, documents, letters and official despatches of "The Seven Years War," has ever since clung to it, and will while its waters run to the sea. [FN-3]

[FN-1] The New York World of February 2d, 1896, had a sketch of this powder horn, which, at that time, was in the museum of Major Frank A. Betts, Washington, D. C. This rudely engraved map shows the various forts and settlements along the Mohawk and Hudson valleys, and depicts the trails to Lakes George and Champlain on the one side and to Lake Ontario on the other.

[FN-2] Letter Hon. Hugh Hastings, State Historian.

[FN-3] C. Johnson's History of Washington County (pub. Phila., 1878) states that the "Half-Way Brook" was also known as "Clear River"—p. 301. The U. S. Geological Survey, in its map of this section of New York State, published about 1895, has labeled the brook as "Half-Way Creek," which, while it may be technically correct, will never be recognized in local usage or by faithful historians.


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