FOOTNOTES:[1]Υεται γαρ δηταυτα της Λιβυης.[2]The saint and his tomb are thus mentioned by Captain Lyon:—“This place (Zelīten) is particularly blessed in possessing the remains of a great Marábūt, who is buried in a really handsome mosque, ornamented with minarets and neat cupolas, and whitewashed all over. His descendants are much respected, and are called Weled el Sheikh, sons of the elder; they think themselves authorized to be the most impudent, begging set of people in the whole regency of Tripoly.” (P. 335.)[3]It must be observed, that the opportunity of being buried in a mosque does not offer itself to many Marábūts—their tombs in general are small, insulated buildings, surmounted with a single cupola, having nothing to recommend them, in point of appearance, beyond the neatness and regularity which usually distinguish them. They are commonly built on eminences.[4]A criminal who may not be forced from a Marábūt, may, however, be starved in his sanctuary; and this is often effected by surrounding the tomb with troops, thus preventing the escape of the prisoner, and the possibility of his being supplied with food. An occurrence, however, took place at Bengazi in the year 1817, which serves to prove that this species of blockade is not always sure to be effectual. Some Arabs of the Zoàsi tribe, who had escaped from Bey Hamed after the massacre of their companions in the castle, took refuge in the tomb of a celebrated Marábūt, situated in the vicinity of the town. The Bey could not venture to force the sanctuary which they had reached, but took every means in his power to prevent their escape, or their communication with any person without. He had closely blockaded the tomb with his troops; and flattered himself that they must shortly perish with hunger, or be reduced to the necessity of surrendering themselves to the soldiers. In either case the object of the Bey would have been accomplished, and he confidently waited the result; while the anxiety of the people and neighbourhood of Bengazi, who pitied the unfortunate fugitives, was raised to the highest pitch. Every one was expecting some horrid catastrophe, for the destruction of the prisoners, by famine or the sword, appeared to be now inevitable; when the timely interference of the departed Marábūt was miraculously exerted in their favour. On the third day after their arrival at the sanctuary, to the astonishment of the assembled spectators, a stream of water was seen to issue from the tomb, and the ground all about it was observed to be strewed with dates and other articles of food for the refugees!!!It was clear that no other than the Marábūt himself could have afforded this providential supply—(λεγομεν δε τα λεγουσι αυτοι Λιβυες, we tell the tale as it was told to us)—for the place had been watched day and night by the troops, who had been carefully and regularly relieved; and every Arab of Bengazi and the adjacent country can still testify the fact as it is stated!The same story may be found in the work of Dr. Della Cella, who informs us that the miracle took place during his residence at Bengazi.[5]Mersa is the Arab term for a port or harbour.[6]Some account of the government and resources, as well as of the trade, of Mesurata, may be collected from the work of Signor Della Cella, pp. 55, 6, 7.[7]See Tully’s Memoirs, passim.[8]A coarse brown barracan is on most occasions the only habit of a Bedouin Arab; but as the rainy season was approaching, Shekh Mahommed had allowed himself the additional covering of the old burnoos we have mentioned. Shirts are seldom worn but on gay occasions.[9]The term applied by the Arabs in the regency of Tripoly to marauders of every description, and which is evidently corrupted from the Italian.[10]Bazeen (the composition and manufacture of which is well described by Captain Lyon, p. 49) is the common food of the lower classes of Arabs in the regency of Tripoly, and appears to have been a very ancient one; for we find it mentioned by Leo Africanus as being in use among the same people, in his account of Tripoly.—(5taparte, page 72.)[11]Dr. Della Cella has confounded the sand-hills with the promontory, the latter of which he asserts is composed entirely of sand; they are however as distinct from each other as sand-stone may be said to be from sand. The sand-hills are, besides, at some distance from the sea, and the promontory immediately upon it.[12]Il Capo Mesurata, a tre circa leghe di distanza, si mostra sotto l’ apparenza di tre monticelli a foggia di tre isolotti.—See Lautier’s Memoir, attached to the Viaggio da Tripoli, &c., by Della Cella.[13]Ειτ᾽ ακρα υψηλη και υλωδης, αρχη της μεγαλης Συρτεως, καλουσι δε Κεφαλας· Lib. 17, § 18.[14]Dopodue oredi cammino giungemmo all’ estremità del Promontorio che sporge in tre punte divise da seni di mare: ond’ è che il nome di capo Triero con cui è chiamato da Tolommeo ne esprime la forma.—Viaggio da Tripoli, &c., p. 60.[15]The observations connected with the transposition of the comma recommended by Signor Della Cella, are at the same time, we must confess, rather singular: for it does not clearly appear how the removal of a comma from a place which it never occupied, and the insertion of it in a place where it always existed, can be said to amend a defective passage. A comma is placed after υλωδης, in all the copies of Strabo with which we are acquainted, but none after ακρα although there might be without impropriety; and it seems more consistent with the Doctor’s translation to suppose that he meant exactly the contrary of what he has recommended; that is to say, that his real intention was to remove the comma from υλωδης, and place it after ακρα. We might then read, by giving to υψηλη the sense which Signor Della Cella requires for it,—“Then comes the promontory, which forms thedistantand woody extremity of the Greater Syrtis,”—instead of—“Then (comes) the high and woody promontory, which is the beginning of the Greater Syrtis.” We must, however, confess that we do not see any difference in the sense of the passage in question, whether a comma be placed after ακρα or not, provided that after υλωδης be allowed to keep its place: but by the change which we propose, the Doctor’s punctuation will at any rate correspond with his version, which, as it stands, it does not.We give the observations and the passage together in Signor Della Cella’s own words.—“Con questa avvertenza io crederei doversi intendere un passo di Strabone molto diversamente dal penso che gli è dato da tutti i traduttori; parlando del Capo Cefalo, questo geografo così si esprime—ειτ᾽ ακρα υψηλη και υλωδης, ακρη (αρχη of course is intended) της μεγαλης Συρτεως—che tutti traducono—indi (viene) il promontorio alto e selvoso, che è il principio della gran Sirte.”“L’esattezza di questo illustre geografo puo esser salvatatogliendola virgola dopo ακρα etransportandoladopo υλωδης, e traducendo—quindi viene il promontorio, che forma l’ alta e selvosa estremità della gran Sirte—dovendosi riputare quell’ alto non all’ altezza del capo, che non quadra col vero, ma alladistanzache divide l’estremità della gran Sirte dal suo fondo. In questo stesso senso la voce υψηλη trovasi spesso adoperata da Omero per dinotaregli sfondi del mare nelle terre.”. . . ως οτε κυμα ακτηΕφ᾽ υψηλη οτε κινηστει Νοτος ελθων, &c.—(V. da Tripoli, p. 54.)[16]Sopra questa osservazione converra correggere la bellissima carta di Arrow-Smith, ove la schiera de’ monti del Goriano son disposti in maniera de far credere che tra il capo Mesurata, ove in quella carta si pretendono è la piccola Sirte, vi sia un’ ampia e non interrotta pianura. Ora, non solo da questi monti si stacca un ramo che la interrompe, e viene a cadere scosceso sul mare a Lebda; ma di più, il loro prolungamento fino al Capo Mesurata è falso.—(p. 53-4.)[17]In illustration of these remarks, we need only refer our readers to the chart of the Expedition prefixed, which we may add has been carefully made; but we must observe, in justice to the compilers of those excellent maps which are published in the name of Mr. Arrowsmith, that no blame can be reasonably attached to them, either for the extension or the omission alluded to. They could only avail themselves of the best authorities hitherto existing, and ought not to be made responsible for more than these actually contain.[18]The rocky land which we have mentioned, and the sea, form the boundaries of the sand-hills to the northward.[19]The south-eastward would be more correct, for the coast there begins to trend to the southward.[20]A more comfortless scene can scarcely be imagined than is presented by the opening of this celebrated region, so little known at any period of history. The opinion which the ancients appear to have formed of it may be inferred from the description of Lucan, in his account of Cato’s march across it (Pharsalia, book 9.); but it will be seen, as we advance into the regions of the Syrtis, that this description is more poetical than just.[21]“Those which I saw, ann. 1724 and 1725, were much bigger than our common grasshoppers, and had brown-spotted wings, with legs and bodies of a bright yellow. Their first appearance was towards the latter end of March, the wind having been for some time from the south. In the middle of April their numbers were so vastly increased, that in the heat of the day they formed themselves into large and numerous swarms, flew in the air like a succession of clouds, and, as the prophet Joel expresses it, (ii. 10,) theydarkened the sun. When the wind blew briskly, so that these swarms were crowded by others, or thrown one upon another, we had a lively idea of that comparison of the Psalmist (Psalm cix. 23), of beingtossed up and down as the locust. In the month of May, when the ovaries of those insects were ripe and turgid, each of these swarms began gradually to disappear, and retired into the Mettijiah, and other adjacent plains, where they deposited their eggs. These were no sooner hatched, in June, than each of the broods collected itself into a compact body, of a furlong or more in square; and marching afterwards directly forward towards the sea, they let nothing escape them, eating up everything that was green and juicy; not only the lesser kinds of vegetables, but the vine likewise, the fig-tree, the pomegranate, the palm, and the apple-tree—even all the trees of the field, (Joel i. 12,)—in doing whichthey kept their ranks like men of war, climbing over, as they advanced, every tree or wall that was in their way; nay, they entered into our very houses and bed-chambers, likeso many thieves. The inhabitants, to stop their progress, made a variety of pits and trenches all over their fields and gardens, which they filled with water; or else they heaped up therein heath, stubble, and such like combustible matter, which they severally set on fire upon the approach of the locusts. But this was all to no purpose; for the trenches were quickly filled up, and the fires extinguished by infinite swarms succeeding one another; whilst the front was regardless of danger, and the rear pressed on so close that a retreat was altogether impossible. A day or two after one of these broods was in motion, others were already hatched to march and glean after them, gnawing off the very bark and the young branches of such trees as had before escaped with the loss only of their fruit and foliage. So justly have they been compared by the prophet Joel (ii. 3,) to agreat army; who further observes, thatthe land is as the garden of Eden before them, and behind them a desolate wilderness.”“Having lived near a month in this manner, like a μυριοστομον ξιφος[a], orsword with ten thousand edges, to which they have been compared, upon the ruin and destruction of every vegetable substance that came in their way, they arrived at their full growth, and threw off their nympha-state, by casting their outward skin. To prepare themselves for this change, they clung by their hinder feet to some bush, twig, or corner of a stone, and immediately, by using an undulating motion, their heads would first break out, and then the rest of their bodies. The whole transformation was performed in seven or eight minutes; after which they lay for a small time in a torpid, and seemingly languishing, condition; but as soon as the sun and the air had hardened their wings, by drying up the moisture that remained upon them, after casting their sloughs, they re-assumed their former voracity, with an addition both of strength and agility. Yet they continued not long in this state before they were entirely dispersed, as their parents were before, after they had laid their eggs; and as the direction of the marches and the flights of them both was always to the northward, and not having strength, as they have sometimes had, to reach the opposite shores of Italy, France, or Spain, it is probable they perished in the sea; a grave which, according to these people, they have in common with other winged creatures.”[a]Psidias apud Boch. Hieroz. par. ii. p. 441.[22]Diodorus has given a very interesting description of the mode of catching locusts practised by the Acridophagi (or locust-eaters), as well as of the dreadful consequences produced by a too frequent use of them as articles of food.[23]The time when we observed the swarm of locusts alluded to above, was in the latter end of November; their course, as Dr. Shaw has remarked, was, however, invariably towards the sea, in which myriads of them were lost; and we have never seen a single instance, on other occasions, where they did not take that direction, however far they might have been inland.[24]Nat. Hist. lib. xi. c. 29.
FOOTNOTES:
[1]Υεται γαρ δηταυτα της Λιβυης.
[1]Υεται γαρ δηταυτα της Λιβυης.
[2]The saint and his tomb are thus mentioned by Captain Lyon:—“This place (Zelīten) is particularly blessed in possessing the remains of a great Marábūt, who is buried in a really handsome mosque, ornamented with minarets and neat cupolas, and whitewashed all over. His descendants are much respected, and are called Weled el Sheikh, sons of the elder; they think themselves authorized to be the most impudent, begging set of people in the whole regency of Tripoly.” (P. 335.)
[2]The saint and his tomb are thus mentioned by Captain Lyon:—
“This place (Zelīten) is particularly blessed in possessing the remains of a great Marábūt, who is buried in a really handsome mosque, ornamented with minarets and neat cupolas, and whitewashed all over. His descendants are much respected, and are called Weled el Sheikh, sons of the elder; they think themselves authorized to be the most impudent, begging set of people in the whole regency of Tripoly.” (P. 335.)
[3]It must be observed, that the opportunity of being buried in a mosque does not offer itself to many Marábūts—their tombs in general are small, insulated buildings, surmounted with a single cupola, having nothing to recommend them, in point of appearance, beyond the neatness and regularity which usually distinguish them. They are commonly built on eminences.
[3]It must be observed, that the opportunity of being buried in a mosque does not offer itself to many Marábūts—their tombs in general are small, insulated buildings, surmounted with a single cupola, having nothing to recommend them, in point of appearance, beyond the neatness and regularity which usually distinguish them. They are commonly built on eminences.
[4]A criminal who may not be forced from a Marábūt, may, however, be starved in his sanctuary; and this is often effected by surrounding the tomb with troops, thus preventing the escape of the prisoner, and the possibility of his being supplied with food. An occurrence, however, took place at Bengazi in the year 1817, which serves to prove that this species of blockade is not always sure to be effectual. Some Arabs of the Zoàsi tribe, who had escaped from Bey Hamed after the massacre of their companions in the castle, took refuge in the tomb of a celebrated Marábūt, situated in the vicinity of the town. The Bey could not venture to force the sanctuary which they had reached, but took every means in his power to prevent their escape, or their communication with any person without. He had closely blockaded the tomb with his troops; and flattered himself that they must shortly perish with hunger, or be reduced to the necessity of surrendering themselves to the soldiers. In either case the object of the Bey would have been accomplished, and he confidently waited the result; while the anxiety of the people and neighbourhood of Bengazi, who pitied the unfortunate fugitives, was raised to the highest pitch. Every one was expecting some horrid catastrophe, for the destruction of the prisoners, by famine or the sword, appeared to be now inevitable; when the timely interference of the departed Marábūt was miraculously exerted in their favour. On the third day after their arrival at the sanctuary, to the astonishment of the assembled spectators, a stream of water was seen to issue from the tomb, and the ground all about it was observed to be strewed with dates and other articles of food for the refugees!!!It was clear that no other than the Marábūt himself could have afforded this providential supply—(λεγομεν δε τα λεγουσι αυτοι Λιβυες, we tell the tale as it was told to us)—for the place had been watched day and night by the troops, who had been carefully and regularly relieved; and every Arab of Bengazi and the adjacent country can still testify the fact as it is stated!The same story may be found in the work of Dr. Della Cella, who informs us that the miracle took place during his residence at Bengazi.
[4]A criminal who may not be forced from a Marábūt, may, however, be starved in his sanctuary; and this is often effected by surrounding the tomb with troops, thus preventing the escape of the prisoner, and the possibility of his being supplied with food. An occurrence, however, took place at Bengazi in the year 1817, which serves to prove that this species of blockade is not always sure to be effectual. Some Arabs of the Zoàsi tribe, who had escaped from Bey Hamed after the massacre of their companions in the castle, took refuge in the tomb of a celebrated Marábūt, situated in the vicinity of the town. The Bey could not venture to force the sanctuary which they had reached, but took every means in his power to prevent their escape, or their communication with any person without. He had closely blockaded the tomb with his troops; and flattered himself that they must shortly perish with hunger, or be reduced to the necessity of surrendering themselves to the soldiers. In either case the object of the Bey would have been accomplished, and he confidently waited the result; while the anxiety of the people and neighbourhood of Bengazi, who pitied the unfortunate fugitives, was raised to the highest pitch. Every one was expecting some horrid catastrophe, for the destruction of the prisoners, by famine or the sword, appeared to be now inevitable; when the timely interference of the departed Marábūt was miraculously exerted in their favour. On the third day after their arrival at the sanctuary, to the astonishment of the assembled spectators, a stream of water was seen to issue from the tomb, and the ground all about it was observed to be strewed with dates and other articles of food for the refugees!!!
It was clear that no other than the Marábūt himself could have afforded this providential supply—(λεγομεν δε τα λεγουσι αυτοι Λιβυες, we tell the tale as it was told to us)—for the place had been watched day and night by the troops, who had been carefully and regularly relieved; and every Arab of Bengazi and the adjacent country can still testify the fact as it is stated!
The same story may be found in the work of Dr. Della Cella, who informs us that the miracle took place during his residence at Bengazi.
[5]Mersa is the Arab term for a port or harbour.
[5]Mersa is the Arab term for a port or harbour.
[6]Some account of the government and resources, as well as of the trade, of Mesurata, may be collected from the work of Signor Della Cella, pp. 55, 6, 7.
[6]Some account of the government and resources, as well as of the trade, of Mesurata, may be collected from the work of Signor Della Cella, pp. 55, 6, 7.
[7]See Tully’s Memoirs, passim.
[7]See Tully’s Memoirs, passim.
[8]A coarse brown barracan is on most occasions the only habit of a Bedouin Arab; but as the rainy season was approaching, Shekh Mahommed had allowed himself the additional covering of the old burnoos we have mentioned. Shirts are seldom worn but on gay occasions.
[8]A coarse brown barracan is on most occasions the only habit of a Bedouin Arab; but as the rainy season was approaching, Shekh Mahommed had allowed himself the additional covering of the old burnoos we have mentioned. Shirts are seldom worn but on gay occasions.
[9]The term applied by the Arabs in the regency of Tripoly to marauders of every description, and which is evidently corrupted from the Italian.
[9]The term applied by the Arabs in the regency of Tripoly to marauders of every description, and which is evidently corrupted from the Italian.
[10]Bazeen (the composition and manufacture of which is well described by Captain Lyon, p. 49) is the common food of the lower classes of Arabs in the regency of Tripoly, and appears to have been a very ancient one; for we find it mentioned by Leo Africanus as being in use among the same people, in his account of Tripoly.—(5taparte, page 72.)
[10]Bazeen (the composition and manufacture of which is well described by Captain Lyon, p. 49) is the common food of the lower classes of Arabs in the regency of Tripoly, and appears to have been a very ancient one; for we find it mentioned by Leo Africanus as being in use among the same people, in his account of Tripoly.—(5taparte, page 72.)
[11]Dr. Della Cella has confounded the sand-hills with the promontory, the latter of which he asserts is composed entirely of sand; they are however as distinct from each other as sand-stone may be said to be from sand. The sand-hills are, besides, at some distance from the sea, and the promontory immediately upon it.
[11]Dr. Della Cella has confounded the sand-hills with the promontory, the latter of which he asserts is composed entirely of sand; they are however as distinct from each other as sand-stone may be said to be from sand. The sand-hills are, besides, at some distance from the sea, and the promontory immediately upon it.
[12]Il Capo Mesurata, a tre circa leghe di distanza, si mostra sotto l’ apparenza di tre monticelli a foggia di tre isolotti.—See Lautier’s Memoir, attached to the Viaggio da Tripoli, &c., by Della Cella.
[12]Il Capo Mesurata, a tre circa leghe di distanza, si mostra sotto l’ apparenza di tre monticelli a foggia di tre isolotti.—See Lautier’s Memoir, attached to the Viaggio da Tripoli, &c., by Della Cella.
[13]Ειτ᾽ ακρα υψηλη και υλωδης, αρχη της μεγαλης Συρτεως, καλουσι δε Κεφαλας· Lib. 17, § 18.
[13]Ειτ᾽ ακρα υψηλη και υλωδης, αρχη της μεγαλης Συρτεως, καλουσι δε Κεφαλας· Lib. 17, § 18.
[14]Dopodue oredi cammino giungemmo all’ estremità del Promontorio che sporge in tre punte divise da seni di mare: ond’ è che il nome di capo Triero con cui è chiamato da Tolommeo ne esprime la forma.—Viaggio da Tripoli, &c., p. 60.
[14]Dopodue oredi cammino giungemmo all’ estremità del Promontorio che sporge in tre punte divise da seni di mare: ond’ è che il nome di capo Triero con cui è chiamato da Tolommeo ne esprime la forma.—Viaggio da Tripoli, &c., p. 60.
[15]The observations connected with the transposition of the comma recommended by Signor Della Cella, are at the same time, we must confess, rather singular: for it does not clearly appear how the removal of a comma from a place which it never occupied, and the insertion of it in a place where it always existed, can be said to amend a defective passage. A comma is placed after υλωδης, in all the copies of Strabo with which we are acquainted, but none after ακρα although there might be without impropriety; and it seems more consistent with the Doctor’s translation to suppose that he meant exactly the contrary of what he has recommended; that is to say, that his real intention was to remove the comma from υλωδης, and place it after ακρα. We might then read, by giving to υψηλη the sense which Signor Della Cella requires for it,—“Then comes the promontory, which forms thedistantand woody extremity of the Greater Syrtis,”—instead of—“Then (comes) the high and woody promontory, which is the beginning of the Greater Syrtis.” We must, however, confess that we do not see any difference in the sense of the passage in question, whether a comma be placed after ακρα or not, provided that after υλωδης be allowed to keep its place: but by the change which we propose, the Doctor’s punctuation will at any rate correspond with his version, which, as it stands, it does not.We give the observations and the passage together in Signor Della Cella’s own words.—“Con questa avvertenza io crederei doversi intendere un passo di Strabone molto diversamente dal penso che gli è dato da tutti i traduttori; parlando del Capo Cefalo, questo geografo così si esprime—ειτ᾽ ακρα υψηλη και υλωδης, ακρη (αρχη of course is intended) της μεγαλης Συρτεως—che tutti traducono—indi (viene) il promontorio alto e selvoso, che è il principio della gran Sirte.”“L’esattezza di questo illustre geografo puo esser salvatatogliendola virgola dopo ακρα etransportandoladopo υλωδης, e traducendo—quindi viene il promontorio, che forma l’ alta e selvosa estremità della gran Sirte—dovendosi riputare quell’ alto non all’ altezza del capo, che non quadra col vero, ma alladistanzache divide l’estremità della gran Sirte dal suo fondo. In questo stesso senso la voce υψηλη trovasi spesso adoperata da Omero per dinotaregli sfondi del mare nelle terre.”. . . ως οτε κυμα ακτηΕφ᾽ υψηλη οτε κινηστει Νοτος ελθων, &c.—(V. da Tripoli, p. 54.)
[15]The observations connected with the transposition of the comma recommended by Signor Della Cella, are at the same time, we must confess, rather singular: for it does not clearly appear how the removal of a comma from a place which it never occupied, and the insertion of it in a place where it always existed, can be said to amend a defective passage. A comma is placed after υλωδης, in all the copies of Strabo with which we are acquainted, but none after ακρα although there might be without impropriety; and it seems more consistent with the Doctor’s translation to suppose that he meant exactly the contrary of what he has recommended; that is to say, that his real intention was to remove the comma from υλωδης, and place it after ακρα. We might then read, by giving to υψηλη the sense which Signor Della Cella requires for it,—“Then comes the promontory, which forms thedistantand woody extremity of the Greater Syrtis,”—instead of—“Then (comes) the high and woody promontory, which is the beginning of the Greater Syrtis.” We must, however, confess that we do not see any difference in the sense of the passage in question, whether a comma be placed after ακρα or not, provided that after υλωδης be allowed to keep its place: but by the change which we propose, the Doctor’s punctuation will at any rate correspond with his version, which, as it stands, it does not.
We give the observations and the passage together in Signor Della Cella’s own words.—“Con questa avvertenza io crederei doversi intendere un passo di Strabone molto diversamente dal penso che gli è dato da tutti i traduttori; parlando del Capo Cefalo, questo geografo così si esprime—ειτ᾽ ακρα υψηλη και υλωδης, ακρη (αρχη of course is intended) της μεγαλης Συρτεως—che tutti traducono—indi (viene) il promontorio alto e selvoso, che è il principio della gran Sirte.”
“L’esattezza di questo illustre geografo puo esser salvatatogliendola virgola dopo ακρα etransportandoladopo υλωδης, e traducendo—quindi viene il promontorio, che forma l’ alta e selvosa estremità della gran Sirte—dovendosi riputare quell’ alto non all’ altezza del capo, che non quadra col vero, ma alladistanzache divide l’estremità della gran Sirte dal suo fondo. In questo stesso senso la voce υψηλη trovasi spesso adoperata da Omero per dinotaregli sfondi del mare nelle terre.”
. . . ως οτε κυμα ακτηΕφ᾽ υψηλη οτε κινηστει Νοτος ελθων, &c.—(V. da Tripoli, p. 54.)
. . . ως οτε κυμα ακτηΕφ᾽ υψηλη οτε κινηστει Νοτος ελθων, &c.—(V. da Tripoli, p. 54.)
. . . ως οτε κυμα ακτηΕφ᾽ υψηλη οτε κινηστει Νοτος ελθων, &c.—(V. da Tripoli, p. 54.)
. . . ως οτε κυμα ακτη
Εφ᾽ υψηλη οτε κινηστει Νοτος ελθων, &c.—(V. da Tripoli, p. 54.)
[16]Sopra questa osservazione converra correggere la bellissima carta di Arrow-Smith, ove la schiera de’ monti del Goriano son disposti in maniera de far credere che tra il capo Mesurata, ove in quella carta si pretendono è la piccola Sirte, vi sia un’ ampia e non interrotta pianura. Ora, non solo da questi monti si stacca un ramo che la interrompe, e viene a cadere scosceso sul mare a Lebda; ma di più, il loro prolungamento fino al Capo Mesurata è falso.—(p. 53-4.)
[16]Sopra questa osservazione converra correggere la bellissima carta di Arrow-Smith, ove la schiera de’ monti del Goriano son disposti in maniera de far credere che tra il capo Mesurata, ove in quella carta si pretendono è la piccola Sirte, vi sia un’ ampia e non interrotta pianura. Ora, non solo da questi monti si stacca un ramo che la interrompe, e viene a cadere scosceso sul mare a Lebda; ma di più, il loro prolungamento fino al Capo Mesurata è falso.—(p. 53-4.)
[17]In illustration of these remarks, we need only refer our readers to the chart of the Expedition prefixed, which we may add has been carefully made; but we must observe, in justice to the compilers of those excellent maps which are published in the name of Mr. Arrowsmith, that no blame can be reasonably attached to them, either for the extension or the omission alluded to. They could only avail themselves of the best authorities hitherto existing, and ought not to be made responsible for more than these actually contain.
[17]In illustration of these remarks, we need only refer our readers to the chart of the Expedition prefixed, which we may add has been carefully made; but we must observe, in justice to the compilers of those excellent maps which are published in the name of Mr. Arrowsmith, that no blame can be reasonably attached to them, either for the extension or the omission alluded to. They could only avail themselves of the best authorities hitherto existing, and ought not to be made responsible for more than these actually contain.
[18]The rocky land which we have mentioned, and the sea, form the boundaries of the sand-hills to the northward.
[18]The rocky land which we have mentioned, and the sea, form the boundaries of the sand-hills to the northward.
[19]The south-eastward would be more correct, for the coast there begins to trend to the southward.
[19]The south-eastward would be more correct, for the coast there begins to trend to the southward.
[20]A more comfortless scene can scarcely be imagined than is presented by the opening of this celebrated region, so little known at any period of history. The opinion which the ancients appear to have formed of it may be inferred from the description of Lucan, in his account of Cato’s march across it (Pharsalia, book 9.); but it will be seen, as we advance into the regions of the Syrtis, that this description is more poetical than just.
[20]A more comfortless scene can scarcely be imagined than is presented by the opening of this celebrated region, so little known at any period of history. The opinion which the ancients appear to have formed of it may be inferred from the description of Lucan, in his account of Cato’s march across it (Pharsalia, book 9.); but it will be seen, as we advance into the regions of the Syrtis, that this description is more poetical than just.
[21]“Those which I saw, ann. 1724 and 1725, were much bigger than our common grasshoppers, and had brown-spotted wings, with legs and bodies of a bright yellow. Their first appearance was towards the latter end of March, the wind having been for some time from the south. In the middle of April their numbers were so vastly increased, that in the heat of the day they formed themselves into large and numerous swarms, flew in the air like a succession of clouds, and, as the prophet Joel expresses it, (ii. 10,) theydarkened the sun. When the wind blew briskly, so that these swarms were crowded by others, or thrown one upon another, we had a lively idea of that comparison of the Psalmist (Psalm cix. 23), of beingtossed up and down as the locust. In the month of May, when the ovaries of those insects were ripe and turgid, each of these swarms began gradually to disappear, and retired into the Mettijiah, and other adjacent plains, where they deposited their eggs. These were no sooner hatched, in June, than each of the broods collected itself into a compact body, of a furlong or more in square; and marching afterwards directly forward towards the sea, they let nothing escape them, eating up everything that was green and juicy; not only the lesser kinds of vegetables, but the vine likewise, the fig-tree, the pomegranate, the palm, and the apple-tree—even all the trees of the field, (Joel i. 12,)—in doing whichthey kept their ranks like men of war, climbing over, as they advanced, every tree or wall that was in their way; nay, they entered into our very houses and bed-chambers, likeso many thieves. The inhabitants, to stop their progress, made a variety of pits and trenches all over their fields and gardens, which they filled with water; or else they heaped up therein heath, stubble, and such like combustible matter, which they severally set on fire upon the approach of the locusts. But this was all to no purpose; for the trenches were quickly filled up, and the fires extinguished by infinite swarms succeeding one another; whilst the front was regardless of danger, and the rear pressed on so close that a retreat was altogether impossible. A day or two after one of these broods was in motion, others were already hatched to march and glean after them, gnawing off the very bark and the young branches of such trees as had before escaped with the loss only of their fruit and foliage. So justly have they been compared by the prophet Joel (ii. 3,) to agreat army; who further observes, thatthe land is as the garden of Eden before them, and behind them a desolate wilderness.”“Having lived near a month in this manner, like a μυριοστομον ξιφος[a], orsword with ten thousand edges, to which they have been compared, upon the ruin and destruction of every vegetable substance that came in their way, they arrived at their full growth, and threw off their nympha-state, by casting their outward skin. To prepare themselves for this change, they clung by their hinder feet to some bush, twig, or corner of a stone, and immediately, by using an undulating motion, their heads would first break out, and then the rest of their bodies. The whole transformation was performed in seven or eight minutes; after which they lay for a small time in a torpid, and seemingly languishing, condition; but as soon as the sun and the air had hardened their wings, by drying up the moisture that remained upon them, after casting their sloughs, they re-assumed their former voracity, with an addition both of strength and agility. Yet they continued not long in this state before they were entirely dispersed, as their parents were before, after they had laid their eggs; and as the direction of the marches and the flights of them both was always to the northward, and not having strength, as they have sometimes had, to reach the opposite shores of Italy, France, or Spain, it is probable they perished in the sea; a grave which, according to these people, they have in common with other winged creatures.”
[21]“Those which I saw, ann. 1724 and 1725, were much bigger than our common grasshoppers, and had brown-spotted wings, with legs and bodies of a bright yellow. Their first appearance was towards the latter end of March, the wind having been for some time from the south. In the middle of April their numbers were so vastly increased, that in the heat of the day they formed themselves into large and numerous swarms, flew in the air like a succession of clouds, and, as the prophet Joel expresses it, (ii. 10,) theydarkened the sun. When the wind blew briskly, so that these swarms were crowded by others, or thrown one upon another, we had a lively idea of that comparison of the Psalmist (Psalm cix. 23), of beingtossed up and down as the locust. In the month of May, when the ovaries of those insects were ripe and turgid, each of these swarms began gradually to disappear, and retired into the Mettijiah, and other adjacent plains, where they deposited their eggs. These were no sooner hatched, in June, than each of the broods collected itself into a compact body, of a furlong or more in square; and marching afterwards directly forward towards the sea, they let nothing escape them, eating up everything that was green and juicy; not only the lesser kinds of vegetables, but the vine likewise, the fig-tree, the pomegranate, the palm, and the apple-tree—even all the trees of the field, (Joel i. 12,)—in doing whichthey kept their ranks like men of war, climbing over, as they advanced, every tree or wall that was in their way; nay, they entered into our very houses and bed-chambers, likeso many thieves. The inhabitants, to stop their progress, made a variety of pits and trenches all over their fields and gardens, which they filled with water; or else they heaped up therein heath, stubble, and such like combustible matter, which they severally set on fire upon the approach of the locusts. But this was all to no purpose; for the trenches were quickly filled up, and the fires extinguished by infinite swarms succeeding one another; whilst the front was regardless of danger, and the rear pressed on so close that a retreat was altogether impossible. A day or two after one of these broods was in motion, others were already hatched to march and glean after them, gnawing off the very bark and the young branches of such trees as had before escaped with the loss only of their fruit and foliage. So justly have they been compared by the prophet Joel (ii. 3,) to agreat army; who further observes, thatthe land is as the garden of Eden before them, and behind them a desolate wilderness.”
“Having lived near a month in this manner, like a μυριοστομον ξιφος[a], orsword with ten thousand edges, to which they have been compared, upon the ruin and destruction of every vegetable substance that came in their way, they arrived at their full growth, and threw off their nympha-state, by casting their outward skin. To prepare themselves for this change, they clung by their hinder feet to some bush, twig, or corner of a stone, and immediately, by using an undulating motion, their heads would first break out, and then the rest of their bodies. The whole transformation was performed in seven or eight minutes; after which they lay for a small time in a torpid, and seemingly languishing, condition; but as soon as the sun and the air had hardened their wings, by drying up the moisture that remained upon them, after casting their sloughs, they re-assumed their former voracity, with an addition both of strength and agility. Yet they continued not long in this state before they were entirely dispersed, as their parents were before, after they had laid their eggs; and as the direction of the marches and the flights of them both was always to the northward, and not having strength, as they have sometimes had, to reach the opposite shores of Italy, France, or Spain, it is probable they perished in the sea; a grave which, according to these people, they have in common with other winged creatures.”
[a]Psidias apud Boch. Hieroz. par. ii. p. 441.
[a]Psidias apud Boch. Hieroz. par. ii. p. 441.
[22]Diodorus has given a very interesting description of the mode of catching locusts practised by the Acridophagi (or locust-eaters), as well as of the dreadful consequences produced by a too frequent use of them as articles of food.
[22]Diodorus has given a very interesting description of the mode of catching locusts practised by the Acridophagi (or locust-eaters), as well as of the dreadful consequences produced by a too frequent use of them as articles of food.
[23]The time when we observed the swarm of locusts alluded to above, was in the latter end of November; their course, as Dr. Shaw has remarked, was, however, invariably towards the sea, in which myriads of them were lost; and we have never seen a single instance, on other occasions, where they did not take that direction, however far they might have been inland.
[23]The time when we observed the swarm of locusts alluded to above, was in the latter end of November; their course, as Dr. Shaw has remarked, was, however, invariably towards the sea, in which myriads of them were lost; and we have never seen a single instance, on other occasions, where they did not take that direction, however far they might have been inland.
[24]Nat. Hist. lib. xi. c. 29.
[24]Nat. Hist. lib. xi. c. 29.
Engraved from a Drawing taken on the spot by H. Beechey.SOLITARY PALM TREE AT ARAR.REMARKABLE AS BEING THE ONLY TREE FOUND IN THE LYOTIS.Published March 1827, by John Murray, London.
Engraved from a Drawing taken on the spot by H. Beechey.SOLITARY PALM TREE AT ARAR.REMARKABLE AS BEING THE ONLY TREE FOUND IN THE LYOTIS.Published March 1827, by John Murray, London.
Engraved from a Drawing taken on the spot by H. Beechey.
SOLITARY PALM TREE AT ARAR.
REMARKABLE AS BEING THE ONLY TREE FOUND IN THE LYOTIS.
Published March 1827, by John Murray, London.
Engraved from a Drawing taken on the spot by H. Beechey.FORMIDABLE APPEARANCE OF THE COAST AT ZAFFRAN.Published March 1827, by John Murray, London.
Engraved from a Drawing taken on the spot by H. Beechey.FORMIDABLE APPEARANCE OF THE COAST AT ZAFFRAN.Published March 1827, by John Murray, London.
Engraved from a Drawing taken on the spot by H. Beechey.
FORMIDABLE APPEARANCE OF THE COAST AT ZAFFRAN.
Published March 1827, by John Murray, London.
Entrance of the Syrtis — Extensive Lake, or Marsh, described by Strabo — Remarks of Strabo compared with the actual appearance and extent of the Marsh — Remains considered as those of the ancient Naval Station, described by Strabo, at the Mouth of the Lake — Appearance of another Station more to the northward — Gulf of Zuca — Remarks of Signor Della Cella connected with it — Resemblance of the names Zuchis and Zuca — Non-existence of the Gulf of Zuca in the Greater Syrtis — Error of D’Anville and modern Geographers on this point — Remarks of Signor Della Cella on the termsMarshandLake, as applied to the body of water mentioned by Strabo — Dimensions of the existing Marsh — Alleged danger of crossing it — Insulated spots in several parts of the Marsh, corresponding with the accounts of Strabo — Arrival at Sooleb — Appearance of Pasturage in this neighbourhood — Liberality of Shekh Mahommed — Cause of it ascertained — Sooleb occupies the place assigned in modern charts to the Gulf of Zuca — Continuance of the Marsh — Remains near Mahada called Kusser el Jébbah — Story connected with them related by the Dúbbah — Unwillingness of our Arab Guides to cross the Marsh — Cause of this ascertained — Narrow escape of two of our party — Nature of the soil in this neighbourhood — French Inscription left by the boats of the Chevrette — Another left by the barge of the Adventure — Arrive at Mahàd Hassàn, probably the Turris Hassàn of Edrisi — Remains at Mahàd Hassàn — Arrive at Giraff, where the Marsh terminates altogether — Refractory conduct of our Camel-drivers — Improvement in the appearance of the country — Arrival at Zaffràn — Grateful verdure of its Pasturage — Remains at Zaffràn considered as those of Aspis — Their nature and appearance described — Port called Mersa Zaffràn considered as that of Aspis — Difficulties attending this position — Remains on the Beach — Supposed Date of the Buildings at Zaffràn — Remarks connected with them — Castles mentioned by Leo Africanus — Construction of the Forts at Zaffràn.
Onquitting the groves and gardens of Mesurata for the wilds of the Greater Syrtis, the first object which presents itself, in the level tract of country already mentioned, is the extensive marsh described by Strabo as occurring after the Cephalas Promontorium. It has not now the character of an uninterrupted sheet of water, as it appears to have had when seen by this geographer,but spreads itself in pools over a wide tract of country, and communicates occasionally with the sea. Many of these pools, are, however, some miles in extent, and were they deep enough would deserve the appellation of lakes. When we passed along the marsh the rainyseasonhad not commenced although a good deal of rain had fallen, and it is probable that, at the close of it, the greater number of the pools are collected into much larger masses. While at Tripoly, Shekh Mahommed was anxious for our departure chiefly on account of this morass, which he represented as being very dangerous, if not wholly impassable, after the long continuance of heavy rains. The dimensions given by Strabo are three hundred stadia for the length, and seventy for the breadth of the marsh, or lake, which he describes; and these measurements correspond quite sufficiently with the appearance of that which actually exists; its length, from Mesurata to Sooleb, being little less than forty miles, and its breadth, from the sea inland, from nine and ten to fifteen. It does not indeed finish wholly at Sooleb, but is contracted in passing that place, to the narrow limits of two and three miles in width, and then continues as far as Giraff. The great body of the marsh may however be considered as contained between Sooleb and Mesurata; for though it extends much further in length and widens itself again after passing the former place, there is no part where it presents so broad, and uninterrupted a surface, as in the space comprehended within the measurements of Strabo, beginning from the Cephalas Promontorium.
Strabo’s lake is stated to have enclosed several islands and to havepossessed an υφορμος or naval station, at the point of communication with the Gulf[1]. Several insulated spots are certainly still observable in various parts of the existing marsh; but there are no remains of building which can be attributed to the station mentioned, except those which occur in the neighbourhood of Mesurata. At the distance of about nine miles from that place, are the remains of a kind of causeway of singular construction, extending inland to a length of three hundred and thirty paces from the sea; and forming, with a rising ground on the opposite side of it, what may be called a στομα or communication with the Gulf. The ruins appear to be those of a landing-place; and consist of a long causeway, or terrace, of about ten feet in breadth[2], which widens itself at regular intervals into squares, from which descend flights of steps on either side of the causeway. One end of it is washed by the sea, which has undermined it considerably, and the whole structure is now little more than a heap of ruins.
If this building have not been a landing-place or quay, we must confess that we know not what use to assign to it; and, admitting it to have been one, it immediately becomes evident that it must have been connected with some station for shipping.
The general character of the land along this part of the coast, which rises higher than the level of the lake or morass, would preventany communication between the marsh and the sea except in this place and the one which we are about to mention. In this place, particularly, such connexion seems formerly to have existed; for here a passage still remains, through the higher land forming the separation, by means of which the waters of the lake might have emptied themselves into the sea, and on one side of this channel is the structure in question which we have supposed to be a landing place. The small vessels of the ancients might have entered this passage, and have found sufficient shelter behind the high land[3]which formed it; on the inner side of which they might also have been hauled up when the current through the channel was too strong for them to remain afloat[4].
Nearer to Mesurata, a little to the southward of the Marábūt of Sidy Abou Shaifa, are the remains of what seem to have been a small fort or station: its outer walls enclose a square of about an hundred feet and there are vestiges of smaller walls within, which appear to have divided it into several compartments. On the north-western side there are some small blocks of stone, about two feet square, which seem to have been the abutments of arches formerly supporting the roof of the building; and which are about eight feet distant fromeach other. These remains, forming at present nothing more than an imperfect ground-plan, are situated on a low rising ground close to the sea; and between them and point Abou Shaifa the lake may have communicated with the gulf a little to the southward of the point. There are also some slight remains of building in the neighbourhood of this place, as well as in that of the causeway, occupying the low range which runs along the coast: but from the presence of the landing-place, at the communication first mentioned, we should be disposed to adopt it in preference to that at Abou Shaifa, as the στομα, or mouth, of the lake mentioned by Strabo.
Signor Della Cella, in stating that the lake or marsh which we have mentioned, is the same with that laid down by D’Anville and other modern geographers, under the title of Gulf of Zuca, or Succa, has instanced the passage above quoted from Strabo in confirmation of this opinion. But the Gulf of Zuca is represented as an inlet, or creek, of not more than four miles across in any part of it; while Strabo’s lake is in width more than double that distance, and seems to bear no other resemblance to the gulf than that of having a communication with the sea. If, therefore, the Gulf of Zuca, as D’Anville himself has stated, be actually laid down on the authority of Strabo, we should rather look for its origin in another passage of this geographer which occurs before the one we have quoted. In this passage Strabo describes a Lake Zuchis, to which he attributes the peculiarity of a narrow entrance at the point of communication with the sea; while he merely states, in his description of the lake we have first mentioned, that it emptied itself into the Gulf (of the Greater Syrtis).
The similarity of the names of Zuchis and Zuca and the narrow width which is given to the latter would certainly appear to be in favour of our suggestion; but then the Lake Zuchis is in theLesserSyrtis, near the town of the same name which Strabo has mentioned as being famous for its purple dye and its saltworks; and in pointing it out as that intended by D’Anville, we must suppose that this geographer has confounded the two passages of Strabo, and, consequently, the two lakes, together. As this, however, appears (at least to us) very probable, from the reasons which we have mentioned above, we will submit to our readers the two passages in question[5], on which our supposition is founded, and proceed to consider the lake first alluded to as wholly distinct from the Gulf of Zuca, to which it has really no sufficient resemblance to authorize us in supposing them to be the same.
We may state at the same time, in positive terms, that no inlet now exists in any part of the Greater Syrtis which resembles the Gulf of Zuca in question; and that it might certainly be altogether expunged from the charts, without the least impropriety; unless indeed its position be shifted from the Greater, to the Gulf of the Lesser, Syrtis.
It must be confessed, at the same time that the reasoning of Signor Della Cella on the words λιμην and υφορμος does not appear to be very satisfactory; for even if we allow that the precise meaning of υφορμος may be open to conjecture, it seems evident that it implied a shelter of some kind for vessels, whether or not it might be considered to mean actually a port; which is the signification that we should be disposed to attach to it in the passage of Strabo in question[6]. We do not, either, see why the word λιμνη in the same passage may not be rendered lake, as well as marsh; for it is certainly used in that sense in many instances as well by Strabo as other Greek writers; and there seems to be no reason why the marsh which we are describing may not have been in Strabo’s time a lake, particularly as he mentions it to have had a naval station (υφορμος) at its entrance, which could scarcely have been the case had it been nothing more than a marsh.
As a general description of the marsh above mentioned, weshould say that it commences at Mesurata, and extends southward along the coast as far as Giraff; occupying altogether a space of 101 miles by 15, and narrowing towards its southern termination. A small part of the marsh only was covered with water when we crossed it; but from the alternate laminæ of salt and alluvial deposite as well as from the numerous small shells principally of the trochus kind, which cover its surface, it is evident that the sea at times wholly inundates it. Our guides were always desirous that we should not deviate from the track, and were constantly representing to us the danger there was of sinking, with all the usual hyperbole of Arab description. As we suspected, however, that they only made difficulties in order to save themselves the trouble of attending us in our excursions, we paid but little attention to their observations of this nature; and continued to cross the marsh, whenever our duties rendered it necessary that we should examine either the coast or the country beyond it, taking no other precautions than those of keeping in such places as appeared to ourselves to offer the firmest footing. The crusted surface occasionally gave way under our horses’ feet, and discovered hollow spaces of various depths underneath, at the bottom of which appeared water: but as none of our party ever sank in very deeply, we concluded that these hollows were too trifling to be dangerous, and continued to cross the marsh wherever it seemed practicable, till experience at length convinced us that a portion of truth was mixed up with the exaggerated accounts of our guides, and induced us to use more precaution.
Many insulated spots, both of earth and of sand, are conspicuousin different parts of the marsh; and most of these places are honoured with a name by their Mahometan visitors or occasional inhabitants. The road, if such we may call it, either winds along the margin of these little islands, or traverses them, when necessary for greater security. The first of these which occurs, after leaving Mesurata, is the little oasis called Towergah; lying out of the track at a distance of seven or eight miles from the coast: it has a village, and a considerable plantation of date-trees.
A little beyond this is said to be another small insulated spot called Wady Halfa, where date-trees are also to be found; but this was not in sight from the immediate neighbourhood of the coast. The surface of the marsh, in the direction of these places, presents a smooth, unvaried level, as far as the eye can reach, wholly destitute of any vegetation; it consists entirely of an incrustation of salt and alluvial deposit. In following the route along the coast, the first rising ground which occurs, of any tolerable dimensions, is Melfa[7]; where are the remains of an old, dilapidated Marábūt, and occasionally a patch of vegetation, affording a scanty supply to a few miserable-looking goats.
To this succeeds Sooleb, which we have already pointed out as the southern limit of the marsh, according to the dimensions givenby Strabo; and where that part of the low ground, which could, at any time, be covered with water, is too narrow to interfere with the general character of the geographer’s lake. Sooleb has the advantage of some tolerable pasturage, and is in consequence occupied by flocks of sheep and goats, the property of several Arab Shekhs, and which are chiefly tended by negro slaves, who dwell in scattered tents with the animals confided to their charge. The sight of a little vegetation was by no means unwelcome to us after the dismal prospect afforded by the barren flats we had just passed; and the dreary uncultivated wilds of Sooleb assumed, by comparison, some appearance of interest, to which Salisbury plain or Newmarket heath might perhaps be more justly entitled; and which a draught or two of milk, that we were able to procure there, may probably have in some degree contributed to heighten. This refreshment was here more peculiarly welcome, as the water of Sooleb is too bitter, brackish, and stinking, to be drank without the greatest disgust: the purchase of a lamb, also, added meat to our board, which we had not tasted since we left Mesurata. In addition to these luxuries, we received a present from Shekh Mahommed, of a bowl of cuscusu, and another of bazeen; and his liberality was equally extended to the whole of our party.
We were at a loss, when the smoking dishes were ushered into our tent, escorted by no less a person than the Dúbbah himself, to conjecture what could possibly have occurred to occasion this display of Arab munificence; but we soon learnt that Sooleb was the northern limit of the district of Syrt, and that we had entered the territory over which the Dúbbah presided; who had in consequence taken thesemeans of making us acquainted with the circumstance, and of testifying his friendly disposition, together with his magisterial importance.
After quitting Sooleb, which, we may here observe, occupies the place assigned in modern charts to the Gulf of Zuca, we entered again upon marshy ground, and continued our route to Maháda[8]; a tract of rising ground about forty or fifty feet above the level of the marsh, and terminating in a declivity towards the sea, and in perpendicular cliffs on its inland extremities. Near Maháda we perceived the remains described in Della Cella as those of an old castle. They are situated on a spot of rising ground surrounded by a dangerous marsh, and can only be safely approached by following the few narrow tracks winding along the edges of the hollows which abound in it. This building is agusser[9], orkusser, highly venerated by the Arabs of the Syrt, and takes its name of Gusser el Jebha from the son of a celebrated Marábūt, of whom Shekh Mohammed related to us the following story.
Sinessah, a holy man of the neighbouring territory of Esha, possessed of great influence and property, bequeathed to the inhabitants of Esha and Sooleb, some three hundred years since, theprivilege of paying no tribute or duty: this charter, we were assured, has continued to the present time, and is said to be still respected by the Bashaw, and to extend itself to the posterity of these people, whether they settle in their native places, or in any other part of the country between Mesurata and Syrt.
Jebha, the son of this celebrated Marábūt, conceived the project of establishing a convenient communication between the two lakes, or marshes, or, more properly speaking, between the two parts of the same marsh, and fixed upon the rising ground which is occupied by the gusser as the spot best qualified for the purpose. He accordingly made known this proposal to his friends, and conducted a little party to establish themselves on the eminence.
But the people of Tówergah, aware of this intention, and jealous of the colony about to be planted by Jebha, stole upon them in the night, and attacking them unexpectedly, massacred the whole of the party. To commemorate the project of the unfortunate Jebha, and the tragical event which attended it, the little structure in question was raised by the people of Esha, and called after the name of their benefactors; while he, and the party which accompanied him, were buried round the consecrated building. Gusser el Jebha consists of three narrow, vaulted chambers, parallel and communicating with each other, and which are entered by a door in the central one.
They are about twenty feet in length, and no more than five in breadth, and are rudely constructed with unhewn stones arranged with tolerable regularity. The cement is mud with a little mixture of lime, and the vaulted ceilings are coated with plaster from thespring of the arch upwards, and ornamented with a pattern raised from the surface; the lower parts of the interior walls are at present wholly bare, and do not appear to have been coated. The outer parts of the building are now a mass of ruin, and the form of the external roof is not to be ascertained; at least we were not able to make it out.
A day or two before our arrival at Jebha, Chaous Mahmoud, one of the Arabs of the Dúbbah’s party, had stoutly refused to accompany us across the marsh; but after having been severely reprimanded, and threatened with the loss of his pay, the punishment most dreaded by an Arab, he consented to go, provided we would allow him to leave his own horse with the camels, and take one belonging to our party.
This arrangement being acceded to, we trotted on in advance, telling him to follow as soon as he was mounted; but he continued to busy himself about the saddle and stirrups, making one little difficulty after another, till we were nearly out of sight; and then, mounting the horse which he had exchanged for his own, he galloped round the marsh in another direction, to meet us as we arrived on firmer ground.
On coming up with us he began to make excuses for his conduct, and declared, like a true Arab, that his life was at our service, and that he was ready to risk it for us on all occasions; but his horse, he said, was his friend and companion, and he could not bear the idea of losing him in the marsh, which he was certain he should have done if he had rode him across it in the direction which wehad pointed out. His regard for our property had at the same time, he added, prevented him from risking the horse he then rode, and not any regard for his own personal safety, which was at all times indifferent to him in the performance of his duty. Perceiving, however, that this gasconade, delivered with all the vehemence which he could muster for the occasion, was not producing the effect which he desired, he called the Prophet to witness the truth of his assertions, and swore that we had had a most miraculous escape in having been enabled to reach the ground we then stood upon in safety. There was nothing to be said against such solemn asseverations; and we contented ourselves with telling him, in the language of his own religion, that what is destined to happen cannot be averted; that there was no occasion to fear, either for his horse or himself, if the time of their deaths were not come; and that if the fatal hour had really arrived, no precautions whatever could retard it.
At the same time we declared that the marsh, in our opinion, was not so dangerous as he had represented, and that we thought he might cross it, in most directions, without incurring the charge of tempting Providence too far. Mahmoud shook his head as if he did not believe it, but said no more upon the subject; and he perhaps thought we were more obstinate than wise in having so often refused to be regulated by his advice.
Repeated success will, however, at all times give confidence, even under the consciousness of danger; and it is not to be wondered at that we should so often have attempted the passage of the marsh, believing, as we did, that there was little risk in doing so. But anaccident which occurred in the neighbourhood of Jebha convinced us that more caution was necessary on these occasions; and we were afterwards surprised, not only at our numerous escapes, but at our want of penetration in not having sooner perceived the danger to which the nature of the marsh had exposed us. It is probable that the frequent attempts of our guides to excuse themselves from any service of difficulty or exertion, had prepared us to distrust them on all subjects equally, and to overlook dangers for no other reason than because they were mentioned to us by them. Truth is so little regarded by an Arab, that when his interest or his comfort will be promoted by a breach of it, he is always prepared with a falsehood; and it is difficult, even for those who are well acquainted with his character, to tell when he is sincere in his assertions. One of two things must necessarily result from this want of proper feeling: they who place too much confidence in Arab sincerity will continually be deceived and imposed upon, or they who distrust it too far will on some occasions be liable to wish that they had been less obstinate in their disbelief.
As two of our party were making their way across the marsh (a few days after the conversation just related) to something which bore the appearance of a ruin, the ground suddenly gave way beneath the feet of the foremost horse, and discovered a hollow of ten or twelve feet in depth, at the bottom of which appeared water. The animal, who was galloping at the time, feeling the insecurity of his footing, sprang violently forward with all the energy of terror, and by this sudden exertion saved himself and his rider fromdestruction; for it would not have been possible to extricate either from such a place, had there even been more persons at hand to attempt it: the ground continued to crack and break away for some distance farther, as the horse galloped on from the hole, and a large aperture was soon formed in the crusted surface of the marsh as the pieces fell in one after another. The whole extent of the danger was not at first perceived by the rider who had so narrowly escaped; but the person who was following saw the chasm which had been made, and wheeling his horse round in another direction was just in time to avoid plunging into it. As this accident occurred near the middle of the marsh, it was difficult to decide upon the best path to be pursued, the surface being everywhere in appearance the same; but, in order that the weight might be more equally divided, both riders dismounted, and continued to lead their horses till they reached a firmer place. This was however no easy matter; as the poor animals were so terrified with their repeated stumbles, that they could with difficulty be pulled along, and they trembled so violently as to be almost incapable of keeping their legs, for the surface frequently cracked and partially gave way in places which appeared to be secure, and the parties were so often obliged to alter their direction, that they almost despaired of being able to bring off their horses. After much winding and turning, this was, however, at length effected, and both horses and riders were heartily glad to find themselves once more on firm ground. Nothing was said to our guides of this accident, but it served to convince us that their apprehensions of the marsh were not groundless, and we afterwardstook the precaution of dismounting when we had occasion to cross any part which was considered to be dangerous. We found on examination that many hollow spaces of considerable depth and extent existed in various parts of the marsh; and that the crust of salt and mud which covered them was sometimes no more than two inches, and an inch and a half, in thickness.
These usually occurred in the most level parts, but as the crust was everywhere in appearance the same, there were no means of ascertaining where they existed, but by breaking the surface which concealed them.
The water contained in these hollows was invariably salt, or very brackish; it was usually clear, and was in some places deep: the depth of mud below the water must also have been sometimes considerable, and the vacant space contained between the outer surface of the marsh and the water was in various instances observed to be as much as twelve and fifteen feet in depth. We had no means of ascertaining the depth of the water in the hollow alluded to above; but the space between its surface and that of the marsh appeared to be more than twelve feet, and, from the sound occasioned by the fall of the pieces into it, its depth could scarcely have been less than six or eight feet. In that part of the marsh which surrounds the Gusser el Jebha the nature of these pits is very apparent; for the ground being unequal, and overgrown with reeds and brushwood, no crust has been formed over them, and their dimensions are therefore easily ascertained. They are here very numerous, and it would be scarcely possible to escape falling into them after dark, asthe paths which wind among them are sometimes not two feet in breadth, and the edges of the pits are often concealed by the vegetation which surrounds them; indeed many of these hollows are wholly overgrown, and would not be perceived by a casual observer. In crossing to the Gusser, we could not at first account for the obstinacy of our horses in refusing to quit the path, which to us appeared to wind in a most unnecessary manner, and made our ride five or six times as long as it would have been if we could have crossed to the ruin in a straight direction. But we soon found that the animals were more quick-sighted than ourselves, and that the brushwood through which we attempted to push them concealed pits of the nature already described, from many of which we could in all probability have never been extricated, had we persevered in the attempt to force our horses into them.
In our journey along the beach abreast of Maháda, we passed many fragments of wrecks which the violence of the surf had thrown far upon the shore; and observed a block of marble erected near the sea, with the following inscription:—