Medīnet Sultàn has been an important military position, as the remains of several strongly-built fortresses still remaining there attest; these buildings, like those at Zaffràn, are quadrangular, and the foundations of strong walls, communicating with the forts, are seen to cross them in various directions.
The plans of the buildings are more perfect than those of Zaffràn, and are upon a larger scale; those of the walls, however, could not bedetermined, and would require, from their ruined state, a very long and attentive examination, before their original dimensions and precise points of contact could be ascertained. We have given the plans of two of the forts, one of which, though apparently very perfect, is unprovided with any visible entrance. Two gates will be observed in the outer works of the other, although none is apparent in the habitable part of the building, which constitutes the most important part of it.
Within a square, or rather quadrangular, inclosure, attached to another of the same size, is a subterranean storehouse, or reservoir, which has been first excavated in the soil, then formed with rough stones, and lastly coated with an excellent cement, which is still in a very perfect state. The descent to this souterain is by a square well of trifling depth, which was so much overgrown and encumbered, as not to be immediately perceived. Having with us the means of procuring a light, we succeeded, without much trouble, in descending into the chambers which are excavated on each side of it, and in procuring the plan which appears in the plates. We were in hopes to have found some inscription on the walls, which we have already described as being very perfect, but nothing appeared but a few rude and unimportant Arab scrawls. In the neighbourhood of the military position, which we have noticed above, are the remains of the town already mentioned, called Medīna, where there are a number of wells and tanks in very good preservation; but the buildings above ground are in so mutilated and ruinous a state, as to render any satisfactory plan of them impossible, without a great deal of previous excavation.
So little is mentioned by any writer (with whose works we ourselves are acquainted) of the buildings contained in the Syrtis, that it will for the most part be difficult to assign any other name to the remains of forts and towns at present existing there, than those by which the Arabs of the country now distinguish them. Charax is pointed out by Strabo as occurring after the tower of Euphrantas; but before the position of this town can be ascertained, it will be necessary to decide upon that of the tower itself, which, in a country presenting a continued chain of forts from one extremity to the other, is by no means very easily established. The Philæni[13]villa is also offered to our notice; but its position must depend upon that of the Philænean altars, which we are told by Pliny were merely of sand, and which we know were not remaining in the time of Strabo[14].
Were it not that a more eligible position for the tower of Euphrantas occurs further eastward, at a place called Bengerwàd, in the neighbourhood of Houdea, we should have been inclined to adopt Medīnet Sultàn as a port where the tower might very well be looked for; and the circumstance of its being nearer to Zaffràn (which we have already given our reasons for identifying with Aspis) wouldcertainly point it out as the more eligible position of the two, so far as the meaning of the term συνεχης may be concerned[15]. But the local advantages which the tower we shall hereafter mention at Bengerwàd possesses (considered both as a boundary fortress, and as a very conspicuous object), would certainly induce us to give a greater latitude to the term in question, than we should, under other circumstances, have ventured to allow; and we have accordingly given this fortress the preference in fixing the position of the tower of Euphrantas, or rather in suggesting a position for it which there is so little authority for fixing with accuracy[16].
At Medīnet Sultàn there is a sandy bay in which boats might find shelter with particular winds; and a lake commences here, apparently deep, which communicates with the sea in two places, and extends itself along the coast to the eastward. We narrowly examined the points of communication, in expectation of finding a passage through them by which small vessels might have entered the lake; it being probable, from its vicinity to the ruins above-mentioned, that the lake might have been used as a port. But the nature of the beach without, which was altogether stony, running out into dangerous shallows impracticable for vessels of any kind, rendered the existence of such a passage impossible. The coastbetween this place and Garoosh is high, and the land terminates towards the sea in cliffs, with a low sandy beach, and rocky points at the foot of them; but from the wady eastward it lowers again, and is marked only by sand-hills. Upon the lake we noticed a great many flamingoes, with red bills and legs; the head and neck were white, the primary feathers of the wings black, and crimson in the inside; the secondaries and tertials were grey, and the under coverts crimson: several coveys of snipes and curlews were also observed along the lake, which, as well as all other lakes and marshes in the Syrtis, is salt and unfit for use. On leaving Medīnet Sultàn we continued our route along this low and marshy ground, which extends itself as far as Nehīm, where our tents were pitched for the night, near two wells of excellent water. There were no remains of building that we could perceive along this track, with the exception of a few stones on two little eminences, which had been rudely put together for Marábut tombs. We learnt also from Shekh Mahommed, that the country inland was equally devoid of interest, and unoccupied by buildings of any kind. At Nehīm there is a sandy bay, into which ships might send their boats, with almost all winds, for water, at three wells which are situated near the beach.
At Hámmah also, a bay a few miles farther eastward, water may be procured almost at all times, the sea being rendered smooth by a shoal which stretches itself across the entrance of the bay. The two bays may be known by a promontory situated nearly midway between them, on which there are some ruins of an ancient fort which formerly overlooked the cliff, but these are now too much fallen to be perceived from the sea.
While we were pitching the tents, and all hands were employed, some of our horses got loose, and Shekh Mahommed el Dúbbah, who had just come up with us on his trusty mare, was violently assailed by them on all sides. He called out most lustily for help, and in the mean time exhibited uncommonly good horsemanship; wheeling about rapidly in all directions, and making his mare kick out in the intervals, to the no small amusement of our whole party, who were at first too much overcome by laughter to give him any effectual assistance.
As the attack however began to grow serious, from the number and impetuosity of our valiant Shekh’s assailants, we soon recovered ourselves sufficiently to make a diversion in his favour, and eventually to secure all the horses, though not before the Dúbbah was quite out of breath, and had broken his gun in his defence.
The next morning he entered our tent with the fragments of his ill-fated weapon in his hand; and after he had squatted himself down as usual, and paid his two or three customary salams, and a variety of fulsome compliments, which always preceded any request he had to make, he began to expatiate upon his rencontre of the preceding evening, and the address which he had shewn on the occasion: he concluded by holding forth the shattered remains of his béndikah (musket), and observing that the Dúbbah had now nothing to defend himself with in case of an attack from the formidable bands of robbers which he had always asserted to be lying in wait for us. As we had no time to spend in trifling, and were not inclined to take the hint by presenting him with one of our muskets, we suddenly changed the subject, to the discomfiture of his hopes, andbegan to make inquiries about the camels which he was to provide us with at Boosaida, where we expected to arrive the next day. He replied that he had already given directions about them, but that he thought it would be better that he should proceed on in advance of the party, to make arrangements for their being in readiness on our arrival; he proposed in the mean time to leave his eldest son as hislocum tenens, who had lately come from the eastward to pay his respects to his father.
This proposal being agreed to, we remained silent for a few moments, in expectation that he would rise and leave the tent; we were however disappointed, for the Dúbbah kept his post, and it was evident that he had something more to ask. The customary toll of a little brown sugar had already been allowed and accepted; for Shekh Mahommed, though old, had not yet lost his relish for sweets, and we usually indulged him when he visited our tent with a few spoonfuls of his favorite dainty. His approbation had also been extended, as usual, to the knives, pens, and pencils, pocket-pistols, and powder-flasks, and other little things usually lying about the tent, without any of them having been offered to him: yet he still remained sitting, to our great annoyance; for besides taking up our time, as we thought, very unnecessarily, he was all the while colonizing our carpets and mats with the fleas and other animals which escaped from his baracan; and this article of his dress (which indeed was generally his only one) was at all times sufficiently well provided with these residents to allow of very extensive emigration. At last our patience was exhausted, and our complaisancevery nearly so; the watch was pulled out, and when we had expressed our surprise that it should be so much later than we had imagined, we ventured to ask of our white-bearded visitor if it would not be better that he should set out in advance, as he had himself so very prudently suggested. Upon this the Shekh rose, to our great delight, and after paying his adieus with the air of a man who was wholly occupied with other reflections, he took the Doctor aside, and with a significant half-smile upon his countenance, begged he would furnish him with the exhilarating medicine which he had promised him on a former occasion. The secret was disclosed which had so baffled our penetration; for the Dúbbah confessed that as he was going home, from which he had been some time absent, he was particularly desirous of assuming an animated and youthful appearance in the presence of his young and handsome wife, who, he was fearful, he said, had already began to fancy him a little too old for her. He described this girl, to whom he had lately been married, as uncommonly pretty and only sixteen years of age; and concluded by saying he did not despair, Imsh Allah (please God), that with the Doctor’s assistance, he might yet contrive to make himself agreeable to her! Our chagrin was now succeeded by a violent fit of laughter, which we freely indulged in at the old Shekh’s expense, and which he bore very goodnaturedly: the Doctor was not long in preparing the draught; and the Dúbbah had no sooner deposited it in his old leathern pouch, as safely as a glass phial could conveniently be put up with flints and steel, musket balls, old nails and horse-shoes, which were usually observed to be assembled there, than hemounted the gallant mare who had so well conducted herself the night before, and brandishing his stirrups, rode off at full gallop, well pleased with the result of his long-winded visit, and anticipating all the wonderful effects of the cordial which the Doctor had so considerately bestowed upon him.
FOOTNOTES:[1]In this neighbourhood we must look for the Macomades Syrtis of the Itinerary.[2]Serte (says Leo) è una città antica, edificata, come alcuni vogliono, da gli Egitti, e secondo altri dai Romani, benchè siano alcuni da oppinione che ella fosse edificata da gli Africani. Come si fu, hora è rovinata, e credesi che la distrussero i Mahumettani; ancor che Ibnu Rachik, historico, dice dai Romani; ne altro in lei si vede fuori che qualche picciolo vestigio delle mura.—(L. Afr. in Ram., 5taparte.)[3]If Mahād Hassān may be taken as theTurris Hasan(or Cosr Asan) of Edrisi, with which it appears to correspond, we may fairly venture, perhaps, to place Asna at Zaffrān, that place being thirty M. P. from Hasān, on the testimony of the Arab geographer, and Zaffrān thirty geographic miles from Mahād Hassān. The wells of Zaffrān are, at the same time, on the beach, as those are said to be which Edrisi has mentioned at Asna.[4]Medīna is the Arabic term for a city, and Medīnet Sultàn, as it is termed by the Arabs, may be translated, royal city, or city of more than ordinary distinction.[5]The remains of Medīnet Sultàn are on a larger scale than those of Medīna, and might on that account have been termed Sultàn; but they are rather those of an important military station than of a city, and we prefer taking Medīna as the position of Sort for this reason.[6]Viaggio da Tripoli, &c., p. 77, 78.[7]We subjoin a few of these characteristic marks, with the names of the tribe, to which they belong, attached. Some of them, it will be seen, resemble Greek letters, and when they are well cut, have a very knowing appearance.Mogharbé,Ouarghir,Wéled Sulimàn,Orfilli,Wéled Ben-Miriam,[Symbols]Wéled Abou-Saif,Gedádfa,Hemámla,Zoazi,Zoeia,[Symbols]Hassoun,Gebshia,Name forgotten.[Symbols][8]The drawing annexed will give some idea of the manner in which these blocks are disposed.[9]The dangerous peculiarities of the Gulfs of Syrtis are frequently noticed by the ancients; but the following passage from Sallust seems to allude more particularly to the powerful action of the surf, so conspicuous in the instance which we have just described.Nam ubi mare magnum esse, et sævire ventis cœpit, limum, Arenamq: etsaxa ingentia fluctustrahunt; ita facies locorum cum ventis simul mutatur. Syrtes ab tractu nominatæ.—(Bell. Jugurth., p. 78.)[10]The saffron of the Gharian mountains has been described by Leo Africanus as the best in the world.[11]Shaw observes that this expression is used in the neighbourhood of Tunis, and indeed it is very common among the Arab tribes in general.[12]“Quidam granaria habent sub terris, speluncas, quos vocant σειρους, ut in Cappadocia ac Thracia. Alii, ut in Hispania citeriore, puteos, ut in agro Carthaginiensi et Oscensi. Horum solum paleis substernunt: et curant ne humor aut aer tangere possit, nisi cum promitur ad usum. Quo enim spiritus non pervenit, ibi non oritur curculio. Sic conditum triticum manet vel annos quinquaginta: milium vero plus annos centum.”—(De Re Rustica, i. 57.)See also Cæsar (de Bell. Afric., cap. 25). “Est in Africa consuetudo incolarum, ut, in agris, et in omnibus fere villis, sub terra specus, condendi frumenti gratia, clam habeant, atque id propter bella maxime, hostiumque subitum adventum præssarent.”[13]The Φιλαινου κωμη (of Ptolemy) υφ᾽ ην οι ομωνυμοι βωμοι, οριον Αφρικης—between which and Charax, his φαραξ κωμη, Ptolemy has however laid down some inconsiderable places.[14]Ου γαρ νυν ὁι φιλαινων μενουσι βωμοι αλλ᾽ ὁ τοπος μετειληφε την προσηγωριαν·—(Lib. iii. p. 171.)In intimo sinu fuit ora Lotophagon, quos quidam Alachroas dixere, ad Philænorum Aras: ex harena sunt eæ.—(Nat. Hist., lib. v. c. 5.)[15]It must be recollected that Strabo has described the tower of Euphrantas ascontiguous to, orimmediately succeeding, the port of Aspis, for so we must translate συνεχης, if we take it in its strict and literal sense.[16]Among the several towers which present themselves at Medīna Sultàn, there is no one which could be pointed out as more conspicuous in position than another; and were the tower of Euphrantas to be fixed at this place, it would scarcely be possible to select one of them as its probable representative.
FOOTNOTES:
[1]In this neighbourhood we must look for the Macomades Syrtis of the Itinerary.
[1]In this neighbourhood we must look for the Macomades Syrtis of the Itinerary.
[2]Serte (says Leo) è una città antica, edificata, come alcuni vogliono, da gli Egitti, e secondo altri dai Romani, benchè siano alcuni da oppinione che ella fosse edificata da gli Africani. Come si fu, hora è rovinata, e credesi che la distrussero i Mahumettani; ancor che Ibnu Rachik, historico, dice dai Romani; ne altro in lei si vede fuori che qualche picciolo vestigio delle mura.—(L. Afr. in Ram., 5taparte.)
[2]Serte (says Leo) è una città antica, edificata, come alcuni vogliono, da gli Egitti, e secondo altri dai Romani, benchè siano alcuni da oppinione che ella fosse edificata da gli Africani. Come si fu, hora è rovinata, e credesi che la distrussero i Mahumettani; ancor che Ibnu Rachik, historico, dice dai Romani; ne altro in lei si vede fuori che qualche picciolo vestigio delle mura.—(L. Afr. in Ram., 5taparte.)
[3]If Mahād Hassān may be taken as theTurris Hasan(or Cosr Asan) of Edrisi, with which it appears to correspond, we may fairly venture, perhaps, to place Asna at Zaffrān, that place being thirty M. P. from Hasān, on the testimony of the Arab geographer, and Zaffrān thirty geographic miles from Mahād Hassān. The wells of Zaffrān are, at the same time, on the beach, as those are said to be which Edrisi has mentioned at Asna.
[3]If Mahād Hassān may be taken as theTurris Hasan(or Cosr Asan) of Edrisi, with which it appears to correspond, we may fairly venture, perhaps, to place Asna at Zaffrān, that place being thirty M. P. from Hasān, on the testimony of the Arab geographer, and Zaffrān thirty geographic miles from Mahād Hassān. The wells of Zaffrān are, at the same time, on the beach, as those are said to be which Edrisi has mentioned at Asna.
[4]Medīna is the Arabic term for a city, and Medīnet Sultàn, as it is termed by the Arabs, may be translated, royal city, or city of more than ordinary distinction.
[4]Medīna is the Arabic term for a city, and Medīnet Sultàn, as it is termed by the Arabs, may be translated, royal city, or city of more than ordinary distinction.
[5]The remains of Medīnet Sultàn are on a larger scale than those of Medīna, and might on that account have been termed Sultàn; but they are rather those of an important military station than of a city, and we prefer taking Medīna as the position of Sort for this reason.
[5]The remains of Medīnet Sultàn are on a larger scale than those of Medīna, and might on that account have been termed Sultàn; but they are rather those of an important military station than of a city, and we prefer taking Medīna as the position of Sort for this reason.
[6]Viaggio da Tripoli, &c., p. 77, 78.
[6]Viaggio da Tripoli, &c., p. 77, 78.
[7]We subjoin a few of these characteristic marks, with the names of the tribe, to which they belong, attached. Some of them, it will be seen, resemble Greek letters, and when they are well cut, have a very knowing appearance.Mogharbé,Ouarghir,Wéled Sulimàn,Orfilli,Wéled Ben-Miriam,[Symbols]Wéled Abou-Saif,Gedádfa,Hemámla,Zoazi,Zoeia,[Symbols]Hassoun,Gebshia,Name forgotten.[Symbols]
[7]We subjoin a few of these characteristic marks, with the names of the tribe, to which they belong, attached. Some of them, it will be seen, resemble Greek letters, and when they are well cut, have a very knowing appearance.
Mogharbé,Ouarghir,Wéled Sulimàn,Orfilli,Wéled Ben-Miriam,[Symbols]
Mogharbé,Ouarghir,Wéled Sulimàn,Orfilli,Wéled Ben-Miriam,[Symbols]
Wéled Abou-Saif,Gedádfa,Hemámla,Zoazi,Zoeia,[Symbols]
Wéled Abou-Saif,Gedádfa,Hemámla,Zoazi,Zoeia,[Symbols]
Hassoun,Gebshia,Name forgotten.[Symbols]
Hassoun,Gebshia,Name forgotten.[Symbols]
[8]The drawing annexed will give some idea of the manner in which these blocks are disposed.
[8]The drawing annexed will give some idea of the manner in which these blocks are disposed.
[9]The dangerous peculiarities of the Gulfs of Syrtis are frequently noticed by the ancients; but the following passage from Sallust seems to allude more particularly to the powerful action of the surf, so conspicuous in the instance which we have just described.Nam ubi mare magnum esse, et sævire ventis cœpit, limum, Arenamq: etsaxa ingentia fluctustrahunt; ita facies locorum cum ventis simul mutatur. Syrtes ab tractu nominatæ.—(Bell. Jugurth., p. 78.)
[9]The dangerous peculiarities of the Gulfs of Syrtis are frequently noticed by the ancients; but the following passage from Sallust seems to allude more particularly to the powerful action of the surf, so conspicuous in the instance which we have just described.
Nam ubi mare magnum esse, et sævire ventis cœpit, limum, Arenamq: etsaxa ingentia fluctustrahunt; ita facies locorum cum ventis simul mutatur. Syrtes ab tractu nominatæ.—(Bell. Jugurth., p. 78.)
[10]The saffron of the Gharian mountains has been described by Leo Africanus as the best in the world.
[10]The saffron of the Gharian mountains has been described by Leo Africanus as the best in the world.
[11]Shaw observes that this expression is used in the neighbourhood of Tunis, and indeed it is very common among the Arab tribes in general.
[11]Shaw observes that this expression is used in the neighbourhood of Tunis, and indeed it is very common among the Arab tribes in general.
[12]“Quidam granaria habent sub terris, speluncas, quos vocant σειρους, ut in Cappadocia ac Thracia. Alii, ut in Hispania citeriore, puteos, ut in agro Carthaginiensi et Oscensi. Horum solum paleis substernunt: et curant ne humor aut aer tangere possit, nisi cum promitur ad usum. Quo enim spiritus non pervenit, ibi non oritur curculio. Sic conditum triticum manet vel annos quinquaginta: milium vero plus annos centum.”—(De Re Rustica, i. 57.)See also Cæsar (de Bell. Afric., cap. 25). “Est in Africa consuetudo incolarum, ut, in agris, et in omnibus fere villis, sub terra specus, condendi frumenti gratia, clam habeant, atque id propter bella maxime, hostiumque subitum adventum præssarent.”
[12]“Quidam granaria habent sub terris, speluncas, quos vocant σειρους, ut in Cappadocia ac Thracia. Alii, ut in Hispania citeriore, puteos, ut in agro Carthaginiensi et Oscensi. Horum solum paleis substernunt: et curant ne humor aut aer tangere possit, nisi cum promitur ad usum. Quo enim spiritus non pervenit, ibi non oritur curculio. Sic conditum triticum manet vel annos quinquaginta: milium vero plus annos centum.”—(De Re Rustica, i. 57.)
See also Cæsar (de Bell. Afric., cap. 25). “Est in Africa consuetudo incolarum, ut, in agris, et in omnibus fere villis, sub terra specus, condendi frumenti gratia, clam habeant, atque id propter bella maxime, hostiumque subitum adventum præssarent.”
[13]The Φιλαινου κωμη (of Ptolemy) υφ᾽ ην οι ομωνυμοι βωμοι, οριον Αφρικης—between which and Charax, his φαραξ κωμη, Ptolemy has however laid down some inconsiderable places.
[13]The Φιλαινου κωμη (of Ptolemy) υφ᾽ ην οι ομωνυμοι βωμοι, οριον Αφρικης—between which and Charax, his φαραξ κωμη, Ptolemy has however laid down some inconsiderable places.
[14]Ου γαρ νυν ὁι φιλαινων μενουσι βωμοι αλλ᾽ ὁ τοπος μετειληφε την προσηγωριαν·—(Lib. iii. p. 171.)In intimo sinu fuit ora Lotophagon, quos quidam Alachroas dixere, ad Philænorum Aras: ex harena sunt eæ.—(Nat. Hist., lib. v. c. 5.)
[14]Ου γαρ νυν ὁι φιλαινων μενουσι βωμοι αλλ᾽ ὁ τοπος μετειληφε την προσηγωριαν·—(Lib. iii. p. 171.)
In intimo sinu fuit ora Lotophagon, quos quidam Alachroas dixere, ad Philænorum Aras: ex harena sunt eæ.—(Nat. Hist., lib. v. c. 5.)
[15]It must be recollected that Strabo has described the tower of Euphrantas ascontiguous to, orimmediately succeeding, the port of Aspis, for so we must translate συνεχης, if we take it in its strict and literal sense.
[15]It must be recollected that Strabo has described the tower of Euphrantas ascontiguous to, orimmediately succeeding, the port of Aspis, for so we must translate συνεχης, if we take it in its strict and literal sense.
[16]Among the several towers which present themselves at Medīna Sultàn, there is no one which could be pointed out as more conspicuous in position than another; and were the tower of Euphrantas to be fixed at this place, it would scarcely be possible to select one of them as its probable representative.
[16]Among the several towers which present themselves at Medīna Sultàn, there is no one which could be pointed out as more conspicuous in position than another; and were the tower of Euphrantas to be fixed at this place, it would scarcely be possible to select one of them as its probable representative.
Leave Nehīm — Arrive at Boosaida — Shekh Hamed Shakshak — Return of Shekh Mahommed — Revival of the Report above mentioned — Motive for renewing it — Discharge our Mesurata Camel-drivers — Treaty with the Dúbbah for others — Interested Conduct of Shekh Mahommed — Commencement of another Salt-Lake at Sharfa — Easy mode of shifting Quarters practised by the Arabs — Their manner of travelling — Termination of the Lake — Arrive at Shegga — Remains of Forts observed there — Other Remains in its Neighbourhood — Abundant Pasturage at Shegga — Fortress of Bengerwàd — Peculiarities of its Position — Bengerwàd considered as the Castle of Euphrantas — Objections to this Supposition — Reasons in favour of it — Leave Wady Shegga — Cross a Tract of Red Sand — Spacious Bay at Ras Howeijah — Good Anchorage probably found there — Remains of an ancient Town near Ras Howeijah considered as those of Charax — Trade of Charax alluded to, as mentioned by Strabo — Further Reasons for placing the Tower of Euphrantas at Bengerwàd — Allusion to the Barter of Silphium at Charax — Emendation of Strabo’s Text proposed by Signor Della Cella — Arrive at Hudīa — Alleged Origin of this Name as applied to the Place in question — Hudīa lately infested by a formidable Band of Robbers — Precautions of our Arab Escort to prevent any Attack — Rigorous Measures of Mahommed Bey apparently very necessary — Remarkable Hill of Gypsum at Hudīa — Celebration of Christmas-day by our Party at Hudīa — Fortress at Mahirīga — Arrival of a Party of Pilgrims from the Westward — Disturbance at Linoof — Apparent Causes of it — Ill-behaviour of the Dúbbah — His sudden change of Conduct, and artful Manœuvres — Remarks on Arab Character — Satisfactory Termination of the Disturbance — Arrival at Mukhtàr, the Boundary of the Districts of Syrt and Barka.
Onquitting Nehīm we proceeded along the edge of a marsh which commences there, extending itself for several miles parallel with the beach, from which it is separated by sand-hills, and in the evening arrived at Boosaida. The whole of this tract (from Nehīm to Boosaida) is very flat and uninteresting, and we could perceive no remains there of any kind. At Boosaida may be observed the ground-plansof small walls, apparently those of dwelling-houses, between where our tents the spot were pitched and the sea; the remains are however so few and inconsiderable, and so much mixed with stones belonging to the soil, as to be wholly without any interest.
The country at Boosaida is somewhat hilly, and overrun with grass and brushwood, a small part only being planted with barley. The few Bedouins who inhabit it appear to have no other occupation than that of tending their camels, sheep, and goats; and the women are chiefly occupied in curing skins for containing water and manteca, which is done by means of certain roots found in great quantities in the neighbourhood. The Shekh, or principal man of the place, was named Hamed Shakshak, who, in order to ensure our being well supplied, for we ought not to suspect so obliging a personage of any less praiseworthy motive, took care to usurp the sole right and privilege of furnishing us himself with whatever we wished to purchase; never forgetting, however, in the excess of his zeal, to put a most unconscionable price upon everything. So careful had this considerate person been in his manœuvres, that we could not get even a draught of milk from the women in other tents, without promising to keep it secret from Hamed Shakshak. As we had no wish to embroil the honest inhabitants with their Shekh, we thought it better to take no notice of this proceeding, especially as the time we had to remain at Boosaida was short, and our demands were not likely to be very great.
It was here that our agreement with the Mesurata camel-drivers finished; and the day after our arrival we were rejoined by our friendthe Dúbbah, who had left us, as before stated, to make arrangements for furnishing us with others. He entered our tent with three large ostrich eggs wrapped up very carefully in the folds of his baracan, (for this garment may be considered as a general envelope for everything which an Arab thinks worthy of a cover,) and having unfolded them, one by one, laid them down very solemnly and ceremoniously, and with the greatest air of consequence imaginable, on the mat upon which we were sitting. All this was of course intended to enhance the value of the present, and we received it accordingly with all due acknowledgments. The prelude being over, Shekh Mahommed assumed a very mysterious air, and drew a little closer towards us; then lowering his voice, which was not usually one of the most gentle, he began to inform us (looking occasionally round the tent, as if he feared to be overheard from without) that a large troop of marauding Arabs were then at Kebrīt, having recently arrived there from the neighbourhood of Cairo, and that they were lying in wait for our party. There could be no doubt, he added, of the truth of this statement, for one of his own sons had just arrived from Cairo himself! On our asking him whether this son had actually seen the Arabs in question, he replied that, as yet, no person had seen them, but that the prints of horses’ feet, to the number of sixty, had been observed about the wells near Kebrīt, and that there could be no doubt whatever of the sinister intentions of the party. “But fear nothing,” continued the Shekh, with an air of greater importance, “while the Dúbbah is your friend and conductor; for I will myself,” said he, “go on in advance, and if I find the tracks of hostile horses about the wells,woe be to the rascals upon their backs!” We had been trying very hard, during this important communication, to keep as solemn a face as we could, but the concluding bravado of old Shekh Mahommed rendered all our best efforts unavailing; and we fairly laughed out, in spite of ourselves, to the great discomposure of our valiant protector. The old Shekh had often talked of similar interruptions which were to be expected upon the road, but we could not, at first, upon the present occasion, perceive his actual motive for introducing the subject so formally and circumstantially. The next day, however, we found there had been a competition between the Dúbbah and our Mesurata camel-drivers, who were desirous of accompanying us to Bengazi, and whom for their good conduct on most occasions we should have been very willing to retain in our service. At any rate, we wished the competition to continue till we had concluded our bargain with one of the parties, as we knew that we should otherwise be exposed to the extortion which is almost invariably practised by an Arab when he knows there is no alternative but to accept his proposals. Both parties, however, knew that we must, under any circumstances, continue our route; and that it would not be possible for us to do so without camels, whether we advanced or returned. For this reason we had never made any positive promise that we would take the Dúbbah’s camels at Boosaida, and we had never given any notice to the camel-drivers of Mesurata that we should not continue them if they wished to proceed with us farther.
Having reason to believe that his Mesurata rivals were willing to go on with us to Bengazi, Shekh Mahommed now brought forwardhis story of the robbers to deter them from accompanying us any farther; for in the event of our being surprised and overpowered, they would themselves have lost their camels as well as all they had with them. Whether this story, which the Dúbbah had taken care to have generally circulated, really frightened the men of Mesurata, or whether they thought it imprudent to make an enemy of the old Shekh at a distance from their own country, and in a part of his own, did not very clearly appear; but they soon after came to us, and declined proceeding any farther, alleging, at the same time, that Shekh Mahommed had already engaged camels for us from his own people in the neighbourhood, and that we should therefore have no occasion for theirs. We told them that we had as yet made no bargain with the Dúbbah, and that although we might wish to give him an opportunity, as our friend and conductor, of making a fair profit of his camels, we should certainly not accept them if we found that his demands were unreasonable. Finding, however, that the men were really unwilling to go on, under any circumstances, though they would not state precisely the grounds of their objection, we settled our accounts with them, giving each a few piastres in addition to what had been agreed for, as an acknowledgment of their good behaviour, and they shortly after set out on their return to Mesurata. Before their departure, however, we sent for Shekh Mahommed, and told him the number of camels we should have occasion for; stating, at the same time, the sum we intended to pay him for them, to which, after some little parley, he consented. The next morning he made his appearance in our tent, and said that the camels would be brought to usimmediately, but that the men whom they belonged to, on estimating the weight of our baggage, had refused to carry it so long a journey, unless we would consent to take twenty-five instead of eighteen camels, (the number we had mentioned to him on the preceding evening,) and which was fully sufficient for the whole of our baggage. To this proposal, however, we gave a very decided negative, and a long parley, ensued in which the Dúbbah went through the whole gamut of Arab vociferation, accompanying each tone with its appropriate gestures, and expressing himself with an energy which almost amounted to frenzy. The whole strength of the Dúbbah’s lungs, with all his powers of gesticulation, were, however, unable to convince us that his proposal was a reasonable one; although it must be confessed, in justice to his logic, that no poissard ever screamed louder, and that the most accomplished Neapolitan buffoon could not have surpassed him in vehemence and variety of gesture.
The result was that we could come to no satisfactory terms; for the Dúbbah was aware that our old camel-drivers were gone, and thought we had no alternative but to comply with his demands: he concluded by declaring, in the name of the Prophet, that we should either have none at all, or else take the whole number of camels which he had proposed, and went out of the tent as he delivered his final resolve, fully satisfied that we should soon call him back and agree to his unreasonable terms.
Had we done so he would soon have found some excuse for increasing the number still further, and we should in all probabilitynot have been able to get away without twice as many camels as we had any occasion for.
We were, however, determined not to submit to this imposition while any means remained of avoiding it; and Shekh Mahommed had no sooner left the tent than we ordered two horses to be saddled immediately, and despatched one of our party, accompanied by the Chaous, to bring back the Mesurata camel-drivers, who we knew could not have been far advanced on their journey. The old Shekh now imagined that we were going to send express to Tripoly to complain of his conduct to the Bashaw; although such an embassy, had we waited for the reply, must have detained us much longer than it would have been advisable to delay the expedition for any point so comparatively trifling. As he had however fallen into this error, and was evidently much disturbed at the idea, we did not of course undeceive him; and when he had most solemnly promised to abide by our decision on the subject in dispute, he begged that we would allow him to recall the two horsemen, who had already made some little progress: no sooner had he obtained our permission to do so than he mounted his mare in all speed, which he had contrived to have saddled in the interval, and riding after the envoys as fast as he could gallop, overtook them as they were nearly out of sight. By this time the day was half gone, and our departure was consequently deferred till the following one, which, as the weather turned out, saved us a good wetting. We left Boosaida on the morning of the 22nd, and passing through Sharfa, stopped for the night at Shedgane, having only made good twelve miles, in consequenceof the delays occasioned by the young camels which the Dúbbah had provided for us, which were continually throwing off their loads. The ground was besides so full of holes, made by the Jerboa, that both horses and camels were continually tripping.
At Sharfa commences another salt lake which extends to Houeijah, a remarkable promontory, taking the appearance at a distance of a castle in ruins, and which may possibly be the cape called Liconda. Between the lake and the sea is a narrow slip of land occupied by a party of Arabs, who were so completely concealed among the hills, that we were close upon them before we were aware that any living soul was in the neighbourhood. The cattle of this place were closely attended by the men, to prevent their ranging on the heights, and, consequently, becoming visible to those who might be passing; a manœuvre which they probably had adopted from supposing us to be some of the Bashaw’s people, whose observation they hoped by such means to elude, and thus escape the payment of the tribute which in the event of their discovery would have been exacted from them by the soldiers of His Highness. We were however received by these people very kindly, and they brought us out milk and dried dates, unasked for; in return for these attentions, we gave the men some gunpowder, with which they were highly delighted, and presented the women with some strings of beads of different colours, which were accepted with many smiles of acknowledgment.
So well practised are the Arabs in eluding observation, from the nature of the wandering life which they lead, and the little security which there is for property in the country they inhabit, that even those who are well acquainted with their usual haunts are oftenunable to find them; and strangers might often pass within a hundred yards of their tents, without suspecting there was a soul in the neighbourhood. As the whole property of a wandering Arab consists in his flocks and cattle, and the few little articles contained in his tent, he has very little trouble in moving, and half an hour after he has determined to leave the place of his residence, no traces will remain of his late habitation, but the ashes scattered about the hole in the earth which served his whole family for a fire-place. His sheep and cattle are collected without difficulty at the sound of his voice, or that of some part of his family, while his tent, in the mean time, with all its contents, the chief of which are his wives and his children, are packed up in a few minutes on the backs of his camels, and ready to move on with the rest. If he is not pressed for time, the women often walk with the older children, and assist in driving the cattle; and should he have no camels, which is very often the case, both women and children are loaded to the utmost of their strength with such articles as cannot be transported in other ways. But neither women nor children on these fatiguing occasions exhibit any signs of discontent or uneasiness; the length of their journey and the weight of their burdens are borne with the greatest cheerfulness; and the whole is considered as a matter of course, which their habits of life have accustomed them to expect, and to support without any other effects than the temporary fatigue of the exertion. If the journey should be long, the tent is seldom unpacked till they have arrived at the place of their destination, and the whole party sleep very soundly on the ground, in the midst of their sheep and cattle, till the firstappearance of day-light summons them to rise and take up their burdens, which have probably in the mean time been usefully employed in affording them the luxury of a pillow.
On quitting the hills among which our late acquaintance were encamped, we passed along the track of Ras Houeijah (the promontory above mentioned), and were detained some time in consequence of the lake having terminated in a swamp, which extended to the sea, and in which our horses sank so deep as to render great caution necessary. The land at the back of the marsh rises tolerably high, and was better peopled than any part we had yet seen in the district of Syrt. At about one o’clock we reached Wady Shegga, a large fiumara so called, and having procured some brackish water a little way up it, continued our route till we reached some Arab tents, where we halted for the night. At Shegga we found the remains of some forts, strongly and regularly built, and of the same quadrangular form with those which we have already described. On a large mound of rubbish we also observed a Marábut, rudely built with the stones of fallen structures about it. In a valley belonging to the chain of hills which runs at the back of Shegga are considerable traces of small buildings, rudely put together with the unshaped stones of the soil. They consist principally of strait lines and parts of squares, built with very little regularity, and occupying both sides of the valley. Traces of walls may also be still observed across the valley, which is furrowed and torn up by the passage of torrents rushing down in the rainy season from the hills, but which seems to have formerly contained much more building than can be perceivedin it at present. The rain seems to have been also a principal agent in destroying the buildings on the sides of the valley; but the loss which has been sustained is scarcely to be regretted; since neither these structures, nor those which occupied the centre of the valley, could ever have been of any importance, although they have certainly been very numerous. Before the entrance of the valley, near the forts which have been mentioned, are also seen traces of building, but which do not seem to have been much more important than those which we have just alluded to. On the whole, nothing more can well be collected from these remains, than that the place has been formerly the site of a small town, which must always have been a very miserable one. There is however a good deal of pasturage in the neighbourhood, occasioned by the plentiful supply of water from the hills, and we found ourselves surrounded on all sides by flocks of sheep and goats, among which were also a good many camels.
At about two miles’ distance from the remains above described (to the eastward) is a very remarkable projection of a high cliff into the sea, on which has been built a strong and very conspicuous fortress, constructed with large stones regularly shaped and put together. The greater part of this building, owing to the cliff having given way, is tumbled in ruins about the beach, and though little of the ground plan now remaining can be satisfactorily made out, yet it may well be inferred, from an inspection of the whole, that this fortress has been one of considerable strength[1]. It commands anextensive view, on both sides, over the sea, and overlooks many remains of building which are scattered about the plain at the back of it. At the foot of the eminence on which the fortress has been built, is a ravine, which must at times be the bed of a considerable torrent, and which, crossing the plain from the mountains by which it is bounded, empties itself into the sea at the base of the fort. The mountains, which here run parallel with the beach, approach at the same time so closely to the sea, that the plain which intervenes might be easily defended by means of the ravine just described. Along this ravine are traces of strong walls which have been constructed on both sides of it, and have formerly extended from the sea to the foot of the hills; and which must in their perfect state have formed, together with the ravine, a very effectual barrier to the pass.
Such advantages of situation could not well have been overlooked by the ancients; and there is little doubt that this position was originally one of importance. It appears so well calculated, both by nature and art, for the establishment of a boundary line, that we have little hesitation in supposing the remains above mentioned to have at some period defended the limits of the states of Cyrene and Carthage; and it is accordingly here that we should feel most inclined to fix the site of the Castle of Euphrantes. The distance of this fort from Zaffràn, considered as Aspis, does indeed seem too great for the literal meaning of Strabo’s term συνεχης: but then the circumstance of its uniting a strong boundary line with a veryconspicuous position, seems to make this place so very eligible a site for the castle in question, that we cannot refrain from pointing it out to our readers as the spot of all others which we could most wish should prove to be really such. We know the πυργος Ευφραντας to have been a boundary tower, since it is expressly said by Strabo to have been the limits of Carthage and Cyrene under the Ptolemies; so far therefore the resemblance between this fort and that of Strabo appears to be sufficiently complete. Again, amongst all the fortresses with which the Syrtis is filled, two only are mentioned in ancient historyby name, those of Euphrantas and Automala; and it would seem probable, from this circumstance (at least it appears so to us), that these castles should have been distinguished from others by conspicuous positions. Of all the positions occupied by forts between Zaffràn and the point to which we are arrived, there is no one which can be materially distinguished from another but that of Bengerwàd, which we have just been describing; and this is so remarkably conspicuous a position, from the height of the eminence and its almost insulated situation on the beach, that it must have been at all times an object of importance from the sea, and could not fail to have been noticed by Strabo in his passage along this part of the coast. It is probable that the position of the Philænean Altars was not sufficiently well calculated by nature for a boundary; and that this circumstance, rather than the desire of increasing his territory in so unprofitable a district, induced one of the Ptolemies to remove the line of separation further westward to the castle of Euphrantas. In passing along the coast, in a westerly direction, from the sandy tract where the monumentsof the Philæni[2]might be looked for, had they still been in existence, the most eligible situation which would present itself for a boundary post is certainly that of Bengerwàd; and this, as we have stated, is so extremely well calculated for such a purpose, that we can scarcely suppose it could have been overlooked by the king of Egypt when he fixed the new limits of his dominions.
It will be unnecessary to trouble our readers with any protracted discussion of a point which admits of no positive proof; and we will leave others to decide, without further remark, how far the meaning of the term employed by Strabo (συνεχης) may be extended, in consideration of the reasons which we have alleged.
On leaving Wady Shegga we passed over a tract of red sand collected in little hillocks about the plain, which were, however, as well as the spaces between them, occasionally covered with vegetation. We here saw some gazelles, hares, and jackalls, and a good many jerboas, and fired at a snake about six feet in length, which the Arabs told us swelled out when much irritated, and was very venomous; he however escaped slightly grazed into a hole in the sand. This was the only snake of any size which we had seen in the Syrtis; it was of a very dark colour, and about as thick as a man’s wrist. Immediately behind the promontory which we have mentioned above,is a small sandy bay which the Arabs call a port, and which might in former days have served as a landing-place for boats. This Ràs (or head land), with Ràs Houeijah, forms a spacious bay, in which good anchorage might probably be found close up under the western shore. After passing Bengerwàd the coast gets lower, and the road leads along an uninteresting flat between it and the hills.
Five miles from the Ràs, upon a sandy point, are the remains of a small fort, and about three-quarters of a mile inland of it are several large mounds of sand and rubbish, through which appear occasionally parts of the walls and ground plans of houses. These are evidently the remains of an ancient town, and the houses have here been more concentrated than those of any town which we have observed in the Syrtis; but they are now in so very incumbered a state, that we could form no correct idea either of their number or of their plans. It is probable also that excavation would here be uninteresting, as the hand of time seems to have been fully as much concerned in the destruction of this place as that of its most inveterate enemies. Considerable traces of building may be observed all the way from these remains to the wells at Hudea, and indeed all the way from Bengerwàd; and immediately about the wells the ground plans become more regular, as well as more numerous. There is no doubt that the greater part of this tract has been formerly inhabited, but the mounds which we have mentioned seem to us more characteristic of a town than any of the other remains; and we will venture to suggest them as those of Charax, described by Strabo as a trading frontier-town, resorted to by the people both of Carthageand Cyrene. It was at Charax that the Carthaginians exchanged their wine for the silphium, and the liquor which was extracted from it, (so we translate the passage, reversing the order)[3]; neither of which, from the value attached to these commodities, were allowed to be exported from the Cyrenaica by individuals; and were consequently disposed of with great caution and secrecy to the traders of Carthage who assembled at Charax to treat for them.
As the identity of the fortress at Bengerwàd with the tower of Euphrantas may scarcely, perhaps, be considered as decidedly established; it will probably here appear strange that we should point out the vicinity of the ruins above mentioned to Bengerwàd as one of the reasons why we imagine them to be those of Charax.
But whether the tower of Euphrantas be placed at Bengerwàd or not, we cannot consider that place as any other than a boundary; and as Charax was evidently a frontier-town, and must be looked for somewhere in this neighbourhood, we may assume the vicinity of the remains in question to the only spot which we have met with which may decidedly be termed a boundary, as a reason why they are probably those of Charax. This once allowed, it will be the more readily admitted that the ruin at Bengerwàd is very likely to be that of the tower of Euphrantas; for Charax, as before stated, is the first place which is mentioned by Strabo after that fortress, and may therefore be identified with the first town to be met with in passing from thetower to the westward. Here is however nothingcertainbut the existence of a boundary, and that of a town a little to the westward of it; and it remains to be determined how far the facts which we have stated may be received as proofs of the positions which have been suggested for the tower of Euphrantas and the trading town of Charax, both of which must be looked for between Aspis and the bottom of the gulf, and to the westward of the Philænean altars and the fortress of Automala[4].
In alluding to the sale of the silphium at Charax, which he places as we have already stated at Zaffràn, Signor Della Cella has indulged himself in his favourite practice of emendation, and has proposed a new reading in the passage of Strabo which mentions this town and its commerce[5].
“I will not speak to you of the silphium (says the Doctor) till I arrive in the place which produces it . . . but I cannot conceal from you that I have allowed myself to read, in translating this passage of Strabo, οπον του σίλφιου, juice of the silphium, instead of οπον και σίλφιον, juice and silphium.” “We know that from this plant, peculiar to the soil of the Cyrenaica, the Cyreneans extracted a most valuable liquid which was particularly celebrated in those times. The juice of this plant alone was sold on account of the state, and it was of this liquid only that the contraband trade consisted which is mentionedby Strabo, and was carried on between the Cyreneans and Carthaginians. If you will only reflect now (continues Signor Della Cella, addressing himself as usual to his friend the Professor) that the Cyrenean liquid is very often used by Strabo, and others of the ancients, as a synonymous term for the silphium, you will agree with me in the trifling alteration which is thus effected in the text of the Grecian geographer.”
We must confess that the substituting the wordofforand, and a genitive case for an accusative, appears to us to be hazarding more than would be ventured upon by critics and commentators in general; and it is to be feared, at the same time, that there is scarcely more reason for the changes here proposed than there has been hesitation in suggesting them. For the plant called silphium was as much an article of commerce as the liquid which was extracted from it, and we find them again mentioned as two distinct things in the very next page to the passage of Strabo which Signor Della Cella is so desirous of emending[6]. Pliny also distinguishes them by separate names, calling the extract “laser,” and the plant “laserpitium;” and many other authorities might be adduced to the same effect: so that we may perhaps allow the passage of Strabo to remain in the state in which it usually appears, without any detriment to its genuine and proper signification.
For ourselves, we are content to believe that the plant laserpitium, or silphium, was really sold, or rather bartered, at Charax, as well as the liquor which was extracted from it. We will however agree with Signor Della Cella in deferring any further remarks on the silphium till we find ourselves in the country which produced it; and will in the mean time proceed with our journey along the shores of the Syrtis.
Soon after passing the several mounds which we have suggested as the probable remains of Charax, we arrived at the wells of Hudīa; a name which the Arabs suppose to have been given to this place in consequence of the bad water usually found there, and which they consider to be only fit for Jews; the Arab term for a Jew being Hudi, and the Jews themselves little esteemed by Mahometans.
We will not however venture to attribute this origin to the term by which the place is distinguished, although it is by no means improbable that the name may have a reference to the persecuted people who are here so contemptuously alluded to. We know that the Jews were formerly very numerous in the Pentapolis, and we find them described by Procopius as having once inhabited the country on its western extremity[7]. Hudīa may in such case be the last settlement they possessed in this neighbourhood, and the place may very probably have received its appellation from that circumstance.
There being no other resting-place at less than a whole day’s journey from Hudia, we pitched our tents for the night near thewells above mentioned; about which we observed considerable remains of building, of which nothing however now remains but the ground-plans.
Hudīa was a few years ago so much infested by parties of marauding Arabs, that although they had been completely destroyed or dispersed by the vigorous measures of the Bashaw, yet the dread which had been created by their former depredations still continued to be felt in the place which was once the scene of them. Decoy-fires were carefully placed by our Arab escort, in various directions, at the suggestion of Shekh Mahommed, and that worthy personage could not resist from bestowing a few hearty curses on poor Morzouk, our watch-dog, who he said was too fond of barking. He related to us, looking round every now and then as he spoke, the massacre which was made among the robbers by Mahommed Bey, the eldest son of the reigning Bashaw, and which the number of piles of stones, which marked the graves of these unfortunate people, too evidently proved to have been very extensive. It appears, however, to have been very necessary; and the consequence is, that the route is now safe which was before its perpetration impassable.
Mahometan policy considers only the end without caring for the means which may be used for its accomplishment, and the most summary mode of getting rid of obnoxious persons is usually considered by Mussulmen as the best. If we did not approve this indiscriminate slaughter, we certainly experienced the advantages which resulted from it, and we slept much more quietly among the tombs of the robbers than we should probably have been allowed to do had they never been occupied.
At Hudīa there is a remarkable hill, through which gypsum protrudes itself in almost every part; it terminates in a conical mound of pure gypsum, so smooth as to have the appearance of ice, the diameter of the cone, at its base, being about thirty feet. We found the valleys between the hills very fertile, producing, among other flowers, a variety of wild geraniums, singularly mixed with a species of leek, which flourishes there in great abundance. The water was collected in a hollow between the hills, and having lately received a fresh supply from the rains, was found to be tolerably sweet. Neither its flavour nor its clearness were however much improved by the provident cares of our Arab conductors, who began to wash their caps and baracans in it before we were aware of their intentions; and it may readily be supposed that these articles of dress, which were almost the only ones that our friends possessed, and which had certainly not been washed since they left Tripoly, could not be particularly clean.
With this water, however, we managed to commemorate Christmas day, which occurred while we were at Hudīa, in a much better manner (so far as conviviality was concerned) than we should have been able to do, had it fallen a few days later, in the barren, rocky country which ensued, where no water is to be found at all. It may be imagined by some that conviviality and dirty water are by no means compatible with each other; but when the necessaries of life become luxuries they will always be appreciated as such; and there are many occasions on which they who might think it impossible to make merry without wine, would feel themselves bothable and willing to do so in a good hearty draught of muddy water.
Our route on the following day lay over a barren and rugged country, which continues all the way from Hudīa to the confines of Barca, where the soil begins gradually to assume a better appearance. In the afternoon, as we passed Mahirīga, we observed the remains of a quadrangular building occupying the summit of a low range of hills which lay between our road and the sea. On a closer examination, we found it to be different in plan from any building which we had hitherto met with. At each of the angles there is a circular turret, sloping down from the top, and becoming considerably wider at the base. The sides of this building are constructed with well-shaped stones of four and five feet in length, closely fitted together, and fastened with an excellent cement; but the turrets were found to be built of much smaller stones, not shaped or put together with the same attention to regularity, and proved on near inspection to be builtonto the outer walls and not into them. They may therefore be considered as forming no part of the original plan, and have probably been added at some early period by the Arabs. No traces remain of the external roof of this building, but part of an arched roof is still visible on the ground-floor within, which, from its inferior workmanship, we should be inclined to attribute to the same period at which the turrets were added. Traces of walls are also seen in the inside of the building, which have formerly divided it into chambers; they are composed of very small stones and appear to be of later work than the exterior. This fortress, for such it has originallybeen, is surrounded by a wall of four feet in thickness, enclosing an area of twenty five feet between it and the outer wall of the building, but there is no appearance of any trench. The enclosed space is entered by a single gate in the wall which surrounds it, but no appearance whatever of any entrance is observable in the walls of the building; and we must therefore conclude that there was some subterranean communication with it from without, or that they who entered were drawn up with ropes by persons already stationed in the fortress; as we have already observed to be the case in other fortified buildings in the Syrtis. There are traces of other walls about this building in different directions, and the whole brow of the hill on which it stands appears to have been formerly enclosed; below this, to the northward, is a well, built in the soil, of not more than two feet square, which is now filled up with rubbish to within five feet of the surface, and near it are traces of another well, and some large building-stones apparently little out of their places.
The present height of the turrets and outer walls of the fort are about fifteen feet; and were it not for the dilapidated condition of the former, the entrance would not be easy without a ladder.
In a ravine at Mahirīga we found some very good water, which was particularly acceptable to a party of pilgrims from the westward, by whom we were joined, on their journey to Mecca. They took up their abode at night near our tents; and after repeating with great solemnity the proper number of prayers, made themselves very comfortable round a large fire, which the chilness of the nights began to render very necessary; and which was the more severelyfelt from being contrasted with the sultry heat of the day, occasioned by a parching southerly wind.
After consuming with excellent appetites whatever they could procure from our tents, they would lay themselves down in a circle round the fire, with their feet as close to it as they could bear, and sleep very soundly without any other covering than their bernusse, till the next hour appointed for the performance of their customary devotions. They were not the least discouraged by the length of the journey before them, or the difficulties and privations which they would necessarily have to encounter; but we uniformely found them contented and cheerful, always offering their assistance, unasked for, to our people, whenever it seemed to be necessary. Some of them continued with us as far as Bengazi, and appeared to be very grateful for the few piastres which we gave them there, to assist in supporting them on the road to the Holy City.
We found a few Arabs who possessed some sheep and goats in the neighbourhood of Mahiriga; but we could not prevail upon them to part with a single animal from their flocks, although they knew we were wholly without meat, and would themselves have been delighted to obtain the money which they would have had in exchange for it. We could not at the time account for this obstinate refusal; but circumstances soon after convinced us that it was owing to the intrigues of the Dúbbah.
We continued to travel after leaving Mahiriga over a country equally barren and uninteresting with that to the westward of it, and arrived at night at Linoof.
Early the next morning, as we were making the customary preparations for continuing our journey, we perceived that our new camel-drivers had all assembled together, and on being told to bring the camels as usual, not one of them stirred from his place, the whole party exclaming in concert, in no very conciliatory tones, hàt el flūs, hàt el flūs, give us the money. Here was evidently one of those concerted manœuvres which Arabs of all classes are so skilful in practising; but we were at a loss to conjecture its real cause, which is generally very different from the apparent one. At Boosaida, where the camels were hired, we had arranged with the Dúbbah that they should be paid for on arriving at Bengazi; and the camel-drivers themselves, who (with the exception of one) were all his own relations, had certainly understood and agreed to this arrangement. But they were now in a place which was too well adapted to their views to be passed without inventing some scheme for extorting money, a practice which is seldom omitted by an Arab when he thinks there is a proper opportunity for making such an attempt.
A more dreary and barren spot could scarcely have been anywhere found than that which our friends here selected; it was at least two days’ journey from any encampment, and wholly without produce of any kind; if we except the rocks and stones of the soil, and the jackalls and hyænas which sheltered themselves among them. It was imagined that being here without any resource, unable to procure either provisions or water, and far from any inhabited place, we should necessarily be induced to comply with whatever demands it might be advisable to make on the occasion. They could notreally have been anxious about their money; for they had seen the former camel-drivers punctually paid, and well pleased with the additional gratification which their general good conduct had induced us to make them. But the opportunity was too tempting, and they could not find it in their hearts to pass it over. It is true that had we paid them every day, the supply of money which we had brought with us from Tripoly, for the expenses of the road, would not certainly have lasted us to Bengazi; and there were no means of obtaining any more till our arrival at that place, where we had an order from the Bashaw on the Governor of the town. Neither the camel-drivers, however, or their relation the Dúbbah, were at all aware of the present slenderness of our supply; and it was not because they doubted our ability to pay them that they got up the scene which was acted at Linoof, but because they thought the opportunity too good to be lost, of getting what money from us they could. Whatever may have been their object, we were determined not to comply with it, and accordingly told them that although we should not have had the least objection to comply with their proposal, had they made it in a more proper manner, yet the insubordination and the insolence which they had displayed upon the occasion had determined us at all events to reject it. We reminded them also of the understanding with which they were hired at Boosaida, to which none of their party could plead ignorance, and declared that we should certainly abide by it, whatever they might imagine to the contrary.
In order however to leave open a door for reconciliation, we toldthem at the same time that their treatment depended upon themselves; and that if they brought the camels immediately and conducted themselves well for the future, we would pass over their conduct on this occasion, and make them some little present at Bengazi, in addition to the hire of their camels, as they had seen us do to the men of Mesurata. All we could with propriety concede was, however, of no avail; the men positively refused to bring the camels, and we as positively refusing to be imposed upon, they all began to drive them away, and then ranging themselves in a row, unslung their muskets from their shoulders and began hammering their flints, and priming them afresh; looking all the time as fierce and as formidable as they could, as if they were resolved to carry their point at all risks. A very little will convert a quarrel into a fray, and it was certainly not our interest to begin one; we were determined, however, not to be bullied, and as fire-arms had now been brought forward as arguments, we were not long in producing our own. We told our opponents, at the same time that we had no wish to hurt any one of them, that we were quite determined we would not be dictated to; and that if they persisted in not bringing the camels, we should despatch one of our party, accompanied by the chaous, to procure others from the Arabs of Barca; and in case they refused to supply them, to proceed on with all speed to Bengazi, where the Bey would not fail to provide them with as many as we had occasion for. In the mean time, we said, we should load our own horses, and go back to the Arab tents at Mahiriga, where we should at least procure water, and would subsist on our remaining stock of rice till the messengersreturned with the camels. We now threatened the Dúbbah with reporting his conduct to the Bashaw, who he very well knew was our friend; but he appeared not to mind what we said, and did not offer to interest himself in our behalf. Our refractory camel-drivers still refused to bring their camels, although they did not attempt to proceed further on the offensive than the hammering and priming above mentioned; and nothing seemed left for us, but to put our proposed plan into execution, however ill-timed the delay might be to us, and however unpleasant might be the annoyances which we should probably have been exposed to from the Arabs to whose encampment we must remove, while at variance with the Dúbbah and his relations. As there was, however, no alternative but submission to the mutineers, or the immediate adoption of some plan like that we have mentioned, we made up our minds at once upon the occasion; and having concerted arrangements for despatching two of our party to Bengazi, we were proceeding to put them in execution, when matters began to assume a different aspect, and our project very happily was rendered unnecessary.
The Dúbbah was the first who began to relent; he had probably been reflecting upon our threat of reporting his conduct, and he very well knew what an unfavourable footing he would stand upon with the Bashaw, if he ventured so decidedly to disobey the injunctions he had received from him when he was directed to conduct us to Bengazi. He now came out of his tent, and going first to one of his party and then to another, pretended that he was using all the means in his power to induce them to relinquish their demands, andto bring their camels to be loaded as usual; whereas one single word from him would, at any time of the dispute, have been sufficient to put an end to it altogether.
This farce was kept up, however, with all due solemnity; and as an opening was now made towards accommodation, we left Shekh Mahommed to manage matters in his own way, without letting him know we saw through his manœuvres. It must be allowed, at the same time, that the acting on both sides was excellent: some pretended they were weighing the Dúbbah’s arguments very gravely, while others made a show of not listening to them at all, and walked away towards their camels as if to drive them away, the old Shekh following closely, and holding them by the baracan, while he went through all the manual of pantomimic persuasion. At last he made his appearance in our servants’ tent, and told them very gravely that he had succeeded in appeasing the malcontents, who had now agreed to drop their demands, and to bring their camels to be loaded. He then went through a long string of arguments which he had been obliged to use to induce them to make these concessions, but all of which had proved unavailing; and he promised at last (he majestically asserted) laying his hand at the same time on his breast, to be answerable for the money himself! Nothing, however, would do, till he fortunately bethought himself of offeringin pledgethe new gold-lace crimson burnoose, which His Highness the Bashaw had presented him with on his departure from Tripoly! All eyes, he observed, were fixed on it, as he drew this precious object out of the bag; and when he unfolded the eloquent garment, anddisplayed all the logic contained in its rich folds, they had not a word more left to say on the subject, but consented immediately to receive it in pawn, and to abide by whatever he should decide.
It is scarcely possible for those who have had no dealings with Arabs, to imagine all the trouble and exertions which they will give themselves in getting up a performance of this nature; the whole piece too is in general so naturally acted, that if the spectators had no cause for suspicion, they would seldom perceive that the acting was overdone, which is almost invariably the case in some part or other of the play. We had been much accustomed to scenes of the kind, but till the time when the Dúbbah began to interfere, we never suspected that the parties were not in earnest, although it was clear that they acted in concert. The good-humour with which an Arab will bear his disappointment, when nothing after all is gained by his stratagem, is another very prominent feature in his character. He never appears to regret the trouble he has taken; though it may have cost him whole days to plan his manœuvre, and a great deal of personal exertion to put it in execution. He bears no ill will to the persons who may have detected him; but will relate the whole thing as an excellent plot, immediately after its failure, and commend the penetration of those who have baffled his best efforts to deceive them.
It was not worth our while to undeceive the old Shekh, by letting him know that we saw through the whole of this manœuvre, and he continued to give himself great credit for the mode in which he had terminated it; he really believed that he had greatly ingratiatedhimself with our party by havingpawnedthe new gold laced burnoose above mentioned to extricate us from ourhazardous situation, and took every opportunity of making some pompous allusion to the liberal part which he had acted. The camel-drivers returned to their duty as usual, and we continued our journey to Muktahr, where we arrived on the same day at sunset, just as if nothing had happened.