CHAPTER XV.

The peculiarities ascribed to the territory of Barca—its numerous springs, its excellent soil, its large supplies of cattle, its various kinds of fruit trees, are all of them observable in the mountainous districts of the Cyrenaica; and there can be no doubt that these tracts arepart of the country alluded to by Arab writers as the territory of Barca. Barca, under the Arabs, was a considerable province, but it suffered materially from the tyranny of Yazouri[7], and a great part of its inhabitants abandoned their country and established themselves in Egypt and other places. Many of the emigrants settled in Alexandria; but when that city was afterwards laid waste by the plague, in the dreadful manner described by Abd’ Allatif, more than twenty thousand persons quitted it for Barca, and the province again assumed a flourishing appearance[8].

The city known by the Arabs under the name of Barca never appears to have been (in their time) of any importance; but the ancient city so called was (after Cyrene) the most considerable town of the Cyrenaica; and continued to flourish down to the time of the Ptolemies when it appears to have been eclipsed by Ptolemais. Its inhabitants were celebrated, like those of Cyrene, for their skill in the management of horses and chariots; the former of which arts they are said to have received from Neptune, the latter from Minerva; which is stating in other words that at a very early period nothing was known of the origin of this custom in Africa. In the age of Pindar the Cyrenaica was still celebrated for its excellenthorses, and we find that it enjoyed the same reputation in the times of the Arab historians. The breed has, however, (from whatever cause,) degenerated considerably from its original character, and the horses of Barca are not now to be compared with those of Arabia and Egypt. The origin of the ancient city of Barca, or Barce, is related by Herodotus (Melp. 160.), and many interesting particulars of it are given in detail by the same writer. He states it to have been founded by the brothers of Arcesilaus, King of Cyrene, (probably about five hundred and fifteen years before the Christian era,) who left him, in consequence of some dissensions, to inhabit another part of the country; where, after some deliberation (says the historian,) they built the city which was then, as it is at present, called Barce.

Others have supposed it to have been of Phœnician or Libyan origin, Barca being a Phœnician name well known on the northern coast of Africa, as we learn from Silius Italicus and other writers.

Servius intimates that its citizens came originally from Carthage, which might suggest the probability that Barca, Dido’s brother, who accompanied her into Africa with some of his countrymen, established himself there and gave the name to the city and territory by which they were afterwards distinguished. The city was taken and plundered by the Persians, under Amasis, after a long and difficult siege (related in detail by Herodotus), and many of its inhabitants were sent prisoners to Darius Hystaspes, in whose reign this event took place, and settled by that monarch in a district of Bactria which was after them called Barce. The descendants of Battuswere, however, left unmolested in the city; which continued (perhaps) to flourish, as we have already mentioned, till the building of Ptolemais on the site of its ancient port; to which place its inhabitants are said to have retired in order to enrich themselves by commerce.

FOOTNOTES:[1]It was to the rus in urbe that our destiny called us—to the πολίς Ελλενις παλαιον ονομα και σεμνον—νυν πενης, και κατηφης, και μεγα ερειπιον! as Cyrene is pathetically described by Synesius; and we are sorry to say that the termrus in urbemay now be well applied to this once beautiful city with even more correctness than to Ptolemeta; which we have already described as covered with vegetation, and presenting the appearance of a solitary grass-grown tract of country, rather than of a once populous town. Cattle feed everywhere among the ruins of Cyrene, and its whole aspect is infinitely more rural than civic.[2]One of the reasons alleged for putting so high a price upon the camels was the probability of their eating the silphium which grows in the country we were about to visit, and which has sometimes very fatal effects upon them.[3]Ειθ᾽ ἡ Βαρκη προτερον, νυν δε Πτολεμαις.—(Strabo, Lib. xvii.) Deinde Ptolemais, antiquo nomine Barce.—(Hist. Nat. Lib. v. c. 5.)So also Stephanus; Βαρκη, πολις Λιβυης, ἡτις και Πτολεμαις.[4]Εκ δε λιμενος της Κυρηνης μεχρι λιμενος του κατα Βαρκην σταδια φʹ, ἡ δε πολις ἡ Βαρκεων απο θαλασσης απεχει σταδια ρʹ. (Perip. p. 109.)[5](لاقطران) el kidrān, (goudron).[6]The Arab word isضطابلسBintàblis.[7]Yazouri was Grand Khadi and governor of Egypt and Barca, in the reign of the Caliph Mostanser-Billah. He was stripped of these posts, and of that of Vizier, which he also held, in the year 450.[8]This author relates, that he himself was credibly informed, that ononesingle day (a Friday) the Imam at Alexandria had read the funeral service overseven hundred people!—and that, in the space of a month, the same property had passed to fourteen persons who inherited it in succession.

FOOTNOTES:

[1]It was to the rus in urbe that our destiny called us—to the πολίς Ελλενις παλαιον ονομα και σεμνον—νυν πενης, και κατηφης, και μεγα ερειπιον! as Cyrene is pathetically described by Synesius; and we are sorry to say that the termrus in urbemay now be well applied to this once beautiful city with even more correctness than to Ptolemeta; which we have already described as covered with vegetation, and presenting the appearance of a solitary grass-grown tract of country, rather than of a once populous town. Cattle feed everywhere among the ruins of Cyrene, and its whole aspect is infinitely more rural than civic.

[2]One of the reasons alleged for putting so high a price upon the camels was the probability of their eating the silphium which grows in the country we were about to visit, and which has sometimes very fatal effects upon them.

[3]Ειθ᾽ ἡ Βαρκη προτερον, νυν δε Πτολεμαις.—(Strabo, Lib. xvii.) Deinde Ptolemais, antiquo nomine Barce.—(Hist. Nat. Lib. v. c. 5.)So also Stephanus; Βαρκη, πολις Λιβυης, ἡτις και Πτολεμαις.

[3]Ειθ᾽ ἡ Βαρκη προτερον, νυν δε Πτολεμαις.—(Strabo, Lib. xvii.) Deinde Ptolemais, antiquo nomine Barce.—(Hist. Nat. Lib. v. c. 5.)

So also Stephanus; Βαρκη, πολις Λιβυης, ἡτις και Πτολεμαις.

[4]Εκ δε λιμενος της Κυρηνης μεχρι λιμενος του κατα Βαρκην σταδια φʹ, ἡ δε πολις ἡ Βαρκεων απο θαλασσης απεχει σταδια ρʹ. (Perip. p. 109.)

[5](لاقطران) el kidrān, (goudron).

[6]The Arab word isضطابلسBintàblis.

[7]Yazouri was Grand Khadi and governor of Egypt and Barca, in the reign of the Caliph Mostanser-Billah. He was stripped of these posts, and of that of Vizier, which he also held, in the year 450.

[8]This author relates, that he himself was credibly informed, that ononesingle day (a Friday) the Imam at Alexandria had read the funeral service overseven hundred people!—and that, in the space of a month, the same property had passed to fourteen persons who inherited it in succession.

POSITIONandPlanofCYRENE.BYCaptn. F. W. Beechey R.N.J. & C. Walker Sculpt.Published as the act directs, April 1827, by J. Murray, Albemarle St. London.(Large-size)

POSITIONandPlanofCYRENE.BYCaptn. F. W. Beechey R.N.

(Large-size)

Planof the RUINS and ENVIRONS ofCYRENE.BYCaptn. F. W. Beechey R.N.J. & C. Walker Sculpt.Published as the act directs, April 1827, by J. Murray, Albemarle St. London.(Large-size)

Planof the RUINS and ENVIRONS ofCYRENE.BYCaptn. F. W. Beechey R.N.

(Large-size)

JOURNEY FROM MERGE TO CYRENE.

Departure from Merge — Deep Marks of Chariot-wheels on the Stony Road indicative of an ancient Track — Valley of Bogràta — Ancient Wells observed there — Valley of Hareebe — Beauty and Luxuriance of the Country continue — Roses of the Cyrenaica mentioned by Athenæus as celebrated for the excellence of their Perfume — Oil (or Ointment) of Roses made at Cyrene in the time of Berenice (probably the Daughter of Magas) — Difficulty and Danger of some Parts of the Road — Apprehensions of our Arab Conductors — They appear to have been groundless — Arrive at Margàd — Bad State of the Road continues — Quarrel between Abou-Bukra and one of our Servants — Consequences of the Quarrel — Departure of Abou-Bukra — Continue our Route alone and succeed in finding the right Track — Return of Abou-Bukra and his people — Satisfactory Termination of the Disturbance — Oppressive Sirocco Wind — Nature of the Country on approaching Cyrene — First Appearance of a Plant resembling the Daucus, or Wild Carrot — Resemblance of this Plant to the Silphium, as expressed on ancient Coins — Points in which it differs from it — Remarks on the Silphium as mentioned by ancient Writers — Testimony of Herodotus, Arrian, Theophrastus, Pliny, Athenæus — Bill of Fare of the Kings of Persia, stated by Polyænus to have been discovered in the royal Palace by Alexander the Great — Silphium mentioned in this among other articles of Food — Description of the Plant by Theophrastus and Pliny — Celebrity and Scarcity of the Silphium and of the Extract from it — Extraordinary Cause of the first Appearance of the Silphium in the Cyrenaica, as mentioned by Pliny on the authority of Greek Writers — Effects produced by the Plant on the Sheep and Cattle who were allowed to eat it — Similar Effects produced by the Plant observed by the Expedition on Camels — Extraordinary Medicinal Qualities imputed to the Silphium by Pliny — The use of it recommended by the Roman Naturalist as a sovereign remedy for almost everything but the Tooth-ache — Fatal Consequences recorded by Pliny, of applying it in the Case last mentioned — Silphium offered by the People of Cyrene to their first King Battus, as the most valuable Production of their Country — State in which the Plant observed by the Expedition most resembles the Silphium on the Coins of Cyrene — Partition of the Road from Merge to Cyrene — Extensive Traces of Building observed along the ancient, or lower Road — Approach to Cyrene indicated by innumerable Sarcophagi and Tombs — Position of these along the sides of the Roads, as observable at Pompeii and other ancient Towns — Frequent Traces of Chariot-wheels still observable along the Roads, deeply indented in the rocky Soil of the Place — The earlier Tombs distinguished by their simplicity and good taste — The later by a more ornamented and less perfect style — Busts and Statues scattered everywhere about among the Tombs — Difference of Style and Character observable in these — Remains of an Aqueduct — Fountain of Cyrene.

Onthe morning of the 29th, we left the plain of Merge and proceeded on our journey to Cyrene. The road, after crossing the plain, leads over a rugged hill in which it has been cut; and we soon found from the deep and continued marks of chariot-wheels that we were following an ancient track. From the hill we descended into a beautiful valley named Bogràta where we found some ancient wells situated upon a rising ground in the centre of it, at which we watered our horses. From hence we proceeded through a hilly country, well clothed with trees of various kinds, and pitched our tents for the night at Hareebe, a delightful valley, studded with olive-trees, and possessing two wells of good water. The next day we passed through other remarkably fine vallies, which we found for the most part cultivated, and through copses and thickets of pine, cedar, laurel, laurestinus, carob, cypress, myrtle, box, arbutus, and various other trees and shrubs, which were flourishing in the greatest luxuriance. Among these the convolvulus and honeysuckle twined themselves; and red and white roses, marigolds, and other flowers, with a great variety of beautiful ferns, were everywhere scattered over the hills and vallies[1]. The forms of the landscape were at the same timeremarkably picturesque; and here and there a ruin of some ancient fortress, towering above the wood on the summit of a hill, contributed to give character to the scene.

Our attention was occasionally called away (in climbing up, or descending the steep and rocky sides of some of the hills over which we passed) by the difficulty and danger of the roads; and our horses were continually slipping on the hard glassy surface which they presented; notwithstanding we had used the precaution of taking off one of their shoes and the others were frequently dropping off of themselves, owing to the wearing away of the nails. As we passed some of the woods our guides begged we would keep together lest we should be fired at by some ill-disposed persons from among the bushes; but we soon found this caution to be perfectly unnecessary, and continued to stray away in all directions without experiencing the least molestation.

On the second night we pitched the tents at Margàd where we found a supply of water in an ancient cistern belonging to a fort on the hill close to it. Here were also several Arab tents, with flocks of sheep feeding about them. The Arabs received us very civilly, always offering milk and lèban, although our guides would have made us believe that they were greatly averse to our passing through their country. On quitting Margàd, we pursued our route through a country very similar to that of the preceding day; but alonga much worse road, which obliged us to lead our horses nearly one half of the way. We had not gone far before a quarrel took place between Abou-Bukra and one of our servants, and the former, pretending to be seriously affronted, took the opportunity (never neglected by an Arab) of letting us know how necessary he was to us and declared he would stay no longer. He accordingly rode off, and all his people followed him, leaving the camels without any drivers, in expectation no doubt that we should immediately ride after them and entreat them to resume their occupations.

In this, however, we were determined not to gratify them, and took no other notice of their departure than by telling our servants to drive the camels on themselves, which they managed to do very well. The worst part of the story was our ignorance of the road, and we were greatly at a loss, among the many narrow pathways that led through the thickets, to determine on which we ought to take. Unluckily our chaous knew no more of this road than ourselves; but we took the direction which we imagined to be the right one, and contrived to get on with tolerable success.

Abou-Bukra had before been often trying to persuade us that the Arabs of the place were much averse to our passing through their territory, and expatiating on the value of his protection and influence; he probably imagined that we should be greatly alarmed at the idea of being left to ourselves in a hostile country; and he knew, at the same time, that we could not possibly be acquainted with a single step of the road. His disappointment must, therefore, have been very great, when he found that no one rode after him, or took anymeasures towards effecting a reconciliation. In the mean time we continued to get on very well, and were convinced that if we did so we should soon be rejoined by the deserters; accordingly, before the day was concluded the whole party returned, and of their own accord entered upon their several duties as before, just as if nothing had happened. This was precisely what we had expected, and we made no comments either upon their arrival or departure as if we had been indifferent to both. Abou-Bukra was now all civility, and his people drove the camels much better than ever they had done before! Towards the close of the day we arrived at some Arab tents, and pitched our own close to them for the night, in a valley for which we could obtain no name; but which, whatever might have been its title, was certainly a very delightful one. During the last two days a hot sirocco wind had been blowing, which rendered the travelling extremely oppressive, especially during the heat of the day; on the afternoon of the third day, however, it suddenly changed to the north-west and brought a smart shower of rain, which cooled the air a good deal, and was the first which we had had for some time.

The country from Margád to Grenna, the present Arab name for Cyrene, is of the same hilly nature as that already described; but on approaching Cyrene it becomes more clear of wood, the vallies produce fine crops of barley, and the hills excellent pasturage for cattle.

It may here be proper to mention that, on the day after our departure from Merge, we observed a plant about three feet inheight very much resembling the hemlock, or, more properly speaking perhaps, the Daucas or wild carrot. We were told that it was usually fatal to the camels who ate of it, and that its juice if applied to the flesh, would fester any part where there was the slightest excoriation. This plant had much more resemblance to the silphium of ancient times (as it is expressed on the coins of Cyrene) than any which we had hitherto seen; although its stem is much more slender than that which is there represented, and the blossoms (for it has several) more open. In some parts of the route from Merge to Cyrene we lost sight of this plant altogether; while at others we found it in considerable quantities, growing chiefly wherever there was pasturage. Immediately about Cyrene we observed it in great abundance; and soon ceased, from its frequent occurrence, to pay any particular attention to it.

It is extremely probable that the plant here mentioned is the laserpitium or silphium in such repute among the ancients; and it may not here be amiss to collect a few of the remarks which have been made at various periods respecting it.

According to Herodotus the silphium originally extended from the island of Platea to the beginning of the Greater Syrtis[2], a spaceincluding the whole of the mountainous district of the Cyrenaica; and Scylax, after mentioning the islands Aedonia and Platæa, informs us that, beyond these (in passing from east to west) are the regions which produce the silphium. We may also infer from a passage in Arrian[3], that the silphium extended itself over the whole of the fertile part of the Cyrenaica to the confines of the desert which bounds it; since he tells us that the fertility of this country continued as far as the limits of the silphium itself, and that beyond these boundaries all was desert and sandy. Theophrastus also observes that the silphium was found in the Cyrenaica, and that the greater portion of it was produced from the country of the Hesperides in the parts about the Greater Syrtis[4]. It appears to have sprung up in the grass, or pasture lands, as the plant we have mentioned above also does, and the sheep are reported to have been so fond of it thatwhenever they smelt it they would run to the place, and after eating the flower, would scratch up the root and devour it with the same avidity[5]. On this account (says Arrian, who has recorded the fact just mentioned) some of the Cyreneans drive their sheep away from the parts in which the silphium is produced; and others surround their land with hedges, through which the sheep are not able to pass when they chance to approach near the plants[6]. Silphium appears to have been found in many parts of Asia, as well as in some parts of Europe; but that of Cyrene was much the most esteemed and constituted a material part of the commerce of that country, as we find from various authorities[7]. In the time of Pliny silphium (or laserpitium) had become so scarce in the market, that a single stalk of it was presented to the Emperor Nero as a present (no doubt) of extraordinary value; and Strabo tells us that the barbarous tribes who frequented the country about the Cyrenaica had nearly exterminated the plant altogether (in an irruption which they made on some hostile occasion) by pulling it designedly up by the roots; from which we may infer that the destruction of the silphium was considered as a materialinjury to Cyrene[8]. We have already mentioned in our account of the Syrtis (on the authority of the same writer) that the silphium and the liquor which was extracted from it formed material articles of a contraband trade at Charax, where they were exchanged with the Carthaginians for wine[9]. And we have ventured, on the same occasion, to differ in opinion with Dr. Della Cella as to the propriety of adopting the change in Strabo’s text proposed by that gentleman (p. 79); as it sufficiently appears, from various authorities, that both the plant and the extract were articles of commerce, and not the extract only, as the Doctor has stated. This is evident from the remarks of ancient writers on the subject[10]; and it is also certainthat the liquor (or οπος του σιλφιου, in Latin termed Laser) was obtained from the stem as well as from the root, as Theophrastus, and Pliny (on his authority) have testified[11].

It is evident also from both these authors that the stem of the silphium was in request as an article of food, and was eaten in several ways[12]. This appears equally in Athenæus; and we find both the extract, and the plant, very decidedly mentioned in the bill of fare of the Persian monarchs, as given by Polyænus (Stratagemata, Lib. iv.) and which was discovered by Alexander the Great, engraved on a brazen column in the royal palace. Here we see two pounds, and upwards, of the extract, or juice of the silphium, termed by Pliny Laser; and a talent weight (about sixty-five pounds) of the plant itself in the list[13]. What the extract of the silphium was like we will not pretend to say; but the stem and the root appear to have been eaten much in the same way that we eat celery, (which indeed it very much resembles,) either stewed or boiled[14].

The silphium is described by Theophrastus as a plant with a large and thick root; and the stem, he tells us, resembled that of the ferula, and was of about the same thickness. The leaf which, he says, was termed maspetum (μασπετον), resembled that of parsley: the seed was broad and foliaceous: the stem annual, like that of the ferula[15]. Pliny’s account is copied from that of Theophrastus; but he has given us at the same time whatever information he could collect of the silphium and its properties in the age in which he himself lived. He informs us that—the celebrated plant Laserpitium, which the Greeks call silphium, was found in the Cyrenaica; and that the juice, or liquor, extracted from it was termed Laser; a drug so famous for its medicinal qualities that it was sold by thedenarius[16], seven of which, or eight drams, were equal to the English avoirdupois ounce, which was the same with the Roman.

For many years past (he continues) no silphium has been found in the Cyrenaica; the owners of the land having thought it more profitable to turn their sheep and cattle into the pasture lands (where the silphium, as we have before mentioned, is produced) than to preserve the plant as formerly. One only stem of it (it is Pliny who speaks) has been found in my recollection, which was sent to the Emperor Nero. And of late no other laser has been brought to us than that which grows extensively in Persia, Media, and Armenia, and which is very inferior to that of the Cyrenaica, being at the same time adulterated with gum, sagapeum, and pounded beans. We learn from the same author that in the consulships of C. Valerius, and M. Herennius, thirty lbs. of laserpitium was brought into Rome, which seems to have been considered as a very fortunate occurrence; and that Cæsar, when dictator, at the commencement of the civil war, took from the public treasury, with the gold and silver which he carried away from it, an hundred and eleven pounds of the silphium (or laserpitium[17]); which proves how valuable the plant was at Rome, as, indeed, might be reasonably inferred from the circumstance of its being found in the treasury at all.

The first appearance of the silphium in the Cyrenaica is said by Pliny (on the authority of Greek writers) to have been occasionedby a sudden and heavy fall of rain, resemblingpitch, which completely drenched the ground in the neighbourhood of the Hesperian Gardens and of the eastern confines of the Greater Syrtis. This miraculous shower is said to have occurred seven years before the building of the city of Cyrene; which was erected (says Pliny) in the year of Rome 143. He adds, also, on the authority of Theophrastus, (the author to whom he chiefly alludes in quoting Greek authorities above,) that the silphium extended itself over a space of four thousand stadia, and that its nature was wild and unadapted to cultivation, retiring towards the desert whenever it was too much attended to. We have already observed that great care was taken by the ancients to preserve the silphium from the sheep and cattle, the former of which were remarkably fond of it: when allowed to be eaten, it first acted medicinally upon the animals, and afterwards fattened them exceedingly; giving at the same time an excellent flavour to the flesh. Whenever they were ill, it either speedily restored them, or else destroyed them altogether; but the first of these effects was most usual. It is probable, however, that it only agreed with those animals which were accustomed to it; at least the plant now observable in the Cyrenaica, which answers to the description of the silphium, is very frequently productive of fatal effects to the animals (particularly the camels) who eat of it, not being accustomed to the soil. One of the reasons advanced by the son of Shekh Hadood, Abou-Buckra, for putting a high price upon his camels at Merge (on the occasion already before the reader) was that they were going into the country where the silphium was found, which, he said, was very dangerous for them to eat; and thecamels which were sent to us from Bengazi, when we were about to leave Grenna, were kept muzzled during the whole time of their stay in those parts where the plant was known to be produced.

With regard to the effects of the silphium upon bipeds, (we mean those of the human race,) a few extracts from Pliny will fully suffice to convince us that it does not yield in omnipotence even to the famed balm of Gilead; or to that well known specific, and sovereign remedy for all complaints, distinguished by the humble title of Eau de Cologne. Certes, (observes this author, in concluding the remarks which we have quoted below upon the wonderful efficacy of his specific,) “if I should take in hand to particularize of the vertues that laser hath, being mingled with other matter in confections, I should never make an end;” and the reader will probably be somewhat of his opinion, before he has waded through half the wondrous qualities attributed to the omnipotent silphium. We give them in the good old English version of Holland[18].

We may add that the silphium was offered by the people of Cyrene to their first king, Battus, whom they deified, as the mostvaluable production of their country; and we have already observed that a representation of the plant is found on the reverse of their coins.

The resemblance of this representation to the plant which we found in the Cyrenaica is most conspicuous when the plant is young; and before the flower has quite opened, or the stem has attained its greatest height[19].

A little to the north-west of Margàd the road branches off in two directions towards Cyrene. The lower road, or that which is to the northward of the other, is the proper and ancient road; and tracesof building are every where discernible in passing along this route, as we were able to ascertain in our return from Cyrene, which will hereafter be described. The southern road, however, is that which Abou-Bukra selected in escorting us from Merge to Grenna; and we afterwards learnt that he had done so in consequence of the feud which he had upon his hands, (already alluded to above,) which rendered it unsafe for him to travel along the road most usually frequented. We had passed the remains of some strongly built forts in our route from Margàd to Cyrene, and after ascending the high ground to the northward of Wady Bo̅o̅kasaishe̅e̅ta we came in sight of the numerous, we might almost say innumerable, tombs which encumber the outskirts of the town. It is well known that the burial-places of the ancients were usually without the walls of their cities; and we find the tombs of Cyrene, (like those of Pompeii and other places,) ranged along the sides of the roads by which the town is approached, and occupying, at the same time, the greater part of the space intervening between one road and another[20]. When we reflect that the inhabitants of this celebrated city have laid their mortal remains on the soil which surrounded it for more than twenty-four centuries, we shall not be surprised at the multitude oftombs which are everywhere scattered over its neighbourhood. They are all of stone, either constructed on the surface, or excavated in the rocky soil of the district; and as most of them have been defaced, or laid in ruins, (for there is not one of them which has not been opened,) the wreck of material with which the soil is encumbered may be more easily imagined than described. The road, when we had descended into the plain of Cyrene, continued to wind through the tombs and sarcophagi, and along the edges of the quarries in which the subterranean tombs have been excavated, for more than a mile and a half; we observed that it was occasionally cut through the rocky soil, and that marks of chariot wheels were still very evident in many parts of its stony surface.

These approaches to the town, for there are several of them, as will be seen by the plan, have the appearance of ruined and deserted streets; the tombs ranged on each side of them supplying the places of houses. The solemnity, we can scarcely say the gloom, of this effect is, however, enlivened by the variety of style which characterises the architecture, as well as by the difference in the plans and sizes of the tombs, and in the degrees of labour and finish bestowed upon them. The earlier tombs may be distinguished by their simplicity and good taste, the later by a more ornamented and a more vitiated style. A similar difference of style may be observed in the busts and statues, which are scattered about among the tombs; some of which have the Greek and some the Roman cast of countenance and costume, portrayed in the several manners peculiar to each nation, according to the age of the performance.

We were at first induced to stop at every object of importance which presented itself in our passage through these regions of the dead; but we soon found that such delays, however agreeable, would make it night before we reached the city itself if we continued to indulge in them as our inclination prompted; and we bade our conductor (the chaous from Bengazi) lead on to that part of it which he himself considered to be most worthy of particular attention. The taste of the African displayed itself on this occasion precisely in the manner which we had expected it would do; and after passing for some little distance along the edge of a ravine where we perceived the remains of an aqueduct, he descended by a gentle slope into a level spot of ground, overspread with remains of building, till we found ourselves at the foot of a perpendicular cliff and heard the grateful sound of running water. Nothing further was necessary to rouse the drooping energies of our horses, fatigued with the day’s journey, and parched with thirst from the heat of the weather; they sprang forward instinctively, without the stimulus of whip or spur, and plunging up to their knees in the cool clear stream drank deep of the fountain of Cyrene.

We are by no means indifferent to the beauties of antiquity,—nay we often imagine ourselves to be among their most ardent admirers; but we confess, to our shame, that, on this occasion, we followed the example of the poor beasts who carried us, and, springing from our saddles, took a copious draught of the fountain before we turned to pay our homage to the shrine from which it flowed[21].

FOOTNOTES:[1]The flowers of the Cyrenaica are stated by Athenæus to have been famous for the odours which they emitted; and we learn from the same author that a most excellent oil, or ointment of roses, was made at Cyrene in the time of Berenice (the great Berenice, as the author here terms her, who was probably the daughter of Magas). Both Arsinoë and Berenice are said by Athenæus to have been great patronesses of fragrant oils and ointments at Alexandria; and we may believe with probability, that the Rigges and Gatties of Cyrene were equally encouraged by the royal protection. The roses which we saw had however no smell, (probably from want of attention,) although the woodbine and other plants were remarkably fragrant. Athenæus’s words are: ηκμασε δε και τα εν Αλεξανδρεια, δια πλουτον, και δια την Αρσινοης και Βερενικης σπουδην, εγινετο δε και εν Κυρηνη ροδινον χρηστοτατον, καθ᾽ ον χρονον εζη Βερενικη ἡ μεγαλη.—(Deipnosoph. Lib. xv. c. 12.)[2]Και το σιλφιον αρχεται απο τουτου (the harbours of Menelaus and Aziris), παρηκει δε απο Πλατεης νησου μεχρι του στοματος της Συρτεος το Σιλφιον.—(Melp. ρξθʹ).Mr. Beloe is of opinion that Herodotus intended in this passage to point out the limits of a place or province called Silphium, so named originally without any reference to the plant; and in his remarks on another passage in the same book—εισι δε και γαλαι εν τω σιλφιω γινομεναι . . . (ρϟβʹ.) he observes—“I cannot help thinking that the herb was named from the place and not the place from the herb.” But the space here included by Herodotus comprehends the whole of the Cyrenaica, and there is no mention on other occasions of this term as substituted either for Pentapolis or Cyrenaica, with which it would, however, be synonymous if the reading proposed were adopted. We will not venture to dispute a point of this nature with a writer of Mr. Beloe’s talents and judgment; but there does not (on the whole) appear to be, in our estimation, any reason why το Σιλφιον, in the first passage quoted, should not be translated Silphium, (the plant;) or why the words τω σιλφιω in the one last mentioned should not be supposed to mean exclusively the place, or region, in which silphium is produced[a].[a]For a great many curious and valuable remarks on the silphium, in which the origin of the term is also alluded to, see the comments on Theophrastus by Johan. Bodæus at the end of the account of the plant.—(Theoph. περι Φυτων, Fol. Amst. 1644.)[3]Αλλ᾽ ἡ Κυρηνη γαρ της Λιβυης εν τοις ερημοτεροις πεπολισμενη, ποιωδης τε εστι και μαλθακη, και ευυδρος, και αλσεα και λειμωνες, και καρπων παντοιων και κτηνεων παμφορος, ες τε επι του σιλφιου τας εκφυσεις· υπερ δε το σιλφιον, τα ανω αυτης ερημα και ψαμμωδεα.—(Hist. Ind. cap. xliii.)[4]Τροπον δε πολην επεχει της Λιβυης. πλειω γαρ φησιν η τετρασχιλια σταδια. τα πλειονα δε γενεσθαι περι την Συρτιν απο των Ευεσπεριδων.—(Theophrast. περι Φυτων. L. iv. c. iii.)[5]The effects of eating silphium (according to Pliny) were manifested in sheep by their falling asleep, and in goats, by sneezing. Si quando incidit pecus in spem nascentis, hoc deprehenditur signo: ove, cum comederit, dormienti protinus, capra sternuenti.—(Lib. xix. c. iii).[6]Επι τωδε εν Κυρηνη ως μακροτατω απελαυνουσιν τας ποιμνας των χωριων, ινα και αυτοις το σιλφιον φυεται· οἱ δε και περιφρασσουσι τον χωρον του μηδ᾽ ει πελασιεν αυτα τα προβατα, δυνατα γενεσθαι εισω παρελθειν.—οτι πολλου αξιον (he adds) Κυρηναιοις το σιλφιον. (Exped. Alex. Lib. iii. c. xxix.)[7]Among others, see Strabo, Lib. xvii. and Pliny, Lib. xix. and xxii.[8]It appears, however, that the laser, or extract of the silphium, was not difficult to be met with in the reign of Severus, as we learn from Galen (de Temperant. L. iii. c. iii. simpl. Medic. Fac. L. viii. and de Antidot. L. ii. p. 440. Edit. Basil.) The plant, at the present day, is common in the high grounds about Cyrene, but we did not meet with it in the neighbourhood of Berenice and the Hesperian gardens, where it seems to have been formerly most abundant.[9]This was probably the φοινικιος οινος (or palm wine) of Athenæus, much esteemed by the ancients; or the vinum Byblinum another Carthaginian wine in great repute, and said to be at first taste more grateful than the Lesbian. Τον δ᾽ απο φοινικης ιρας τον βυβλινον αινω (says Archestratus as quoted by Athenæus) . . . εαν γαρ εξαιφνης αυτου γευση, μη προσθεν εσθι θεις, ευωδης μεν σοι δοξει του Λεσβιου ειναι μαλλον.—Deipnosoph. Lib. i. c. 23. Palm wine was drunk at Susa and Babylon by the Kings of Persia, as we find from Polyænus, Stratagem. Lib. iv.[10]Among others Athenæus (in the words of Eubulus) as quoted in the Deipnosophista—(Lib. 1.) . . . καυλον εκ Καρχηδονος και σιλφιον. Here we see the stalk or stem decidedly mentioned with either the root or the extract of the silphium (more probably the former) as an article of export from Carthage; and procured (we may infer) by the Carthaginian traders from Charax, since they had no silphium in their own country. Again, Antiphanes (the ηδιστος Αντιφανης) as quoted by Athenæus; ος εν τω φιλοθηβαιω φησιν.—Λιβυς τε καυλος εξηργασμενος ακτισι θειαις σιλφιου παραστατει.—(Lib. xiv. c. iv).[11]Succus duobus modis capiebatur, e radice atque caule.—(Hist. Nat. L. xix).Οπον δε διττον εχει (says Theophrastus) τον μεν επι του καυλου, τον δε απο της ριζης. διο καλουσι τον μεν καυλιαν, τον δε ριζιαν—(Lib. iv. περι Φυτων).[12]Post folia amissa (says Pliny) caule ipso et homines vescebantur, decocto, asso, elixoque:—Theophrastus’ words are,—μετα δε ταυτα καυλον εσθιεσθαι παντα τροπον αγαθον, εφθον, οπτον.—(Lib. iv.)[13]Οπου σιλφιου δυο μναι . . . σιλφιου ταλαντον σταθμω[a].If the king supped at Babylon, or at Susa, half the quantity of wine supplied for the meal was palm wine, the other half, the juice of the grape. οταν δε η εν Βαβυλωνι, η εν Σουσοις, τον μεν ημισεα εκ των φοινικων οινον παρεχει, τον δε ημισεα αμπελινον.—Polyæni Stratagem. Lib. iv. 32.)[a]Taking the mina at 1 lb. 1 oz., the talent (which was always sixty minæ) would give sixty-five pounds.[14]Among a great many other articles, consumed every day at the dinner and supper of the Persian kings, as enumerated in the list we have quoted, we find four hundred sheep, one hundred oxen, thirty horses, three hundred lambs, thirty stags, or gazelles, four hundred fatted geese, three hundred pigeons, and six hundred other birds of various kinds! So much solid food was not, however, cooked without a proportionate seasoning; and we find a talent weight (say sixty-five lbs.) of garlic among the numerous other condiments employed on these occasions.The Macedonians in the suite of Alexander, while they expressed their astonishment at its profusion, applauded the magnificence of the royal table, and the good taste of the Persian monarchs. But the ardent son of Philip (though by no means a friend to abstinence) was prudent enough to discourage, on this occasion, the commendation of luxuries so superfluous and expensive, and ordered the column to be taken down, observing at the same time that so prodigious a meal was unnecessary; that such excess of indulgence and prodigality could scarcely fail to produce timidity and effeminacy; and that they who had dined or supped so enormously must necessarily afford an easy victory to their opponents.[15]Το δε σιλφιον εχει ριζαν μεν πολλην και παχειαν, τον δε καυλον ηλίκον ναρθηξ. σχεδον δε και τω παχει παραπλησιον. τον δε φυλλον, ὁ καλουσι μασπετον, ομοιον το σελινω. σπερμα δ᾽ εχει πλατυ, φυλλωδης, οιον τον λεγομενον φυλλον.—(Lib. iv. c. iii.)[16]Ad pondus argenti denarii pensum.[17]Most probably the laser or extract, which was the most valuable; though Pliny’s word is laserpitium.[18]The leaves of the plant, steeped in white wine, were, it seems, a most extraordinary specific[a]; and “the root is singular” (it is Pliny who speaks) “for to cleare the windpipes, and to take away all the asperitie and roughness in these parts; and being applied in the form of a liniment it helpeth imposthumat inflamations proceeding from the ranknesse and ebullition of blood. A liniment thereof made with wine and oile is a most familiar and agreeable medecine for the black and blue marks remaining after stripes; but if the same with some adition of wax be reduced into a cerot it helpeth the kings evill. As for the liquor laser (continues our naturalist) issuing from Silphium, in that manner as I have shewed, it is holden for one of the most singular gifts that nature hath bestowed upon the world, and entereth into many excellent confections and compositions. Of itselfe alone, it reduceth those to their natural health who are starven and benumbed with extreme cold. Taken in drinke it allaieth the accidents and grief of the nerves. A great restorative it is with meat, and quickly setteth them on foot who have lien long and been brought low by sicknesse: for laser, if it be applied in due time, is as good as a potentiall cauterie to raise a blister: outwardly applied no man maketh doubt but it is of singular operation and worketh many effects. Taken in drinke it doth extinguish the venome left in the bodie, either by poisoned dart or serpents’ sting: and if the wounds be annointed with the same dissolved in water it is the better; but particularly for the pricks of scorpions it would be applied with oile. Being laid too, with rue or honey, or by itselfe alone, (so that the place be annointed over it with some viscous gum to keepe it too, that it run not off,) it is excellent for the carbuncle and the biting of dogs. Being incorporate with sal-nitre and well wrought withall beforehand, and so applied, it taketh away the hard horns and dead corns arising in the feet, which commonly bee called in latin morticini. Tempered with wine, and saffron or pepper, if it be but with mice-dung and vinegre, it is a good incarnative in ulcers; and an excellent drawer to the outward parts for to fill up the skin and make a bodie fat. A good fomentation there is made of it and wine for to bath kibed heels; for which purpose it is boiled in oyle and so applyed.”“In like manner it serveth to soften hard callosities in any place whatsoever: and for the foresaid corns of the feet especially, if they be scraped and scarrified before, it is of great efficacee. Singular it is against unwholesome waters, pestilent tracts, and contagious aires; as in times suspected of infection. Soveraigne it is for the cough, the fall of the uvula, and an old jaundice or overflowing of the gall; for the dropsie also, and horsenesse of the throat; for presently it scowreth the pipes, cleareth the voice againe, and maketh it audible. If it be infused and dissolved in water and vinegre, and so applyed with a spunge, it assuageth the gout. Taken in a broth, or thin supping, it is good for the pleurisie, especially if the patient propose to drinke wine after it. Being covered all over with wax to the quantitie of one[b]cich pease it is given very well in case of contractions and shrinking of sinews, and namely to such as carrie their heads backward perforce, by occasion of some crick or cramp. For the squinance it is good to gargarize therewith. Semblably it is given with leeks and vinegre to those that wheaze in their chest and be short-winded, and have an old cough sticking long by them: likewise with vinegre alone to such as have supped off and drunke quailed milke which is cluttered within their stomacke. Taken in wine it is singular for the faintings about the heart; as also for colliquations and such as are falne away and far gone in a consumption, and for those that be taken with the falling sicknesse: but in honied water it hath a speciall operation respective to the palsie, or resolution of the tongue. With sodden honey and laser together, there is made a liniment very propor to anoint the region of the hucklebone where the sciatica is seated; and the small of the backe to allay the paine of the loins. I would not give counselle (continues our author) as many writers doe prescribe) for to put it in the concavatie or hole of a decayed tooth, and so to stop up the place close with wax, for feare of that which might ensue thereupon: for I have seene the fearfull sequele of that experiment, in a man, who upon the taking of that medecine, threw himself headlong from an high loft and broke his necke; such intolerable pains he sustained of the toothach: and no marvelle; for doe but annoint the mussle, or nose of a bull therewith it will set him on a fire and make him horne mad: and being mingled with wine, if serpents (as they are most greedie of wine) chance to lap or licke thereof, it will cause them to burst. And therefore I would not advise any to be annointed with it and honey of Athens incorporat together; howsoever there bee physicians who set downe such a receit.” (Nat. Hist. Book xxii. c. xxiii.)[a]Nam folia ad expurgandas vulvas pellendosque emortuos partus decoquuntur in vino albo odorato, ut bibatur mensura acetabuli a balineis.—Adde—Laser, e silphio profluens fæminis datur in vivo. Et lanis mollibus admovetur vulvæ ad menses ciendos.—(Hist. Nat. Lib. xxii. c. xxiii.)[b]Ciceris magnitudine cera circunlitum.[19]This plant, from its succulent nature, is very difficult to preserve; and we are sorry to say that the specimens which we had collected of it (together with many others of the Cyrenaic plants) got mouldy for want of more attention than we were able to bestow upon them. We understand, however, that Captain Smyth has succeeded in bringing over a specimen of the silphium in good condition, and that the plant is now growing in Devonshire and thriving remarkably well.[20]It was not, however, unfrequent to bury persons of more than ordinary worth and consideration within the walls; and the most frequented and conspicuous places were in such cases selected for the tombs, or monuments, which the gratitude of citizens reared in the midst of their families. The Lacedæmonians, whose laws and customs were usually in direct opposition to the other states of Greece, allowed the dead to be buried indiscriminately within the walls of their cities, as we are told by Plutarch in his life of Lycurgus.[21]The fountain of Cyrene was a consecrated stream, and the face of the rock from which it flows was originally adorned with a portico like that of a temple.

FOOTNOTES:

[1]The flowers of the Cyrenaica are stated by Athenæus to have been famous for the odours which they emitted; and we learn from the same author that a most excellent oil, or ointment of roses, was made at Cyrene in the time of Berenice (the great Berenice, as the author here terms her, who was probably the daughter of Magas). Both Arsinoë and Berenice are said by Athenæus to have been great patronesses of fragrant oils and ointments at Alexandria; and we may believe with probability, that the Rigges and Gatties of Cyrene were equally encouraged by the royal protection. The roses which we saw had however no smell, (probably from want of attention,) although the woodbine and other plants were remarkably fragrant. Athenæus’s words are: ηκμασε δε και τα εν Αλεξανδρεια, δια πλουτον, και δια την Αρσινοης και Βερενικης σπουδην, εγινετο δε και εν Κυρηνη ροδινον χρηστοτατον, καθ᾽ ον χρονον εζη Βερενικη ἡ μεγαλη.—(Deipnosoph. Lib. xv. c. 12.)

[2]Και το σιλφιον αρχεται απο τουτου (the harbours of Menelaus and Aziris), παρηκει δε απο Πλατεης νησου μεχρι του στοματος της Συρτεος το Σιλφιον.—(Melp. ρξθʹ).Mr. Beloe is of opinion that Herodotus intended in this passage to point out the limits of a place or province called Silphium, so named originally without any reference to the plant; and in his remarks on another passage in the same book—εισι δε και γαλαι εν τω σιλφιω γινομεναι . . . (ρϟβʹ.) he observes—“I cannot help thinking that the herb was named from the place and not the place from the herb.” But the space here included by Herodotus comprehends the whole of the Cyrenaica, and there is no mention on other occasions of this term as substituted either for Pentapolis or Cyrenaica, with which it would, however, be synonymous if the reading proposed were adopted. We will not venture to dispute a point of this nature with a writer of Mr. Beloe’s talents and judgment; but there does not (on the whole) appear to be, in our estimation, any reason why το Σιλφιον, in the first passage quoted, should not be translated Silphium, (the plant;) or why the words τω σιλφιω in the one last mentioned should not be supposed to mean exclusively the place, or region, in which silphium is produced[a].

[2]Και το σιλφιον αρχεται απο τουτου (the harbours of Menelaus and Aziris), παρηκει δε απο Πλατεης νησου μεχρι του στοματος της Συρτεος το Σιλφιον.—(Melp. ρξθʹ).

Mr. Beloe is of opinion that Herodotus intended in this passage to point out the limits of a place or province called Silphium, so named originally without any reference to the plant; and in his remarks on another passage in the same book—εισι δε και γαλαι εν τω σιλφιω γινομεναι . . . (ρϟβʹ.) he observes—“I cannot help thinking that the herb was named from the place and not the place from the herb.” But the space here included by Herodotus comprehends the whole of the Cyrenaica, and there is no mention on other occasions of this term as substituted either for Pentapolis or Cyrenaica, with which it would, however, be synonymous if the reading proposed were adopted. We will not venture to dispute a point of this nature with a writer of Mr. Beloe’s talents and judgment; but there does not (on the whole) appear to be, in our estimation, any reason why το Σιλφιον, in the first passage quoted, should not be translated Silphium, (the plant;) or why the words τω σιλφιω in the one last mentioned should not be supposed to mean exclusively the place, or region, in which silphium is produced[a].

[a]For a great many curious and valuable remarks on the silphium, in which the origin of the term is also alluded to, see the comments on Theophrastus by Johan. Bodæus at the end of the account of the plant.—(Theoph. περι Φυτων, Fol. Amst. 1644.)

[3]Αλλ᾽ ἡ Κυρηνη γαρ της Λιβυης εν τοις ερημοτεροις πεπολισμενη, ποιωδης τε εστι και μαλθακη, και ευυδρος, και αλσεα και λειμωνες, και καρπων παντοιων και κτηνεων παμφορος, ες τε επι του σιλφιου τας εκφυσεις· υπερ δε το σιλφιον, τα ανω αυτης ερημα και ψαμμωδεα.—(Hist. Ind. cap. xliii.)

[4]Τροπον δε πολην επεχει της Λιβυης. πλειω γαρ φησιν η τετρασχιλια σταδια. τα πλειονα δε γενεσθαι περι την Συρτιν απο των Ευεσπεριδων.—(Theophrast. περι Φυτων. L. iv. c. iii.)

[5]The effects of eating silphium (according to Pliny) were manifested in sheep by their falling asleep, and in goats, by sneezing. Si quando incidit pecus in spem nascentis, hoc deprehenditur signo: ove, cum comederit, dormienti protinus, capra sternuenti.—(Lib. xix. c. iii).

[6]Επι τωδε εν Κυρηνη ως μακροτατω απελαυνουσιν τας ποιμνας των χωριων, ινα και αυτοις το σιλφιον φυεται· οἱ δε και περιφρασσουσι τον χωρον του μηδ᾽ ει πελασιεν αυτα τα προβατα, δυνατα γενεσθαι εισω παρελθειν.—οτι πολλου αξιον (he adds) Κυρηναιοις το σιλφιον. (Exped. Alex. Lib. iii. c. xxix.)

[7]Among others, see Strabo, Lib. xvii. and Pliny, Lib. xix. and xxii.

[8]It appears, however, that the laser, or extract of the silphium, was not difficult to be met with in the reign of Severus, as we learn from Galen (de Temperant. L. iii. c. iii. simpl. Medic. Fac. L. viii. and de Antidot. L. ii. p. 440. Edit. Basil.) The plant, at the present day, is common in the high grounds about Cyrene, but we did not meet with it in the neighbourhood of Berenice and the Hesperian gardens, where it seems to have been formerly most abundant.

[9]This was probably the φοινικιος οινος (or palm wine) of Athenæus, much esteemed by the ancients; or the vinum Byblinum another Carthaginian wine in great repute, and said to be at first taste more grateful than the Lesbian. Τον δ᾽ απο φοινικης ιρας τον βυβλινον αινω (says Archestratus as quoted by Athenæus) . . . εαν γαρ εξαιφνης αυτου γευση, μη προσθεν εσθι θεις, ευωδης μεν σοι δοξει του Λεσβιου ειναι μαλλον.—Deipnosoph. Lib. i. c. 23. Palm wine was drunk at Susa and Babylon by the Kings of Persia, as we find from Polyænus, Stratagem. Lib. iv.

[10]Among others Athenæus (in the words of Eubulus) as quoted in the Deipnosophista—(Lib. 1.) . . . καυλον εκ Καρχηδονος και σιλφιον. Here we see the stalk or stem decidedly mentioned with either the root or the extract of the silphium (more probably the former) as an article of export from Carthage; and procured (we may infer) by the Carthaginian traders from Charax, since they had no silphium in their own country. Again, Antiphanes (the ηδιστος Αντιφανης) as quoted by Athenæus; ος εν τω φιλοθηβαιω φησιν.—Λιβυς τε καυλος εξηργασμενος ακτισι θειαις σιλφιου παραστατει.—(Lib. xiv. c. iv).

[11]Succus duobus modis capiebatur, e radice atque caule.—(Hist. Nat. L. xix).Οπον δε διττον εχει (says Theophrastus) τον μεν επι του καυλου, τον δε απο της ριζης. διο καλουσι τον μεν καυλιαν, τον δε ριζιαν—(Lib. iv. περι Φυτων).

[11]Succus duobus modis capiebatur, e radice atque caule.—(Hist. Nat. L. xix).

Οπον δε διττον εχει (says Theophrastus) τον μεν επι του καυλου, τον δε απο της ριζης. διο καλουσι τον μεν καυλιαν, τον δε ριζιαν—(Lib. iv. περι Φυτων).

[12]Post folia amissa (says Pliny) caule ipso et homines vescebantur, decocto, asso, elixoque:—Theophrastus’ words are,—μετα δε ταυτα καυλον εσθιεσθαι παντα τροπον αγαθον, εφθον, οπτον.—(Lib. iv.)

[13]Οπου σιλφιου δυο μναι . . . σιλφιου ταλαντον σταθμω[a].If the king supped at Babylon, or at Susa, half the quantity of wine supplied for the meal was palm wine, the other half, the juice of the grape. οταν δε η εν Βαβυλωνι, η εν Σουσοις, τον μεν ημισεα εκ των φοινικων οινον παρεχει, τον δε ημισεα αμπελινον.—Polyæni Stratagem. Lib. iv. 32.)

[13]Οπου σιλφιου δυο μναι . . . σιλφιου ταλαντον σταθμω[a].

If the king supped at Babylon, or at Susa, half the quantity of wine supplied for the meal was palm wine, the other half, the juice of the grape. οταν δε η εν Βαβυλωνι, η εν Σουσοις, τον μεν ημισεα εκ των φοινικων οινον παρεχει, τον δε ημισεα αμπελινον.—Polyæni Stratagem. Lib. iv. 32.)

[a]Taking the mina at 1 lb. 1 oz., the talent (which was always sixty minæ) would give sixty-five pounds.

[14]Among a great many other articles, consumed every day at the dinner and supper of the Persian kings, as enumerated in the list we have quoted, we find four hundred sheep, one hundred oxen, thirty horses, three hundred lambs, thirty stags, or gazelles, four hundred fatted geese, three hundred pigeons, and six hundred other birds of various kinds! So much solid food was not, however, cooked without a proportionate seasoning; and we find a talent weight (say sixty-five lbs.) of garlic among the numerous other condiments employed on these occasions.The Macedonians in the suite of Alexander, while they expressed their astonishment at its profusion, applauded the magnificence of the royal table, and the good taste of the Persian monarchs. But the ardent son of Philip (though by no means a friend to abstinence) was prudent enough to discourage, on this occasion, the commendation of luxuries so superfluous and expensive, and ordered the column to be taken down, observing at the same time that so prodigious a meal was unnecessary; that such excess of indulgence and prodigality could scarcely fail to produce timidity and effeminacy; and that they who had dined or supped so enormously must necessarily afford an easy victory to their opponents.

The Macedonians in the suite of Alexander, while they expressed their astonishment at its profusion, applauded the magnificence of the royal table, and the good taste of the Persian monarchs. But the ardent son of Philip (though by no means a friend to abstinence) was prudent enough to discourage, on this occasion, the commendation of luxuries so superfluous and expensive, and ordered the column to be taken down, observing at the same time that so prodigious a meal was unnecessary; that such excess of indulgence and prodigality could scarcely fail to produce timidity and effeminacy; and that they who had dined or supped so enormously must necessarily afford an easy victory to their opponents.

[15]Το δε σιλφιον εχει ριζαν μεν πολλην και παχειαν, τον δε καυλον ηλίκον ναρθηξ. σχεδον δε και τω παχει παραπλησιον. τον δε φυλλον, ὁ καλουσι μασπετον, ομοιον το σελινω. σπερμα δ᾽ εχει πλατυ, φυλλωδης, οιον τον λεγομενον φυλλον.—(Lib. iv. c. iii.)

[16]Ad pondus argenti denarii pensum.

[17]Most probably the laser or extract, which was the most valuable; though Pliny’s word is laserpitium.

[18]The leaves of the plant, steeped in white wine, were, it seems, a most extraordinary specific[a]; and “the root is singular” (it is Pliny who speaks) “for to cleare the windpipes, and to take away all the asperitie and roughness in these parts; and being applied in the form of a liniment it helpeth imposthumat inflamations proceeding from the ranknesse and ebullition of blood. A liniment thereof made with wine and oile is a most familiar and agreeable medecine for the black and blue marks remaining after stripes; but if the same with some adition of wax be reduced into a cerot it helpeth the kings evill. As for the liquor laser (continues our naturalist) issuing from Silphium, in that manner as I have shewed, it is holden for one of the most singular gifts that nature hath bestowed upon the world, and entereth into many excellent confections and compositions. Of itselfe alone, it reduceth those to their natural health who are starven and benumbed with extreme cold. Taken in drinke it allaieth the accidents and grief of the nerves. A great restorative it is with meat, and quickly setteth them on foot who have lien long and been brought low by sicknesse: for laser, if it be applied in due time, is as good as a potentiall cauterie to raise a blister: outwardly applied no man maketh doubt but it is of singular operation and worketh many effects. Taken in drinke it doth extinguish the venome left in the bodie, either by poisoned dart or serpents’ sting: and if the wounds be annointed with the same dissolved in water it is the better; but particularly for the pricks of scorpions it would be applied with oile. Being laid too, with rue or honey, or by itselfe alone, (so that the place be annointed over it with some viscous gum to keepe it too, that it run not off,) it is excellent for the carbuncle and the biting of dogs. Being incorporate with sal-nitre and well wrought withall beforehand, and so applied, it taketh away the hard horns and dead corns arising in the feet, which commonly bee called in latin morticini. Tempered with wine, and saffron or pepper, if it be but with mice-dung and vinegre, it is a good incarnative in ulcers; and an excellent drawer to the outward parts for to fill up the skin and make a bodie fat. A good fomentation there is made of it and wine for to bath kibed heels; for which purpose it is boiled in oyle and so applyed.”“In like manner it serveth to soften hard callosities in any place whatsoever: and for the foresaid corns of the feet especially, if they be scraped and scarrified before, it is of great efficacee. Singular it is against unwholesome waters, pestilent tracts, and contagious aires; as in times suspected of infection. Soveraigne it is for the cough, the fall of the uvula, and an old jaundice or overflowing of the gall; for the dropsie also, and horsenesse of the throat; for presently it scowreth the pipes, cleareth the voice againe, and maketh it audible. If it be infused and dissolved in water and vinegre, and so applyed with a spunge, it assuageth the gout. Taken in a broth, or thin supping, it is good for the pleurisie, especially if the patient propose to drinke wine after it. Being covered all over with wax to the quantitie of one[b]cich pease it is given very well in case of contractions and shrinking of sinews, and namely to such as carrie their heads backward perforce, by occasion of some crick or cramp. For the squinance it is good to gargarize therewith. Semblably it is given with leeks and vinegre to those that wheaze in their chest and be short-winded, and have an old cough sticking long by them: likewise with vinegre alone to such as have supped off and drunke quailed milke which is cluttered within their stomacke. Taken in wine it is singular for the faintings about the heart; as also for colliquations and such as are falne away and far gone in a consumption, and for those that be taken with the falling sicknesse: but in honied water it hath a speciall operation respective to the palsie, or resolution of the tongue. With sodden honey and laser together, there is made a liniment very propor to anoint the region of the hucklebone where the sciatica is seated; and the small of the backe to allay the paine of the loins. I would not give counselle (continues our author) as many writers doe prescribe) for to put it in the concavatie or hole of a decayed tooth, and so to stop up the place close with wax, for feare of that which might ensue thereupon: for I have seene the fearfull sequele of that experiment, in a man, who upon the taking of that medecine, threw himself headlong from an high loft and broke his necke; such intolerable pains he sustained of the toothach: and no marvelle; for doe but annoint the mussle, or nose of a bull therewith it will set him on a fire and make him horne mad: and being mingled with wine, if serpents (as they are most greedie of wine) chance to lap or licke thereof, it will cause them to burst. And therefore I would not advise any to be annointed with it and honey of Athens incorporat together; howsoever there bee physicians who set downe such a receit.” (Nat. Hist. Book xxii. c. xxiii.)

“In like manner it serveth to soften hard callosities in any place whatsoever: and for the foresaid corns of the feet especially, if they be scraped and scarrified before, it is of great efficacee. Singular it is against unwholesome waters, pestilent tracts, and contagious aires; as in times suspected of infection. Soveraigne it is for the cough, the fall of the uvula, and an old jaundice or overflowing of the gall; for the dropsie also, and horsenesse of the throat; for presently it scowreth the pipes, cleareth the voice againe, and maketh it audible. If it be infused and dissolved in water and vinegre, and so applyed with a spunge, it assuageth the gout. Taken in a broth, or thin supping, it is good for the pleurisie, especially if the patient propose to drinke wine after it. Being covered all over with wax to the quantitie of one[b]cich pease it is given very well in case of contractions and shrinking of sinews, and namely to such as carrie their heads backward perforce, by occasion of some crick or cramp. For the squinance it is good to gargarize therewith. Semblably it is given with leeks and vinegre to those that wheaze in their chest and be short-winded, and have an old cough sticking long by them: likewise with vinegre alone to such as have supped off and drunke quailed milke which is cluttered within their stomacke. Taken in wine it is singular for the faintings about the heart; as also for colliquations and such as are falne away and far gone in a consumption, and for those that be taken with the falling sicknesse: but in honied water it hath a speciall operation respective to the palsie, or resolution of the tongue. With sodden honey and laser together, there is made a liniment very propor to anoint the region of the hucklebone where the sciatica is seated; and the small of the backe to allay the paine of the loins. I would not give counselle (continues our author) as many writers doe prescribe) for to put it in the concavatie or hole of a decayed tooth, and so to stop up the place close with wax, for feare of that which might ensue thereupon: for I have seene the fearfull sequele of that experiment, in a man, who upon the taking of that medecine, threw himself headlong from an high loft and broke his necke; such intolerable pains he sustained of the toothach: and no marvelle; for doe but annoint the mussle, or nose of a bull therewith it will set him on a fire and make him horne mad: and being mingled with wine, if serpents (as they are most greedie of wine) chance to lap or licke thereof, it will cause them to burst. And therefore I would not advise any to be annointed with it and honey of Athens incorporat together; howsoever there bee physicians who set downe such a receit.” (Nat. Hist. Book xxii. c. xxiii.)

[a]Nam folia ad expurgandas vulvas pellendosque emortuos partus decoquuntur in vino albo odorato, ut bibatur mensura acetabuli a balineis.—Adde—Laser, e silphio profluens fæminis datur in vivo. Et lanis mollibus admovetur vulvæ ad menses ciendos.—(Hist. Nat. Lib. xxii. c. xxiii.)

[b]Ciceris magnitudine cera circunlitum.

[19]This plant, from its succulent nature, is very difficult to preserve; and we are sorry to say that the specimens which we had collected of it (together with many others of the Cyrenaic plants) got mouldy for want of more attention than we were able to bestow upon them. We understand, however, that Captain Smyth has succeeded in bringing over a specimen of the silphium in good condition, and that the plant is now growing in Devonshire and thriving remarkably well.

[20]It was not, however, unfrequent to bury persons of more than ordinary worth and consideration within the walls; and the most frequented and conspicuous places were in such cases selected for the tombs, or monuments, which the gratitude of citizens reared in the midst of their families. The Lacedæmonians, whose laws and customs were usually in direct opposition to the other states of Greece, allowed the dead to be buried indiscriminately within the walls of their cities, as we are told by Plutarch in his life of Lycurgus.

[21]The fountain of Cyrene was a consecrated stream, and the face of the rock from which it flows was originally adorned with a portico like that of a temple.

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