RELIGION
The sanctity of the church is considered forbidden ground to all those who attempt to portray the life and customs of the people of any country. To criticise religious forms or customs is to incur the displeasure, arouse the combative spirit and the resentful nature of the communicants of the church under discussion. It means to bring down upon the head of the offending scribe the wrath of those who have found consolation in the church. Religious views and ideas, with prejudices deep rooted and strong, are generally inherited.
Believing that there is good in all churches, that the Christian religion is the foundation upon which the superstructure of good society and modern civilization is based, the writer wishes to preface his comments on the Church in Chile, with the statement that it is not the purpose to criticise the Christian religion, but to point out some of the peculiar, and what would seem to the disinterested observer, objectionable practices in the dominating church.
The Catholic religion has been so closely interwoven in the fabric of Chilean history that it forms a feature of every chapter in the Republic’s record. It is impossible to accurately describe the life and customs of the country, and at the same time omit so important an influence as that exercised by the church on the political and social life of Chile.
Article 4 of the constitution (1833), says: “LaReligion de la República de Chile és la Católica Apostólica Romana, con exclusión del ejercicio publico de cualquiera otra.” (The religion of the Republic of Chile is the Roman Catholic Apostolic with the exclusion of the public exercise of whatever other.)
Under constitutional authority the public exercise of all religious worship, except the Catholic, was excluded from Chile until 1865, when the right was conceded to establish non-Catholic schools within private property, and to be supervised by a Catholic board. Later came another innovation in the civil register law.
In Chile the State sanctions, helps to support and maintain the Catholic church, and the church participates in politics and the affairs of state. Reaching out through its various ramifications the church extends its influence to the farthest limits of the country, both socially and politically. The union of Church and State is strong, and the day seems far distant when they will be divorced. Able and courageous men, individually and in party groups, have tried to loosen the hold Catholicism has on Chile, and have in some instances weakened its influence upon the body politic, but it is still powerful. President Balmaceda endeavored to separate Church and State, not by destroying the church, but by directing each in its legitimate channel. The result was defeat, revolution, disaster and death.
One of the Popes said concerning the Catholic church: “Its catholicity is its credentials to Divine origin and authority.” It is not the intention of the writer to challenge this statement, but the broad, liberal Catholic idea would seem to suggestthat the influence of the church should be directed along lines laid down in the Divine Law, and not exerted in an effort to control political policies.
It is not the purpose to discuss here the individual merits of the clergy, but to consider it as a body politic, its influence for weal or woe with the people and upon the nation. It is a significant fact that every law on the statute books tending to secure greater liberty of action, freedom of thought and speech, has been opposed by the political element of the church. Such progressive measures as the civil register law, providing for a public record of births, deaths and marriages, and requiring civil marriage ceremonies; the establishment and maintenance of public and private schools, and the designation of non-Catholic cemeteries, where Protestants might receive burial, have received the opposition of the clergy.
To try to lift the veil and look into the private lives of the clergy would seem little less than sacrilege. It would reveal acts pure and noble, lives worthy of example and emulation, and it would also show startling and shocking scenes enacted in the name of religion. There are those who are sacrificing their lives in the cause of the Master, others living vicious and licentious lives under the cloak of Christianity. The illiteracy and superstition of the people give to the unworthy and insincere opportunities to practice deception and imposition. Upon the other hand, these same conditions afford an ample field and unlimited opportunities for good, with those who are conscientious and possess the true Christian spirit.
There are more than ten thousand monks of differentorders in Chile. During the summer months they go about the country in pairs or in trios, holding mission services, which they conduct without price or reference to money. The expenses of these itinerant clergymen are paid from the funds of the order they represent. They do much good in the way of instructing the poor country and village people in the rudiments of civilized life, cleanliness, and how to rear their children. These mission services usually continue for a week or ten days in one place, during which time many of the women and children of the community remain about the church, sleeping upon the ground at night. These mission fathers in no way clash with the regular priests, everything being understood and prearranged. Medallions and colored prints of their patron saints are freely distributed, and never fail to create a pleasing effect upon the women and children. The children are gathered into classes and turned over to the more intelligent of the women of the church, who teach them the catechism, and to sing the chants. If the children appear indifferent, or especially stupid in these first instructions and church discipline, their minds are brightened and their memories sharpened by whacks with a stick in the hands of the monks. But alas, these poor children only memorize the printed prayers, no explanations of their true meaning being made, and so through life they go on repeating prayers without knowing the significance of the words. Not infrequently this smattering of an education, gained through the mission teachings of the traveling monks, is all that many of them receive. It is through these methods of early instruction thatthe prolific growth of superstition prevalent in Chile is cultivated and kept alive. Children are taught that the several saints on the calendar, the anniversary of each of which is celebrated with a religious feast, are all powerful, and that the good offices of the saints can be secured through the intermediary of the priests.
The chief national feast in Chile is September 18th, the anniversary of the independence of the Republic, known as “El Diez y ocho.” There are, however, numerous other anniversary celebrations, commemorating victorious battles and historic events, which are observed with much demonstration in the cities and thickly populated districts. All other holidays, of which there are something like seventy in the year, are called religious festivals. Every saint has his or her feast day, known as church feasts, except the patron saint of the local church, in which event the festival lasts for a week or more.
Ordinary feasts are held at private houses. The adobe walls of the room selected for the service are covered with paper, and an improvised altar arranged by placing lighted candles upon a table. Upon the wall above the table is hung a colored print of the particular saint whose anniversary is being celebrated. Those taking part in the services are usually seated around the room upon stones or blocks of wood, and if such seats are not available they squat upon the dirt floor, the crowd frequently extending into the open in front of the house. There are harpists, guitar players andsingers. The feast, which is held after the service, consists of boiled beans mixed with hulled corn, and as extra, boiled dried peaches mixed with flour or toasted wheat. After the food has been served someone in the crowd gives a “chaucha” (twenty cents), to one of the players and music is rendered in praise of the donor. Someone then buys wine or chicha and the health of the saint is drunk. When the singers have rendered what they consider the value of the donation, another person contributes, and by this means the music is kept up. Liquor is passed and repassed until the supply is exhausted, and the festival continues until the candles are burned out and the crowd lapses into a state of innocuous desuetude, to sleep off the effects of the debauch.
Religious ceremonies and feast day demonstrations are events of much general interest to the country people. Easter on a farm brings about the annual festival of “Correr á Cristo” (running to Christ). A mounted procession with waving flags and banners, and weird shouting, makes a tour of the farm, and the day is given over to a saturnalia of noise. Sometimes the procession will stop by the roadside, or in the garden in front of the farmhouse to hear mass, or long enough for those in attendance to receive the blessings of the priests. The procession is usually headed by a cart draped with palms and decorated with flowers.
One of the peculiar religious festivals of the country is “La Procesión del Pelicano” (procession of the pelican), a passion play held annuallyat Quillota, one of the first communities established by the Spaniards in Chile. To the old city in the valley of the Aconcagua, there is an annual pilgrimage of thousands of devout Catholics, and others attracted by curiosity, to witness the strange procession.
The Procession of the Pelican has no mythological origin or significance, as is generally supposed, but derives its name from the colossal bird, which has figured in the demonstration for more than a century. The Cathedral of Quillota was built by the Bishop of Romero, in the beginning of the eighteenth century. By the influence of the Bishop the ladies of the community formed the society of the “Santo Sepulcro” (Holy Sepulchre), and by collecting alms raised the funds for this traditional procession. The annual arrangement was always placed in charge of one of the ladies of the society, and as only those from the first families were selected it was considered a great honor.
About the year 1776, Doña Amilia Alverez de Araya, whose family founded the original town of Quillota, was selected to direct the demonstration. Previous to that time the Santo Sepulcro, on which the figure representing the body of Christ was placed, on being lowered from the cross, was a common wooden box. With the help of a San Franciscan monk, who was a good joiner, Doña Amilia planned the receptacle since used, which represents a swan with wings extended. The huge image, constructed of wood, represents the bird with arched neck, picking at its breast upon which there is a bright red spot, in imitation of a blood stain.
On Good Friday a cross is erected in the Plaza, on a miniature mount, covered with green. During the day it is guarded by huasos, dressed to represent the Jews. Previous to the procession a man is placed upon the cross in imitation of the Crucifixion. In the evening the Cura, standing upon the steps of the cathedral, preaches a sermon on the “Passion of Our Lord,” after which the procession is formed. The “andas” (floats), carried upon the shoulders of men, represent scenes in the life of the Savior, such as “Christ Before Pilate,” “Christ Carrying the Cross,” “The Virgin Surrounded by Angels,” etc. The feature of the procession is the Pelican, which is borne by twelve men. The procession marches from the cathedral to the mount, and the body of the man representing Christ is lowered from the cross and placed in the Holy Sepulchre, the Pelican. During the procession the wings of the Pelican, which are covered with mirrors, open and shut mechanically, adding a spectacular feature to the scene. After marching around the Plaza, and through the principal streets the procession returns to the cathedral, and the Pelican is placed back of the altar where it remains until the recurrence of Good Friday, when it is again brought into service in “La Procesión del Pelicano.”
The hotels in the provincial town are inadequate to accommodate the people who journey annually to Quillota to witness the strange scenes presented in the procession of the Pelican, and when the ceremony is concluded there is an undignified rush for trains. The crowd, that stands quietly with bared heads during the passion play, resolves itself intoa mob, each individual scrambling and fighting for the most advantageous position at the railway station. Those who cannot secure accommodation in the trains must spend the night in the streets, and following “La Procesión del Pelicano” the usual quiet of Quillota is turned into a drunken rabble. The police are unable to control the crowd, and the scene of religious fervor and devout Christian spirit shown by the multitude during the procession representing Christ crucified, is changed to a bacchanalian carousal. The event brings out the peculiarities of the Chilean character. One hour they are intoxicated with religious excitement and the next on aguardiente, entering as enthusiastically into the spirit of one condition as the other, with never a thought, apparently, of the inconsistency of their actions.
The celebration of the anniversary of the patron saint of the parish church is an important event. The little vice-parroquia (district church), where the annual feast is held, is generally whitewashed, and has a tile roof, blue doors, and yellow painted windows, and is topped by a square belfry tower. It is usually situated upon a slight elevation from which the ground slopes down to a nearby country road. The only relief to the monotony of the dreary surroundings is a few flowering shade trees. About the time the “novena” is concluded, carts begin to arrive and form in line along the roadside. As the crowd augments the scene resolves itself into one of animation and activity. People are constructing out of tree boughs, places of temporaryresidence, in which they sleep and where they conduct a small business during the festival. Women are engaged in bringing in firewood and jugs of water, which they carry on their heads. Oxen are unhitched from carts and driven home, as the feast lasts many days. Often as many as fifty carts, covered with canvas, branches of trees or skins are arranged side by side in close proximity. They serve as places of shelter for the owners, who remain throughout the feast. Each cart is supplied with a barrel of chicha, wine and aguardiente, and also with fowls and vegetables, from which is made cazuela, to supply the hungry crowd.
During all the day before, and up to the hour of the feast, which begins at midnight, active preparations for the event continue. People are arriving from every direction, those from a distance on horseback, and those from the neighborhood on foot, each carrying a quantity of supplies to eat or drink, and each expecting to do a little business on the morrow, and succeeding days, in the way of catering to the appetite or thirst of the mixed multitude. Some are ladened with skin bags filled with wine or chicha, others carry earthen pots or baskets containing such articles as they may have to dispose of. Fires are blazing, pots are boiling, and the scene along the roadside resembles a miniature military camp, with active preparations for the customary meal of soup and beans going forward.
Later the crowd is divided into groups, squatting upon the ground and eating from black earthen dishes. There is a tapping of barrels, uncorkingof skin bags and earthen jugs, in which the supplies of liquor are stored. Small groups of gentlemen, or families, possessing a little more money than the average persons present, are seated at home-made tables, which are covered with coarse sacking. All are merry, and apparently happy to renew acquaintances, many of which have been neglected since the last feast of our lady of mercy, Santa Mercedes, the patroness saint of the little church where the feast is being held.
The parish priest has not yet arrived from his parochial residence, hence the feast has not formally begun. A murmur along the line of feasters announces the approach of the cura, the church bells peal joyously, and the crowd files into the little church, where lighted tapers and gilt images add a spectacular effect to the scene. The priest preaches a pleasing sermon, for the purpose of conciliating his congregation, which has not yet made its offering to the virgin. At the conclusion of the service the people give to the priest such money as they think they can afford to contribute, or that which has been entrusted to them by others who could not attend. They have come from every section of the surrounding country, some from great distances, who wish to show their gratitude to this particular saint, for favors they may have received, or may desire to receive in the future. The priest is not made aware of the object of the donations. The donors place their faith implicitly in the saints, believing that they will execute the bequests. These poor contributors for the most part have nothing to do with the particular church where the offering is made. As an example, incase of serious illness or threatened calamity in a family, the friends or relatives, as the case may be, make a vow that if spared the impending trouble, they will give a certain amount to a certain saint for a given number of years. These promises are usually redeemed, and the obligation is discharged at the particular church patronized by the saint to whom the promise is made. Many individual instances might be cited to illustrate the fidelity with which these people make offerings to the saints.
The day following the midnight services is “La Mercedes,” and the early morning shows hundreds of additional votaries en route to the church. After the morning mass the image of the virgin Mercedes, bedecked with flowers, is removed from the church altar, and carried at the head of a procession that marches about the church. The priest, leading the procession, and reciting prayers, is showered with flowers. After this parade the image is again placed upon the altar, there to remain until the following year, September 8th, which is the date of the anniversary of Mercedes. The priest then goes his way and the real fiesta, for which a majority of those present have come, that of eating, drinking, dancing and carousing uninterruptedly for several days, begins. The scene about the church presents some features peculiarly novel and picturesque. The hundreds of people dressed in the costumes of the country, in which bright colors predominate, dozens of clumsy bullock carts, and hundreds of horses huddled together in the church grounds, where they remain for days without being unsaddled, and in many instances without food or water, are some of the features ofthis feast day picture. There are improvised dance halls, bowling alleys, and every cart and temporary hut is turned into a shop where is dispensed such articles as those in possession may have to offer. At each place where liquors are dispensed there is singing, dancing and music of guitars. Everyone seems to have something to sell, and money with which to buy. Having made their contributions to our lady of mercy, they pursue the god Bacchus with enthusiasm and reckless indulgence. Good fellowship prevails, drinks encourage generosity and the feast goes merrily on.
This festival falls upon a date that marks the approach of spring in Chile. The espino is in bloom, and the odor of the yellow blossoms of that repellant, thorny bush, which grows abundantly throughout the country, fills the air with sweet perfume; birds in the mating season are revelling in the first green of the trees and the bloom of wild flowers. Under clumps of blossoming trees women are cooking cakes and vending sweets, while señoritas send winning glances at young men who, too often under the influence of liquor, are easy preys to the arrows of cupid. The feast continues to increase in interest and enthusiasm for three or four days, continuing night and day, when it reaches the climax, after which from loss of sleep and deficiency of drink, the tide begins to recede, and the crowd to decrease. At the end of the sixth or eighth day, at the farthest, the last of the crowd disperses, leaving only the trodden grass and the blackened remains of camp fires as evidences of the greatest and merriest local frolic of the year.