It has already been mentioned that Lauder's later journals, when he came to chronicle public affairs and legal decisions, though they are full of graphic detail, contain little that is personal to himself. The manuscripts here printed, besides giving a picture of a Scottish student's life in France during the seventeenth century, include a narrative of his visits to London and Oxford on his return from abroad, his journey by coach and post from London to Edinburgh, and various expeditions in Fife, the Lothians, and the Merse, Glasgow, and the Clyde district, places where he had connections. He travelled on horseback. He kept one horse at this time, which appears in the Accounts. Considering his evident relish for travelling, it is remarkable that in his long life he never seems to have left Scotland after his return in 1667, though many of his more political brethren at the bar were constantly on the road between Edinburgh and Whitehall.
He kept his accounts with great care. There were no banks, and his method was to account for each sum which he received, detailing how it was spent in dollars, merks, shillings sterling and Scots, pennies, etc. We have both his accounts during his period of travel, which are included in the first manuscript, and those during the years 1670 to 1675. From the latter copious extracts are given, and they are informatory as to the prices of commodities, and the mode of life of a young lawyer recently married. There was settled on him by his father in his marriage contract an annuity of 1800 merks (£100), secured on land. His wife's marriage portion was 10,000 merks (about £555), half of it paid up and invested, the remainder bearing interest at 6 per cent. His 'pension' as one of the assessors of the burgh was £12 (sterling). His house-rent was £20 (sterling): in one place it is stated a little higher; and he sublet the attics and basement. The wages of a woman servant was nearly £2 (sterling). We find the prices of cows, meal, ale, wine, clothing, places at theatres, etc., the cost of travelling by coach, posting, fare in sailing packet to London and so on.
[Sidenote: H.O. 137.]
[Sidenote: Genealogical Roll.]
There are many illustrations throughout Lauder's manuscripts of the poverty of Scotland, relatively not only to the present time but to England. The official salary of a judge before the Union was £200, and it only reached that figure during his lifetime. Some time after the Union it was raised to £500. On the appointment of the Earl of Middleton as joint Secretary of State for England with Sunderland, in place of Godolphin, Lauder notes, 'This was the Dutchesse of Portsmouth's doing, and some thought Midleton not wise in changing (tho it be worth £5000 sterling a year, and 3 or 4 years will enrich on), for envy follows greatnesse as naturally as the shadow does the body, and the English would sooner bear a Mahometan for ther Secretar than a Scot, only he has now a good English ally, by marrieng Brudnell Earle of Cardigan's sister.' Thus the salary of a Secretary of State in England was the same in 1684 as it is now, whereas the salary of a Scottish judge was only one eighteenth part of its present amount: Lauder in his will gives a detailed account of his own investments. Sir Thomas Dick Lauder computes that he left about £11,000 besides the estate of Fountainhall, which he inherited. He was, however, the son of a wealthy man. At his marriage before he had any means of his own, 90,000 merks were settled by his father, who had several other children, on the children of the marriage (£5000 sterling, representing a sum many times as large in the present day).
Lauder mentions a great variety of coins both in his Journal in France and in his Accounts after his return home. Some explanation of the principal coins may be useful. It is necessary to keep in mind that the value of coins was in a perpetual flux. There were during the century frequent changes in the value of coins relatively even to those of the same country.
1.In France.
(1)Livre. The livre used by Lauder, and called by him indifferently 'frank,' was the livre tournois,[28] of 20 sous. It was, subject to exchange, of the same value as the pound Scots,[29] 1s. 8d. sterling, which greatly simplifies calculations. The £ s. d. French was equal to the £ s. d. Scots, and one twelfth of the value of the £ s. d. English or sterling.
[28] The livre parisis contained 25 sous.—Major'sGreater Britain(S.H.S.), p. 32, note.
[29] See pp. 3 and 4 andpassim.
(2)Ecu, écu blanc, ord'argent, a silver coin worth 3 livres,[30] or 5s. sterling, thus of the same value as the English crown, and sometimes called crown by Lauder.
[30] The value varied a little, but it was three livres in 1653.—Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et de Belles Lettres(1857), Tome 21, 2'me partie, p. 350.
(3)Ecu d'or, orcouronne, golden crown. It was worth about 5 livres 12 sous,[31] equal to 9s. 4d. sterling. (P. 155, 'I receaved some 56 ll. in 10 golden crowns.')
[31] The exact value in 1666 in livres tournois was 5 ll. 11s. 6d.—Mémoires, ut supra, p. 256.
(4)Pistole. A Spanish gold coin current in France. Its standard value was 10 livres tournois, equal to 16s. 8d. That fairly corresponds with a proclamation in Ireland in 1661 fixing it at 16s. Littré (Dict.s.v.), states the value of the coin a good deal higher, though he gives the standard as above. But its value gradually increased, like that of other gold coins, and in later Irish proclamations is much higher.
The British gold coinsJacobusandCaroluswere also used by Lauder inFrance, and are explained below.
2.In Scotland and England.[32]
[32] See Cochran Patrick'sRecords of the Coinage of Scotland(1876); Ruding'sAnnals of the Coinage(1817); andHandbook of the Coins of Great Britain and Irelandin the British Museum, by H.A. Grueber (1899); Burns,Coinage of Scotland.
(1)Jacobus(2)Carolus. James VI. on his accession to the throne of England, with a view to the union of the kingdoms, issued a coinage for both countries, which was in this sense uniform that each Scottish coin was commensurable and interchangeable with an English coin. The ratio of the Scots to the English £ s. d., which during centuries was always becoming lower, was finally fixed at 1 to 12. The English 20s. and Scots 12 l. pieces of equal value now issued were called the unite. The double crown or 10s. piece was the Scots 6 l. piece, the crown the Scots 3 l. piece, and so on.
The unite was so called from the leading idea of union, just as the double crown had the legend,Henricus Rosas Regna Jacobus. As Henry VII. united the Red and White Roses, James was to unite the two kingdoms. It seems probable that James intended the unite as a 20s. or pound piece to be the standard and pivot of the coinage of both countries, as the pound or sovereign has now become. This enlightened policy, though it had lasting effects, soon broke down in detail. In England the shilling proved too strong for the unite, and in Scotland the merk maintained its hold. To prevent the exportation of gold, the value of the unite of 154 grains[33] was raised to 22s. in 1612, though the king had himself proposed rather to lower the weight of silver. That caused confusion, 'on account of the unaptness for tale' of the gold pieces at their enhanced value, and a lighter 20s. piece of 140 grains was issued in 1619 for England only, known as the laurel piece, from the wreath round the king's head. In Scotland the original unite remained, and was sometimes called the 20 merk piece, to which value it roughly corresponded. It was repeated in the coinage of Charles I., the last sovereign who coined gold in Scotland prior to the Revolution. Thus it was the only Scottish 20s. sterling piece. Charles I.'s unite or double angel (20s. piece) for England was of the same lighter weight as the laurel. In 1661 the value of the gold coin was again heightened, the old unite to 23s. 6d., and the lighter English unite to 21s. 4d.
[33] The weights are given in round numbers.
The above information is necessary in order to identify the two gold coins which Lauder used. He generally calls the larger the Jacobus and the smaller the Carolus. At p. 80 the one is mentioned as 'the Scotes and English Jacobuses, which we call 14 pound peices,' and the other as 'the new Jacobus, which we cal the 20 shiling sterling peice.' At p. 154 he speaks of '10 Caroluses, or 20 shiling peices,' so that the new Jacobus and the Carolus are the same. While there was only one weight of Scots gold piece of the issue value of 20s. sterling, in England during the reigns of James I., Charles I., and Charles II. there were four: 1, the sovereign of James I. (172 grains); 2, the unite or double angel of James (154 grains), the same as in Scotland; 3, the laurel of James, the unite of Charles I., and the broad of Charles II. (140 grains); 4, the guinea[34] of Charles II., first struck in 1663 (131 grains). Now Lauder's larger coin was a Scots or English Jacobus, therefore it is the unite of James VI.; and his smaller coin is called both a Carolus and a new Jacobus, therefore it is the coin of 140 grains. The two pieces are mentioned in a proclamation by the Privy Council in 1661 heightening certain coins.[35]
[34] Once mentioned by Lauder, p. 220.
[35] This table may be compared with Louis XIII.'s valuation of some of these coins (p. 80). The Scots piece there mentioned with two swords, and the legendSalus, etc., is no doubt the sword and sceptre piece of James VI. (1601-4). But the issue value of the whole piece, not the half piece, was 611. Scots.
£ s. D. Scots. £ s. D. Scots. formerlie current at now to be current at The Double Angel [36] 13.06.08 14.04.08 The Single Angel 6.13.04 7.02.04 The Dager Peice 6.13.04 7.02.04 The Scots Ryder 6.13.04 7.02.04
The New Peice[37] 12.00.00 12.16.00The Halfe 6.00.00 6.08.00The Quarter 3.00.00 3.04.00
The Rose Noble, Scots and English. 10.13.04 11.07.04
The Hary Noble 9.06.08 9.19.00
[36] Lauder's Jacobus.
[37] Lauder's Carolus.
(3)Dollar. In Lauder's accounts the reader is struck by the prominent position of the dollar. While debts and obligations were calculated in pounds Scots or merks, dollars supplied the currency for household and other payments, just as pounds do at the present day. They were foreign coins of various denominations and various intrinsic value, but of inferior fineness to the Scots standard of silver money, which was eleven penny fine—eleven parts silver to one part alloy. They passed current for more than their intrinsic value, and the native silver money was withdrawn from the country. All through the reigns of Charles I. and Charles II. the subject gave great concern to the Mint, the Parliament, the Privy Council, and bodies with commercial interests like the Convention of 'Burrowis.' In 1631 the Privy Council issued a proclamation 'considering the greit skarsitie of His Majestie's proper coynes … occasioned by the frequent transport theirof and importing of dollours in place of the same,' prohibiting the receipt of any dollars for coal or salt after 1st November next to come. 'That in the mean tyme the maisters and owners of the coalhewes and saltpans may give tymous advertisement to the strangers trading with them for coal and salt that they bring no dollours with them for the pryce of the salt and coal,' and that merchants exporting bestial or other commodities to England are to 'make return of the pryces' not in dollars, but either in H.M. proper coin or in the following foreign coins, the value and weight of which is fixed by the proclamation: Spanish pistolet, French crown, rose noble, half rose noble, quartisdiskue, single ryall. The proper method of dealing with the difficulty was matter of great controversy.
In 1633 George Foulis, master coiner, says in a memorial, 'In the first it is to be considerit thatthe most pairt of the moneys presently in Scotland is only dollouris.
'Secondlie, these dollouris are not all alike in wecht, some wheirof are 15 drops wecht, some 14-1/2 and many others lesser in wecht.
'Thirdlie, they are different in fineness, some 10, some 10-1/2, others baser. The best 15 drop and 10 1/2 fineness will not answer to the King's money in wecht or fynness to 54s. Scots.'
The best of these dollars was the Rex or Rix Dollar (Reichsthaler, dalle imporiale). In the reign of Charles I. the baser dollars which gave most trouble to the authorities were the dog dollars and the cross dollars. In the reign of Charles II. we hear more of the leg dollar, which approached the rex dollar in value, and had got a pretty strong footing.
On 14th January 1670, the Privy Council issued a proclamation on the narrative, 'Forasmuch as there hath been of late imported into this kingdom great numbers of those dollars commonly called leg dollars Haveing the impression of a man in armes _with one leg _and a shield … covering the other leg … which does usually pass at the rate of 58s. Scots money, and seeing that upon tryall of the intrinsick worth and value thereof they are found to fall short of the foresaid rate, and that in the United Provinces where the forsaid dollars are coyned, the passe only at the rate of crosse dollars, Therupon the King's Mtie with advice of his P.Cs. doth declare that (the rex or bank dollars now passing at 58s. Scotts) the true and just value at which the forsaids legs dollars ought to passe and be current in this kingdome is 56s. Scotts money….'
Thus we get the authorised value of these dollars at the period of Lauder's accounts. The accounts themselves show that the current value varied indefinitely, and is sometimes different in two consecutive items.[38]
[38] With regard to the etymology of 'leg,' Mr. Hallen in his introduction to theAccount Book of Sir John Foulis of Ravelston(S.H.S.), p. xxxiii, gives some strong and perhaps convincing reasons in favour of Liége. But the descriptions in the Proclamation above quoted, and the fact that Lauder sometimes calls them 'legged,' seem to show that the popular etymology in Scotland was the man's leg on the coin.
Charles II. struck four merk-pieces at the issue value of 53s. 4d. Scots in two issues, the first in 1664, the second in 1675-1682. The second, and only the second issue, came at some later but unknown period to be known to numismatists as dollars. But I do not think there is any reason to suppose that Lauder called those pieces dollars. The accounts are in the period of the first issue, and Lander's dollar was of higher value. Probably his dollars were all foreign coins, generally rex dollars, as he often calls them. When they are leg dollars, he appears always so to distinguish them.
(4)The Merk, 13s. 4d. Scots, was raised in value by James VI. to 13- 1/2d. sterling, to make it interchangeable with English money. He coined none after his accession to the throne of England, and probably intended that no more should be coined. But the merk had too strong a hold in Scotland, and half merks were struck by Charles I., and various multiples and parts of merks by Charles II. at the old issue value of 13s. 4d. the merk. On the other hand, in 1651 Parliament 'cryed up' the 12s. Scots piece—equal to the English shilling—to one merk; and in 1625 the Britain crown or 31. Scots piece is officially described as 'known as the five merk piece,' though its issue value was only five shillings. This illustrates the confusion and uncertainty of the relative value of coins, of which parenthetically two other examples may be given. On 20th June 1673 Lauder notes the receipt of his year's salary as one of the assessors for the burgh, 'being 150 lb. Scots, which is about 229 merks,' whereas with the merk at 13s. 4d. (the standard value), 150 lb. is exactly 225 merks. In the same way he constantly states the same salary indifferently at 1501. Scots or £12 sterling, whereas 1501. Scots ought to have been equal to £12, 10s. sterling.
(5)Shilling. Lauder applies the name without distinction to the English shilling, 12s. Scots piece, which at page 80 he calls our shilling, and to the shilling Scots. The context generally shows which he means.
(6)Groat. Lauder's groat is the English groat of four pence, sterling. The groat Scots of less value had not been coined for a century.
(7)Penny. As in the case of the shilling, Lauder uses the name indifferently for English pence and pennies Scots, but more often English.
Such coins as testoons, placks, bodles, bawbees and turners, do not appear in his accounts, but some of them are casually mentioned in the text of the MSS., and are explained in footnotes.
No alteration has been made on the text of the MSS. except the substitution of capital letters for small ones, where capitals would now be used. In this matter Lauder's practice is capricious, and it may safely be said that it was governed by no rule, conscious or unconscious. He spells the pronoun I with a capital, and usually begins a sentence with one. But names of persons and places are very often spelt with small letters. The use of capitals was not yet fixed, as it is now, and the usage of different languages, such as English, French and German, as it came to be fixed, is not identical. Some changes in the punctuation have also been made in transcription for the sake of clearness, but the punctuation, which is scanty, has not been systematically altered. In the MSS. some single words have been erased, or rubbed off, at the top and the foot of the page. The blanks are indicated, and as a rule, but not quite invariably, explained in footnotes. MSS. X and H are printed entire, with two unimportant omissions, one in each, which are noted and explained, and as regards MS. H, with the exception of some detached pages of accounts, and a catalogue of some books. Of these it was thought that the Appendix contains enough. From MS. K only extracts are given. The remainder contains more accounts, and a further catalogue of books, without the prices, and other memoranda and reflections, now of no interest. The spelling is to a large extent arbitrary.[39] It is less regular than, for example, the contemporary Acts of Parliament, but more regular than the letters of some of Lauder's contemporaries, in high positions.[40] A word is often spelt in different ways on the same page. There are, however, many constant peculiarities, some of which may have a linguistic interest, thus 'laugh' 'rough' 'enough' 'through' are spelt with a finalt. The use of a final but silenttMr. Mackay in his introduction to Pitscottie,[41] p. cxl, says is a distinct mark of Scots of the middle period. 'Voyage,' 'sponge,' and 'large' are sometimes spelt without the finale. 'Knew,' 'slew,' 'blew' are spelt 'know,' 'slow,' 'blow.' 'Inn' is spelt 'innes.' 'See' is always spelt 'sy' or 'sie,' and 'weigh,' 'wy.' But these are only examples, taken at random. 'One,' 'off,' 'too,' 'thee' are spelt 'on,' 'of,' 'to,' 'the,' a snare to the unwary reader. 'V' and 'W' are frequently interchanged.
[39] Lauder's French in the Journal in France is full of mistakes,both of grammar and spelling. He was only learning the language.
[40] Cf. Bishop Dowden's introduction to Lauderdale Correspondence(S.H.S.),Miscellany, vol. i. p. 230.
[41]Historic and Chronicles of Scotland, by Robert Lindesay ofPitscottie (Scottish Text Society, 1899).
Lauder's language is idiomatic, and he uses many Scottish words which were not common in the written literary language of his time. A few of these words are now rare and even difficult to trace.[42] Most of them are quite intelligible to persons who have been accustomed to hear Lowland Scots spoken, but for the sake of other readers I have been convinced that occasionally interpretation is not superfluous.
[42] One of them is 'dron,' p. 146. With reference to the words '7 arbres,' in the description of the Mail at Tours, p. 20, Mr. A. Lang has suggested to me thatarbresmight be a term in theJeu de Mail. Mr. H.S.C. Everard has kindly sent me the following quotations from Joseph Lauthier's book on the game (1st ed., 1717): 'C'est quand deux ou plusieurs jouent à qui poussera plus loin, et quand l'un est plus fort que l'autre, le plus foible demande avantage, soit par distance d'arbres, soit par distance de pas.' 'On finit la Partie en touchant un arbre ou une pierre marquée qui sert de but.' If certain trees were marked as goals, that would be a better explanation than the one given in the note.
The thanks of the Society and my own are due to the owners of the MSS. I am grateful to Sir T.N. Dick Lauder and Sir William Fraser's Trustees (Sir James Balfour Paul, Lyon King of Arms, and the late Mr. James Craik, W.S.), for intrusting me with their MSS. for a long time, which made my work much easier; and more satisfactory. The Society is also indebted to Mr. David Douglas for the use of his transcript of MS., and for the first suggestion that the MS. should be printed.
By the kindness of Lady Anne Dick Lauder four portraits in her possession are reproduced. 1. Lord Fountainhall, in ordinary dress, a different picture from the one in robes published by the Bannatyne Club. 2. His first wife, Janet Ramsay, an attractive picture, which suffers in the photographic reproduction. 3. Sir John Lauder, Fountainhall's father. 4. Sir Andrew Ramsay, Lord Abbotshall, his father-in-law.
I have received constant assistance and advice from Mr. T. Graves Law, Librarian of the Signet Library. I have also to thank Sir Arthur Mitchell, who read some of the proofs, and gave me valuable suggestions, Mr. J.T. Clark, Keeper of the Advocates' Library, for ready help on many points, Mr. H.A. Webster, Librarian of Edinburgh University, Mr. W.B. Blaikie, of Messrs. T. and A. Constable, and Mr. Alex. Mill of the Signet Library, who in transcription and otherwise has given me efficient and obliging assistance.
I am particularly grateful to Miss Cornelia Dick Lauder, for the interest which she has taken in the book, and the help which she has given me in obtaining the necessary materials for it.
EDINBURGH,March1900.
1665-1667
[The first leaves of the Manuscript are wanting. Lauder left Edinburgh on 20th March 1665, travelling by Berwick and Durham, and arrived in London on 1st April. See page 154.]
* * * * *
We saw also the fatall chair of Scotland wheirin our kings for many ages used to be croune. I fand it remarkable for nothing but its antiquity, it being thought to have come from Egypt some 3,000 years ago.
I went in the nixt place to the Tower, wheir on our entrin according to custome I left my sword. Heir first we saw a very strong armory for weapons of all sorts, as many as could furnish 20,000 men; we saw great field pieces of ordinance as also granadoes; we saw also many coats of maill, and among the rest on[43] very conceity all joined like fines of fisches on to another, which they informed me came as a present from the great Mogull who comands over 36 kings. The[re] ware hinging their as Trophees several peices of armour that they had taken from the french in their wars wt them. Their we saw the huge armour of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster. We came nixt and saw the honors, wheir we saw the sword and seipter of honor; the croun was not their, by reason the parliament had use for it at Whitehal. We saw also a most rich Globe of christal beset wt most precious diamonds. We came in the 3d place to sie the Lyons, the Leopards, the aigle, and a long skine of a snake.
[43] One. Lauder's usual spelling.
We arrived London on Saturday 1 of April, we left it on Thursday 6 of April; about 4 a cloack we took boat, and landed at Gravesend about 10 a cloack at night, in which space we ware so merry in singing never but some of us singing and sometymes all, that the rowers protested that they never carried so merry a company doune the Thames. On the way we was tuise stoopt by men of war to know whither their ware any seamen in it, that they might be sent to the fleet: at which we alleadged Captain Blawprine[44] G. Moor was much troubled, for he was exceeding skipper like. To morrow tymously we tooke post about 6 a cloack, and reach Dover about one; yet we got not passage til ij at night. What a distressed brother I was upon the sea neids not hear be told, since its not to be feared that I'l forget it, yet I cannot but tell whow[45] Mr. John Kincead and I had a bucket betwixt us strove … who should have the bucket first, both being equally ready; and whow at every vomit and gasp he gave he cried Gods mercy as give he had bein to expire immediately.
[44] Compare Blawflum (Jamieson), a deception. 'Prine' may be prein, pin, a thing of little value. Moor is playfully described as captain or skipper.
[45] How.
About 5 in the morning we landed on France the land of graven images. Heir we divided into 8 companies: Joseph Marior wt one Mr. Colison went into Flanders; Mr. Dick Moor and Kinkead went to Deip and so to Roan. Mr. Strachan, Hamilton, and I stayed in Calais til Monday, 10 of April, and joined wt the messenger for Paris one Pierre, a sottish fellow, yet one that entertained us nobly; their went also wt him besides us on Mr. Lance Normand, Newwarks gouernor and a son of my Lord Arreray or Broll,[46] a very sharp boy wt his governour Doctor Hall. In our journey we passed severall brave tounes as Bulloigne, Monstrul, Abewill, Poix, Beauveaus, wheir is the most magnificent church I had ever then sien. We chanced to lay a night at a pitty vilage called Birny, wheir my chamber was contigue to a spatious pleasant wood that abounded wt nightingales, small birds to look upon; who wt the melodiousnesse of their singing did put sleip quit from me. The great number we meit of souldiers all the way begat in us great fears of wooling [robbing],[47] yet it pleased God to bring us most safely to Paris 14 of April at night. Mr. Strachan led Mr. Ham[ilton] and me to one Turners, a Scotsman, wheir I lay that night, and wheir I recountred wt several of our countrimen, as Patrick Mein, Mr. Castellaw, Mr. Murray, Mr. Sandilands, a man wonderfully civil, Mr. Wilky, Mr. Gibson, and Mr. Colt. The day following I made my addresse to F. Kinloch, and brought wt me a letter containing my safe anivall to go in his packet for Scotland, I not having written any thing since I wrot at my parting from London. I delivered him also my fathers letter, B.[48] Kinlochs letter, and Thomas Crafurds, wt the bill of exchange; my fathers is as followeth:
[46] Roger Boyle, 1621-1679, first Baron of Broghill and Earl of Orrery, M.P. for Edinburgh, 1656-58, member of Cromwell's House of Lords. He was succeeded by his son Roger, 1646-1710.
[47] 'Robbing' interlined. 'Wooling' may mean 'shearing,' so robbing.
[48] Bailie.
Edinborough, March15, 1665.
SIR,—The bearer heirof, my sone, inclining to study the french tongue and the Laws, I have theirfor thought it expedient to direct him to you, being confident of your favour and caire, intreating[49] … recommendation by a few lynes to one Monsieur Alex.[49] … [pr]ofessor of the Laws at Poictiers to which place I intend he sould go: as also to place him their for his diet in the most convenient house but especially wt on of our profession and Religion. He hes a bill drawen on you wt a letter of advice and credit; which I hope ye will obey. I have bein desired by severalls to have direct him to our Mr. Mowat and have bein profered to cause answer him what money he sould neid for 20 shiling the Frank: but I inclined rather to send him to you (whilk I hope ye will not take as trouble) tho I have payed Thomas Crafurd 21 shiling.[50] What he stands in neid of during his abode I hope ye wil answer him, and upon your advertisment and eis receipt I sal either advance or pay the money upon sight. I most without vanity or flattery say hitherto he hes not bein inclined to any vice or evill way and I hope sall so continue. I know not positively what may defray his charges in his studies, diet, and otherwise, but I conceive about 7 or 8 hundred franks a year may do it; whowever I entreat you let me hear from you what ye think wil do it and what ye will take for the frank. So being confident of your cair heirof, and in doing wheirof ye sall very much oblidge him who is, Sir,—your reall friend,
[49] Page torn.
[50] See Introduction, p. xlviii.
The bill of exchange is as followeth:
Edinburgh, 17 March 1665, for 400 livres T.L.[51]
Sir,—4 dayes after sight of this my first bill of exchange (my 2 not being payed) please pay to Mr. John Lauder or his order 400 livres TL value receaved heir from his father B. John Lauder. Make punctuall payment and please it to account, as by the advice of your humble servant,
For Mr. Francis Kinloch, Merchant in Paris.
[51] See Introduction, p. xlii.
Francis having read thir, out of his kindnese would suffer me to stay no wheir but in his oune house, wheir I stayed all the space I was at Paris, attended and entertained as give I had bein a Prince. While I was heir I communicated my intentions and directions for going straight to Poictiers to these countrymen fornamed, who ware all unanimously against it, not sieing what good I could do their since the Colledge was just upon the point of rising; they conceived theirfor that I might imploy my tyme much better either in Orleans at Mr. Ogilvyes house, or Saumur at Mr. Dualls; for in either of these I could have a richer advantage in reference to the language, both because its beter spoken their [then at] Poictiers, as also fewer Scotsmen their then in Poictiers. I sould also have for a pistoll[52] a month a master to give me a lesson on the Instituts once a day, which I could not so have at that rate at Poictiers. Thus they reasoned, and I fand Mr. Kinloch to be of the same mind. I considering that it was not expedient for me to step one step wtout direction from my father, I wrot the Vednesday following, 19 of Aprill, acquainting him wt it; and that I sould attend his answer and will at Orleans.
[52] See Introduction, p. xliii.
While I was at Paris I went and saw the new Bridge, and Henry 4 his stately statue in brasse sent as a present by the King of Denmark. I was also at the Place Royalle wheir stands Lewis the 13, this king of France his father, caused to be done by that great statesman in his tym, Cardinall Mazarin, whom he left tutor to the young king during his minority.
I was also at the Palais Cardinal and that Palais wheir the Lawyers pleads. The choops[53] their have great resemblance wt those in the hie exchange at London. I saw also that vast stupendious building, the Louwre, which hath layd many kings in their graves and yet stands unfinished; give[54] all be brought to a close that is in their intentions I think the Grand Seigniours seraglio sall bear no proportion to it. All we saw of it was the extrinsecks, excepting only the king's comoedy house which the force of mony unlocked and cost open; which truly was a very pleasant sight, nothing to be sein their but that which by reason of gilding glittered like gold. But the thing that most commended it was its rare, curious, and most conceity machines: their they had the skies, boats, dragons, vildernesses, the sune itselfe so artificially represented that under night wt candle light nothing could appear liker them.
[53] Shops.
[54] Give for gif, if.
The day before I left Paris, being according to the French account the 5 of May, according to the Scots the 25 of Aprill, Mr. Kinloch wt his wife and daughter Magdalen took Mr. Mein, Mr. Dick,[55] Mr. Moor and me in coach 4 leagues of Paris to Ruell to sie the waterworks their, which wtout controll be the best of any about Paris, by the way we passed thorow one of the pleasantest woods or Parks that ever my eyes did sie, called the Park of Boloigne. We saw Madrid also, but not that in Spaine; the occasion of the building wheirof was this: Francis, one of the kings of France, became Spaines prisoner, who demanded …[56] ransome 8 milions. The french king payes him 4, and …[56] promises him upon the word of a king that having once lifted it in France he sould come in person to Madrid and pay it. Thus vinning home he caused build a stately house a litle from Paris, which he named Madrid, and so wrot to the Spaniard that he had bein at Madrid and payed what he owed, according to that, 'qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare' We saw also Mount Calvary, which the Deluded Papists will have to be the true representative of that Calvary wheir our Saviour suffered: its situate at that same distance from Paris that the true's from Jerusalem, of that same hieght, and so in all the circumstances.
[55] This may be James Dick, who was born in the same year as Lauder, 1646, afterwards Sir J. Dick of Priestfield, Lord Provost of Edinburgh, and created a baronet.
[56] Page torn.
Thus we come to Ruell, wheir so many gallant sights offered themselfes that I know not wheir to begin; first the pleasant ponds abounding wt fishes of divers sorts, as carps, picks, etc., comes to be considred. But the rich waterworks are the main commendation of the place. It is not to be forgotten whow finely the fellow that showed us them, and set them on work by his engines did wet Mr. Dick, and followed him in the litle house (the Grotto) whethersoever he could stir. The thing that mainly moved my admiration was the hie ascendance of the water: what secret hidden power could carry the water clean contrary to its natural inclination which is to deschend, as every other heavy body, so hy that in some of them a man wt a speir could not reach its top.
The most wonderfull thing ever I saw is the infinit art that some curious painter hath showen on a large timber broad, standing in a corner of the yard: a small distance from it their is a revell put up which makes it appear the more lively, so that we win no nearer then the revell would let us. At this distance ye would think ye saw the heavens thorow the wal on the other syde of it, so wonderously is the blew skie drawen; so that bring me a man without acquainting him wt the devce he sal constantly affirme he sies the lift on the other syde of the wall. On the same broad beneath the skie on the earth, as ye would think, is drawen a woman, walking thorow a montain in a trodden path, the woman, the mountain, the way, so cunningly drawen that I almost thought I saw a woman walking on the other syde of the wall over a hil throw the beaten rod. I constantly asserted also that the broad was wery inaequall and that it had many utraisings[57] because I seimed to sie as lively as ever I saw any thing pillars coming furth and standing out wt a great deal of prominency from that which seimed to be the skie, that at least I judged it halfe a ell farder out; yet it was but a mistake; for its certainly knowen that the broad is as smooth and aequall as can be. We also went out wtout the yeard to the back of the wall, wheir by the back and sydes of the broad we discerned it to be of such thinnesse that it could not admit any utcomings, as these pillars seimed to us.
[57] Outraisings, reliefs.
In our coming home from Ruell we went in and saw the king's brother the Duke of Orleances house, Sainct Low: it hath also a wery pretty yard, wheir we saw many water-works also, and in the pond several swanes. We saw also many orange trees, some of which had their ripe fruit, some very green, some betwixt the 2, according to the natur of the orange tree. The house we fand wery rich; many brave portraicturs; our kings portraitur is their better done then ever I saw it in my life. The partition that divides one roome from another is of strange glasse that showes a man his body in some of them 5 tymes, so that I saw in one of them 5 John Lauders. After this we came back to Paris, on the morrow after, being the 6 of May according to the French account, the 26 of April according to the Scots. I joined wt the messenger for Orleans severall accompanieng me to my horse, their went 4 Englishes alongs also, one of which was the doctor whom his cometicall face told to have the clap.
We came to Orleans May 7 at night. I straight directed my course to Mr. Ogilvyes, which I did that I might get the better accomodation knowing that the Doctor also intended their. I delivered him the letter I brought him from F. Kinloch, which was as followeth:
Mr. John Ogilvy.
Paris, May 6, 1665.
SIR,—Thesse are to accompany the bearer heirof, Mr. John Lauder, whose father is my wery much honored friend, his mother my neir kinswomen, and himselfe a very hopful youth inclined to vertue every way. He intends to stay som tyme wt you, theirfor I do earnestly recommend him to your best advice and counsell in what may concerne his welfare to assist him theirin, in all which I recommend him to you againe and againe as give he were my oune sone, assuring you that what favor or friendship you sall be pleased to show him, I sall ever acknowledge it as done to my selfe. He intends to improve his tyme in the study of the Laws, and having got some knowledge of the french tongue, he intends for Poictiers some moneths hence. Help him to a master that may come to him once a day and give him a lesson on the Instituts; and for the language I beseich you assist him in it. If their be no accommodation for him at your house, I pray you place him wheir he may be weil used and in good company. Let him not want what he stands in neid of for monyes or other necessaries, all which I sall make good to you thankfully upon advice from you. Thus recommending him to your care as my oune. Kissing your hand wt madam Ogilvyes, your daughters, and al your families, I rest your real friend and servant,
At my arrival heir I fand in pension wt him the Mr. of Ogilvy[58] wt his servant, a very civil lad[59] James Hunter, young Thirlestan[60] wt his man Patrick Portues: besides them also their ware English, French, and Germans. The city (called Aurelia athera bonitate auroe, or from Aurelian the emperor who keipt a station heir) I fand to be as big as Edinborough laying wt it also the next greatest citty of Scotland. I discovered likewise the city to abound wt such a wast number of lame folk, both men and women, but especially women, even many of them of good quality, that I verily beleive their are more lame women their at Orleans then is in all Scotland or much of France. Enquiring what the reason of this might be, the general woice was that it proceeded from the nature of the Aurelian wine, which they alledge to have such influence on the sperm of man as to produce a creature imperfect in their legs. Others sayd it was the purity of the air about Orleans whence the city has the name of Aurelia. But what influence the air can have in this point is hardly explicable. Monsieur Ogilvy more rationally informed me that he took it to be a race and generation of peaple who transmitted it hæreditarly to their posterity, for which I meit after[6l] a wery strong presumption: I saw a mother lame, not only the daughters lame, but in the very same faschion that the mother; and this I saw confirmed seweral tymes.
[58] Apparently David, afterwards third Earl of Airlie. His grandfather was already dead, and he is afterwards called Lord Ogilvy in the Journal.
[59] Probably the servant, though the punctuation is as in the text.
[60] Thirlestan, probably Thurston in East Lothian, belonging to the family of Hunter.
[61] Meit after, i.e. met afterwards.
Just the morrow after my arrival was keipt very solemly by the whole toune in remembrance and commemoration of the valiant maid of Orleans, who, when the English had reduced al France excepting only Orleans to their obedience, and ware so fair for Orleans that they gained to the mids of the bridge over Loyer, most couragiously animated the citizens and beat them shamelesslie back: for which when the English got hir in their power they brunt hir at Roan quick.
The ceremony we saw consisted of a procession partly spiritual or Ecclesiastick, partly civil or Temporal. To make the spirituall their was their all that swarm of grassopers which we are fortold sould aschend out of the bottemlese pit; all these filthy frogs that we are fortold that beast that false prophet sould cast out of his mouth, I mean that rable of Religious orders within the body of that Apostolical and Pseud-apostolicall Church of Rome. Only the Jesuits was wanting; the pride of whose hearts will not suffer them to go in procession with the meaner orders. In order went the Capuchines, then the Minimes, which 2 orders tho they both go under the name of Cordeliers by reason of that cord they wear about their midle, on whilk cord they have hinging their string of beads, to the end of their string is hinging a litle brazen crosse, tho also they be both in on habit, to wit long broun gowns or coats coming doune to their feet, a cap of that same coming furth long behind just like a Unicornes horne, tho the go both bar leged only instead of shoes having cloogs of wood (hence when I saw them in the winter I pitied them for going bar leged; on the other hand, when I saw them in the summer I pitied them that they ware necessitat by the first institution of their orders never to quate their gounes which cannot be but to hot for them; yea, never to suffer any linnen only wooll to come neirest their skine), notwithstanding of this its easy to distinguish them by the Clerical Tonsure, you sall never find a capuchin but wt a very liberall bard: for the Minime he most not have any. Again in their diet and other such things they differ much: the Minime most renounce for ever the eating of fleche, their only food is fishes and roots; hence Erasmus calles them fischy men (homines piscosos). Not so wt the Capuchines. Their be also many other differences that tyme most discover to me. Thir 2 orders our Bucanan means when he namesnodosa canabe cinctos.[62] To returne to our purpose their came also the Dominicans or Jacobins, which are but one order having 2 names; then came the Chartereus or Carthusians: both which go in a long white playding robe. Only the Jacobins hood is black; the Carthusians is white: then followed the Franciscans, who now are called Recollects because being al banished France by reason of their turbulency and intromitting wt the state (of which wery stamp they seim to have bein in the tyme of our James the 5, when he caused Buchanan writ his Franciscani against them) by the prævalent faction the Pope had in France then, they were all recalled, so that France held them not so weil out as Venice do'es the Jesuits. Then came the Peres de l'Oratere, who goes allmost in the same very habit wt the Jesuits. Then cames the Augustines wt their white coat and a black gown above, after them came the moncks of the order of St. Bennet or the Benedictin friers, who goes in a white coat indeed, but above it he wears a black cloak to his heels, wt the Jesuits he wears also a hat as they do. Then came the chanoins of the Church of Sainct Croix in their white surplices above their black gounes and their 4 nooked caps. Tyme sould feel me ere I could nombair over all orders, but thir ware the most principall, each of which had their oune crosse wt the crucifix carried by one of their order. This much for the Ecclesiastick procession. After them came the tounes men in armes; in a knot of whom went a young fellow who represented the Maid of Orleans, clad in the same very habit, girt wt that sam very sword wt which the Maid beat the Englishes. This went thorow all the toun.
[62] At line 19 of Buchanan'sFranciscanusis this passage:
'O sanctum festumque diem! cum cannabe cinctusObrasumque caput duro velante cucullo,' etc.
During my abode heir, about the end of May, I had occasion to sie another custome of the city. At that tyme of the year the tounes men put upon the other syde of the bridge a pole as hie as the hiest house in Edenborough: on the top of it they fasten a bird made of brasse at which they, standing at the feet of the pole, shoot in order, beginning at the better, wt gunes, having head peices on their heads, to sie who can ding it doun. I went and saw them shoot, but no man chanced to shoot it doun that year I was their.
During the tyme I was heir their was so many fests or holy dayes that I werily think the thrid part of their year is made up of them. The principal was fest de Dieu, on which, such is the fury of the blinded papists, the Hugonots are in very great hazard if they come out, for if they kneel not at the coming by of the Hosty or Sacrament they cannot escape to be torn in peices; whence I can compare this day to no other but that wheir the Pagans performed their Baccanalian feasts wheir the mother used to tear hir childrens. The occasion of the institution of this day they fainge to be this. The Virgin appeared say they to a certain godly woman (who wt out doubt hes been phrenetick and brain sick), and made a griveous complaint that she had 4 dayes in the year for hir, and God had only the Sabath: this being devulged it was taken as a admonition from God, whence they instituted this day and ordainned it to be the greatest holy day in the year. The most part of all the city was hung with tapistry, espescialy the principall street which goes straight from the one end of the toune to the other, which also was covered all above in some parts with hingings, in other wt sheits according to the ability of the persones; for every man was obliged to hing over against his oune house, yet the protestants ware not, tho John Ogilvy was also called before the Judges for not doing it; yet producing a pladoyes[63] in the Hugonets faveurs they had nothing to say against it; yet they caused the wals of his house to be hung wt publick hingings that belonged to the toune. For to sy the procession I went wt the other pensioners to a place wheir when all others went to the knees, to wit, when the Hosty came by, we might retire out of sight. I retired not so far as they did, but boldly stood at a little distance that I aen might sy it the better. This procession was on the 4 of June, a little after followed Sainct Barnabas day. Then came mid-Summer even, on whiclk the papists put on bonfires for John Baptists nativity. The day after, called S. Jeans day, was keiped holy by processions.
[63] Plaidoyer, pleading, legal argument.
On the 1 of July was S. Pierres day, on which I heard a chanoin preach in S. Croy upon Piters confession, thou art the sone of the living God, very weill, only he endevored to have Pierre for the cheife of the Apostles because forsooth in the 10 of Mathew, wheir al the Apostles are named, he finds Piter formost.
That I might have a full survey of the toune I went up to the steeple of St. Croy, which truly is on of the hiest steeples I saw abroad; from it I had a full visy of the toune, which I fand to be of that bigness specified; then the sight of the country lying about Orleans, nothing can be pleasanter to the eye. We saw also the forest of Orleans which environs the northren syde of the city as a halfe moon: in it ar many wild beasts and particularly boors; one of which, in the tyme of wintage, give it chance to come out to the wineyards wheir they comit great outrages, the boors or peasants uses to gather to the number of 2000 or 3000 from all the adiacent contry wt dogs, axes and poles to kil the boor.
During my abode heir I went also to the Jesuits Colledge and discoursed wt the praefectus Jesuitarum, who earnestly enquiring of what Religion I was, for a long tyme I would give him no other answer but that I was religione christianus. He pressing that he smeled I was a Calvinist, I replied that we regarded not these names of Calvin, Luther, Zuinglius, yea not their very persons, but in whow far they hold the truth. After much discourse on indifferent matters, at our parting he desired me to search the spirits, etc. I went and saw the Gardens of the Minims, the Jacbins, the Carthusians, and the Peres de l'Orat.[64]
[64]Oratoire.
Many contrasts ha'es bein betwixt J.O. and I. laboring to defend presbytery and the procedures of the late tymes. During my abode heir 2 moneths I attended the Sale de dance wt Mr. Schovaut as also Mr. le Berche, explaining some of the institutions to me. John was my Mr. of language.
A part of the tyme that I was heir was also the Admiral of Holland, Obdams Sone, who wt the companions carried himselfe marvelously proud. He and they feed themselfes so up wt the hoop of the victory that they præpared against the news sould come of the Engleshes being beat a great heap of punchions of wine wheir wt they intended to make merry, yea as I was informed to make Loyer run wt win. But when the news came the Hollanders was beat, that his father was slain,[65] he and his sunk away we know not whither. That ranconter that happened betuixt him and Sandwichs Viceadmiral of England sone coming from Italy (which the Mr. of Ogilvy getting wit of from the Germans came runing to my chamber and told me) is very remarkable. The first bruit that came to our ears of that battle was that the Englishes had lost, the Duc of York was slain. When the true news came the Hollanders sneered at it, boasting that they would equippe a better fleet ere a 4 night. The French added also the pace, vilifieng and extenuating the victory as much as they could, knowing that it was not their interest nor concernment that the King of England sould grow to great. It was fought in the channel eagerly for 3 dayes; and tho at a good distance from Calice, yet the noice of their canon mad it al to shake.
[65] Admiral Opdam was blown up with his ship in the battle near Lowestoft, when the Dutch fleet was defeated by the English, commanded by the Duke of York, 4th June 1665.
Some weeks that I was heir the heat was so great that afternoon (for then it was greatest) I would not have knowen what to have done. It occasioned also several tymes great thunders and such lightenings that sometymes ye would have thought this syde of the heavens sometymes that, sometymes al on a fire.
During my staying heir I have learned a lesson which may be of use to me in the rest of our travels, to wit, to beware of keiping familiar company wt gentlemens servants, for such a man sal never get respect from the Mrs.[66]; to beware also of discoursing homly with anie servants. We sould keip both their for at a prudent distance. The Mr. of Ogilvy and I ware wery great. I know not what for a man he'el prove, but I have heard him speak wery fat nonsense whiles.
[66] i.e. Masters.
About 20 dayes ere I left Johns house the Mr. of Lour (Earle of Ethie's sone)[67] wt his governour David Scot, Scotstorvets nephew, came to Orleans; the Mr. the very day after took the tertian ague or axes….[68]
[67] Apparently David, afterwards third earl. The title was changed from Ethie to Northesk after the Restoration. The Master was grandson to the first earl, who died in 1667.
[68] Seven lines erased in MS.
That Globe that stands on the top of S. Croix is spoken to be of so large a periphæria and circumference that 20 men may sit wt in about a round table.
One day as I was going to my Mr. of Institutes as I was entring in a lane (about the martroy) I meit in the teeth the priests carrieng the Sacrament (as they call it) with a crosse to some sick person: my conscience not suffering me to lift of my hat to it, I turned back as fast as I could and betook me selfe to another street wheir I thought I might be safe: it followed me to that same very street, only fortunately I got a trumpket[69] wheir I sheltred myselfe til it passed by.
[69] Spiral stair.
Theirs a pretty maille their; we saw a better one at Tours one many accounts; the longitude wheirof we meeted and fand it to be neir 1000 paces, as also that of Orleans is only 2 ranks of tries; in some places of it 3; all the way ye have 4 ranks of tries all of a equall hight and most equally sett in that of Tours.
About 10 days before my parting from Orleans at Mademoiselles invitation the Mr. of Ogilvy and I went wt hir, hir mother and Mr. Gandy ther Tutor, in their coach (for which I payed satly,[70] that being their policy) to their country village 9 leagues of, situat in the midest of the forest of Orleans, much of which is now converted into manured land. This tyme was the first adventure I made of speaking the language, wheir they ware pleased all to give me applause testifieng that I spake much for my tyme. I took coach tymously in the morning before halfe 6 and returned the day after about 8 at night. By the way we saw 2 places wery weill worth the sieng, Shynaille and Chasteau neuf: Shynaille[71] for its garden and the other both for its house and garden. At Synaille a great number of waterworks; creatures of all shapes most artificially casting furth water: heir ye may sy a frog sputing to a great hieght, their a Serpent and a man of marble treading on his neck, the water gliding pleasantly partly out at his meickle too, partly out at the Serpents mouth: in a 3 part a dog, in a 4, Lions; and all done most livelylie. We regrated that the prettiest machine of all was broken; wheir was to be sein wtin a little bounds above 300 spouts sending furth water and that in sundry formes. In one place it would arise uprightly as a spear; in another as a feather; in a trid[72] it sould rise sydelings and so furth, and when it had left of ye sould not be able to discern whence the water ishued. The main thing in the house of Chasteau neuf was the rich furniture and hingings; yet the richest Tapistry that used to be in that house was at that tyme in Paris; the master of the house being one of the Kings Counsellers; yet these we saw ware wery rich; some of them ware of leather stamped marvelously weill wt gold; others in silver; others wrought but wondrous livelylie. From the house we saw the extent of the yard, which was a monster to sy, being like a little country for bigness, and yet in marvelous good order in all things, but especially in the regularity of its walks, each corresponding so weill to the other; having also a pretty forrest of tries on every syd of it: the circuit of this yard will be nothing under 3 miles. I never saw a woman worse glid[73] then she was (tho otherwise a weelfawored women) that took us thorow the house. At night we lay at their country village.
[70] i.e. Sautly, saltly.
[71] I cannot find this name in the maps.
[72] Third.
[73] Gleyed, squint-eyed.
On the morning we went and hard the curé say Mass, wheir saw a thing we had not sien before, to wit in a corner of the Church having 4 or 5 rocks of tow, some tied wt red snoods, some wt blew. On the sieng of this I was very sollicitous to know what it might mean. Having made my selfe understood about it I was told that when any honest women died she might leive a rock full of tow to be hung up in the church as a symboll that they ware vertuous thrifty women. This put me in mind of Dorcas whose coats and thrift the women showed to Paull after she was died. Mass being ended I went and fell in discours with the Curé. We was not long together when we fell hot be the ears: first we was on the Jansenists opinion about Prædestination, which by a bull from the present Pope, Alex'r the 7, had bein a litle before condemned at Paris; then we fell in one frie wil, then one other things, as Purgatory, etc.; but I fand him a stubborn fellow, one woluntary blind. We was in dispute above a hower and all in Latin: in the tyme gathered about us neir the half of the parish, gazing on me as a fool and mad man that durst undertake to controlle their curé, every word of whose mouth, tho they understood it no more nor the stone in the wall did, they took for ane oracle, which minds me of the miserablenese and ignorantnese of the peasants of France above all other commonalty of the world; our beggars leading a better life then the most part of them do.
In our returning amongs the best merriments we had was my French, which moved us sewerall tymes to laughter; for I stood not on steeping stones to have assurance that it was right what I was to say, for if a man seek that, he sall never speak right, since he cannot get assurance at the wery first but most acquire it by use. 4 leagues from Orleans, we lighted at Gargeau[74] wt Maddle.[75] Ever after this Mademoiselle and I was wery great, which I know not whow the Mr. of Ogilvy took, I being of much shorter standing their in Orleans then he was.
[74] Now Jargeau.
[75] Mademoiselle.
Just the Sabath before my parting from Orleans began the Jesuits Logick and Ethick theses to be disputed: the Mr. of Ogilvy and I went to hear, who bleetly[76] stayed at behind all almost; I, as give I had bein a person interested thrust into the wery first rank wheir at the distributor I demanded a pair of Theses, who civilly gave me a pair, against which tho I had not sein them till then, I durst have ventred a extemporary argument, give I had knowen their ceremonies they used in their disputing and proponing, which I fand litle differing from our oune mode. The most part of the impugners ware of the religious orders; some of them very sharply, some tolerably and some pittifully. The first that began was a Minim against a Logicall Thes[is] that was thus,Relatio et Terminus non distinguuntur. The fellows argument was that usual one,quæ separantur distinguuntur et hæc, etc.; the Lad answered by a distinction,quæ separantur per se verum: per accidens, falsum; and so they went on. The lad chanced to transmit a proposition one tyme: the fellow in a drollery replied,si tu transmittas ego—revocabo. Thus have we dwelt enough on Orleans, its hy tyme for us to leeve it.
[76] Blately, modestly.
On the 2'd day after this dispute, being the 14 of July wt the French and consequently the 4 wt the Scots, I took boat at Orleans, the Mr. of Ogilvy wt James his man, as also Danglebern accompanieng me to the boat. I left Salt[77] Orleans and sett up for Blois. In the boat among others were 3 of the order of Charité (as they call it) who beginning to sing their redicoulous matins, perceiving that I concurred not wt them, they immediatly suspected me for a Hæretick. One of them put me in mind of honest James Douy not only for his wisage but also for his zeall and ardeur he showed to have me converted and brought back to the mother church. That he seimed to me to personate Mr. Douy not only in his wisage but also in his strickness and bigotry—being oftner in telling of his beads then both his other 2 companions fat-looged stirrows[78] ware—made me fall into the abstract notion that thess who resemble in wisage usually agry in nature and manners, which at that tyme I thought was to be imputed to that influence which the temperament or crasis 4primarum qualitatumhath on the soull to make it partaker of its nature.
[77] Dear, expensive.
[78] Fat-eared fellows. I presume that loog is lug, ear.
Betuixt Orleans and Blois of tounes on the river we saw first Merug,[79] then Baniency.[80] At night we came to Blois, wheir I was the day after to wiew the Toune. I fand it situat on a wery steep eminence, in some places as wearisom to go up as our Kirkheugh. I went and saw the Kings Garden as they call it; but nowise in any posture; only theirs besydes it a large gallery on every syde, wheirof I counted 60 windows, and that at a considerable distance one from another; it hath pillars also for every window on whelk it stands. I went nixt and saw the Castle whilk stands on a considerable eminence, only its the fatality theirof not to be parfaited, which hath happened by the death of the Duke of Orleans, who had undertaken the perfecting of it and brought it a considerable length. On the upmost top of that which he hath done stands his portraict in marble. She that showed in the rooms was a gay oldmouthed wife who in one chamber showed me wheir one of the Kings was slain, the very place wheir he fell (the Duke of Guise, author of the Parísien massacre) and the back door at which the Assasinates entered: in another wheir one of their Kings as also seweral of the nobility ware keipt prisoners, and the windows at whilk one of ther queen mothers attempted to escape, but the tow proving to short she fell and hurt hirself.
[79] Meung, now Meun.
[80] Beaugency.
When I was in the upmost bartizan we had one of the boniest prospects that could be. About 2 leagues from us in the corner of a forest we saw the Castle of Chamburgh,[81] a place wery worthy the sieng (as they say) for the regularity of its bastimens. We saw wtin a league also tuo pretty houses belonging to Mr. Cuthbert, whom we would have to be a Scot. I went and saw sewerall Churches heir. I lay not at the Galere, but at the Chass Royall: part of the company went to the Croix Blanche.
[81] Chambord.
I cannot forget one passage that behappened me heir: bechance to supper I demanded give he could give me a pullet, he promises me it. My pullet comes up, and wt it instead of its hinder legs the hinder legs of a good fat poddock. I know them weill enough because I had sien and eaten of them at Orleans. I consedering the cheat called up my host and wt the French I had, demanded him, taking up the leg, what part of the pullet that might be, he wt a deal of oaths and execrations would have made me believe it was the legs of a pullet, but his face bewrayed his cause; then I eated civilly the rest of my pullet and left the legs to him: such damned cheats be all the French.
Having bein a day at Blois I took boat for Tours in new company againe, of some Frenchmen, a Almand and a Dutchman; wt whom I had again to do vindicating my prince as the most just prince in the world in all his procedures wt the Hollandez. The fellow behaved himselfe wery proudly. Betuixt Blois and Tours we saw Amboise, which is in estime especially by reason of its casle. As we was wtin halfe a league of Tours by the carelesnese of the matelots and a litle pir of wind that rose we fell upon a fixt mill in the river, so that the boat ran a hazard of being broken to peices, but we wan of, only 3 or 4 dales in hir covert was torn of.
Arriving at Tours about 3 a cloack we all tooke another boat to carry us about a league from the city to sie a convent of the Benedictines (Marmoustier) a very stupendious peice give ended. It hath also a very beautifull church, many of the pillars of it being of marble, others of alabastre, and that of sundry coleurs, some red, some white, etc.: whence on the entry theirs a prohibition hung up interdicting all from engraving their name or any other thing on the pillars, least of deforming them. One of the fathers of the order came and did let us sy the relicts of the church which ware the first relicts I saw neir at hand: I having sien some at a distance carried in processions at Orleans. Their we saw the heart of Benedictus, the founder of their order, enclosed in a crystall and besett wt diamonds most curiously. We of our company, being 6, ware all of the Religion, whence we had no great respects for the relict; but their ware som others their that ware papists; who forsooth bit[82] to sit doune on their knees and kist. At which I could not contein my selfe from laughing.
[82] Were obliged.
Their saw we also a great number of old relicts of one St. Martin. They had his scull enclosed (give his scull and not of some theife it may be) in a bowll of beaten silver. In a selver[83] besyde was shank bones, finger bones and such like wery religiously keipt. He showed us among others also a very massy silver crosse watered over wt gold very ancient, which he said was gifted them by a Englishman. I on that enquired whow they might call him. He could not tell til he cost up his book of memorials of that church; and then he found that they called him Bruce, on which I assured him that that was a Scots name indeed of a wery honorable family.
[83] Salver.
Then we returned back to Tours, wheir we went first to sie their mail[84] (which I counted by ordinar paces of whilk it was 1000.7 arbres).[85] About the distance of less than halfe a league we saw the Bridge that lays over the river of Chere, which payes its tribut to the Loier at Langes,[86] a little beneath Tours. Next we went and saw some of their churches. In their principal was hinging a iron chaine by way of a trophee. I demanding what it might mean, I was told it was brought their by the Chevaliers or Knights of Malta.
[84] English, mall. Originally an alley where a game was played with amail, a strong, iron-bound club, with long, flexible handle, and a ball of boxwood.
[85] Arbre (arbour) probably means 'a shaded or covered alley or walk.'—Murray'sNew English Dict., s.v. 'Arbour.' The history of the word, with its double derivation from the Anglo-Saxon root of 'harbour' and the Latinarbor, is very curious. See Introduction, p. 1, note 2.
[86] Langest in Blaeuw's map, now Langeais.
We lodged at the Innes.[87] To-morrow tymously we took boat for Saumur (St. Louis). Al the way we fand nothing but brave houses and castles standing on the river, and amongst other that of Monsoreau tuo leagues large from Saumur, wheir the river of Chattellerault or Vienne, which riseth in the province of Limosin, tumbleth it selfe into the Loier; this Monsereau is the limits of 2 provinces; of Torrain, to the east of whilk Tours is the capital, and of Anjou to the west, in whilk is Saumur, but Angiers is the capitall. When we was wtin a league of Saumurs they ware telling us of the monstrous outbreakings the river had made wtin these 12 years upon all the country adiacent, which made us curious to go sie it. Whence we landed; and being on the top of the bank we discovered that the river had bein seiking a new channell in the lands adiacent, and had left a litle young Loier behind it; the inundations of this river seims so much the stranger to many, that finding it so shallow generally that we could not go a league but we had our selfes to row and work of some bed of sand or other, makes men to wonder whence it sould overflow so. Thir beds randers it wery dangerous in the winters; yea in our coming doun we saw in 3 or 4 places wheir boats had bein broken or sunk thir last winter; some part or other of them appearing above as beacons. In sewerall places it wines so on the land that it makes considerable islands, yea such as may give some rent by year. At last we landed at Saumur, but before I leive the,[88] fair Loier, what sall I say to thy commedation? Surely if anything might afford pleasure to mans unsatiable appetit it most be the, give they be any vestiges of that terrestrial paradise extant, then surely they may lively be read in the. Whow manie leagues together ware their nothing to be sein but beautiful arbres,[89] pleasant arrangements of tries, the contemplation of which brought me into a very great love and conceit of a solitary country life, which brought me also to pass a definitive sentence that give I ware once at home, God willing, I would allot the one halfe of the year to the country and the other halfe for the toune. Is it not deservedly, O Loier, that thou art surnamed the garden of France, but I can stay no longer on the, for I am posting to Mr. Doul my countrymans house, who accepts us kindly. His wife was in the country, seing give the pleasures of the samen might discuss and dissipat the melancholy she was in for the parting of her sone, whom his father had some dayes before send for England, to wit, for Oxford, meirly that he might be frie from his mothers corruptions, who answering him to franckly in mony, the lad began to grow debaucht. Behold the French women as great foolls as others. On the morrow after she returned, amongs other expressions, she said, that it gave heer encouragdement to let hir sone go wt the better will that she saw that I, as a young man, had left my native country to come travell.
[87] Innes for inn, cf. p. 38 at top.
[88] i.e. thee.
[89] See p. 20, note 3.
I went and saw my Lord Marquis of Douglasse[90] at Mr. Grayes, whom I was informed to live both wery quietly and discontentedly, mony not being answered him as it sould be to one of his quality; and this by reason of discord amongs his curators, multitude wheirof hath oft bein sein to redound to the damage of Minors. He was wearing his winter cloath suit for lack of another. He had a very civill man as could be to his governour, Mr. Crightoune, for whom I had a letter from William Mitchell.
[90] James, second marquis, born 1646, died 1700.
Sabath fornoon we went togither and hard sermon in their church, which is wtin the Toune; afternoon we took a walk out to a convent which they call St. Florans. By the way he communicated to me his intentions for leaving the Marquis, whom he thought wtin some few moneths would return for Scotland, his affairs demanding his oune presence, as also his resolutions of going into Italy give it took foot. I demanding him whow a man that came abroad might improve his tyme to the best advantage, and what was the best use that might be made of travelling. He freely told me that the first thing above all was to remember our Creator in the dayes of our youth, to be serious wt our God: not to suffer ourselfes to grow negligent and slack in our duty we ow to God, and then to seik after good and learned company whence we may learn the customes of the country, the nature and temper of the peaple, and what wast diversity of humours is to be sein in the world. He told me also a expression that the Protestant Minister at Saumur used to him, whereby he taxed the most part of strangers as being ignorant of the end they came abroad for, to wit, that these that came to sie Saumur all they had to writ doune in their book was that they went and saw such a church, that they drank good wines, and got good wictuals at the Hornes, a signe wheir strangers resorts.