They alleadge that a Frenchman sould have sayd, that if our Saviour had a brother, the greatest honor he could put upon him would be to make him King of France.
Anthoine le Bourbon, 1 protestant of the Kings of Navarre, having got a Capycin and a Minister together, he would have them dispute before him. The Minister began on the point of the crosse. Theirs a tree, sayd he, of the one halfe of it ye make a crosse which ye vorship, of the other halfe ye make a gallows to hang up a theif on. Whey carry ye respect for that peice ye make a crosse of, and no for that ye make the gibet of, since they are both of on matter? The Capycin seimed to be wery much pusled wt this. After a little pause he demands the Minister if he was married. Yes, that I am, what of it? quoth the M. Whow comes it to passe then, quoth the Capycin, that ye kisse your wifs mouth and not hir arse, whey have ye more respect for hir mouth then hir arse, since they are both of on mater? The Minister thought himselfe out; yea, King Anthony thought shame of him.
Their was a minister of Fyfe of the name of Bruce that had a great gade[387] of ending promiscuosly his sermons, as, for example, he was telling on a tyme how the Beaver, being purshued hotly by the hunters, used to bit of his stones, the silly fellow, forgetting what he had to sy more, added, to which end, good God, bring us, as if he had sayd to bit of our stoons. He closed in that same sort once whow Judas hanged himselfe. Once as he was exhorting the peaple to beware of the Devil, who was a roaring and ramping lyon, etc., he added, to whom wt the father and the holy ghost be all honnor and glory for now and ever, amen.
[387] Probably for 'gait,' way.
One being asked whence came the antipathy that we find betuixt some beasts, as the dog and the hare, the Lizard (Ichneumon) and the crocodile, the sheip and the wolfe, and he replyed that it began wt the flood of Noah when they ware all in Ark together, that then the hare stol the dogs shoe from him, and that theirfor the dog ever when he sies him since runs efter him to get his shoe again.
The Mythologists gives 2 reasons whey they[388] bloody bat flies under night, and compairs not on the day: the first is because of his defections from the birds when they ware in war wt the beasts; the 2d because beginning to marchandise he played banque route, whence he dare never be sein in the day for fear that his creditors take him wt caption.
[388] Perhaps 'the.' The 'y' is indistinct, as if it was intended to be erased.
This minds me of on at Edenborough, who being drouned in debt durst never pipe[389] out in the day light, but always under night. On a tyme coming by the fleschstocks of the Landmarket, a cleak[390] claughts a grip of his cloak, and holds him. He immediatly apprehending that it was some sergent or messenger that was arresting him, he cryes back as pittyfully, at whose instance, Sir; at whose, etc.
[389] Peep.
[390] Hook.
A Minister of Bamf (as Mr. Mowat when I was at dinner once their reported it), being to give the communion, he had caused buy as much win as would serve for his parishioners. Whil the cup is going about, it falls to be ful on a strong, sturdy cloun that used not to drink win oft, and who was wery thristy; he gets the cup to his head; he never rested tel he had whistled it over. On of the Elders, seing what he had done, in a great anger cryes out, even the devil go doune wt it, for that might have geined[391] a dozen.
[391] Gein or gane, sufficed for.
Its reported of Gustavus Adolphus that he was used to say, that for ennemies he had to do wt a fool (which was Valstein, Duc of Fritland, one of the Imperialists generals, a cruell man and a foolish man, he thought to make himself Emperor; wheirupon at the Emperors instigation he was slain by our countrymen Leslie and Gordon: Butler would not do it), wt a soger (which was Pappenheim, a brave souldier, slain in that same battell of Lutzen that Gustavus was slain in), and a preist; which was Tilly who never wanted his chappelets of his arme, never missed a Messe, and boasted he never know a women.
Many a brave Scotsman served in thesse wars of Germany (we most remember what he did to that tyran the Duc of Cleves), amongst others on Colonel Edmond,[392] a baxters sone of Stirleving.
[392] Colonel Sir William Edmond. SeeScots Brigade in Holland(S.H.S.), vol. i. p. 577, where it appears that his father was a baker in Edinburgh. Colonel Edmond died in 1606.
The Bischop of Munster, a merry man, wil cry whiles,donnez moy trois grande verres de vin, then,c'est a la santé des mes trois Charles et Charles Seconds: Charles 2d D'Angleterre, Charles 2d D'Espaigne, et Charles 2d[sic]de Suede: this is wery remarkable.
Philip, the 2d, Charles the Emperors son, had also a Charles, Prince of Spain, whom most barbarously he caused strangle, as Peter Mathieu reports it, tho Strada would dissemble it.
We had several marks of the Spanish gravity in this Prince. When the news was told him of the great victory of Lepanto, woon over the Turks by his natural brother, Dom John of Austria (the way whow they made D. Jean know his quality is worth the knowing), generalissimo of the Christian forces, he would not appear to be moved wt the least joy, al he sayd was,Dom Juan a beaucoup hazardé. When the news was told him of the dissipation of his invincible Armado, commanded by the Duc of Medine Sidonia, he would not seim to be troubled wt it, all he sayd was,j'ay envoyé une flote pour combattre des hommes non pas les vagues et les vents.
They reporte of the Queen of Suede when she was in France that she was wery curious to sie all the [brave][393] great men of the court, and amongs others to sy Mr. le Prince[394] who hes no great mine[395] to look to. On a tyme entering unto the roome wheir she was, some told her it was Mons'r le Prince. She, having contemplated him disdainfully, cryes out,Esque la le prince de qui l'on parle tant: he gied[396] his hat a litle, and payed hir wery weil back in her oune coin,es que la la Reyne qui faict tant parler d'elle.
[393] Interlined.
[394] Condé.
[395] Mein.
[396] Turned, cocked.
The young Daufin of France, tho not yet 5 years old, gives great hopes of proving a brave man. As the King was removing from St. Germains to go to Fontainebleau, and they had taken doune the plenishing to carry and put up their, as the Daufin is coming thorough the roomes he begines to misse their hingers,[397] he spears what was come to them; they told him they ware carried to F'bleau. Hes not F'bleau, quoth he, furniture for it selfe of its oune; they replying no,cela est vilain, cela est honteux, dit-il. His answer was told to the King: he did laught and say,il a raison, il a raison.
[397] Hangings, tapestry.
They prove that a woman hes not a soul out of that of the 22 of Genesis, And all the souls of Abrahams house ware circumcised, but so be its certain the women ware not circumcised; ergo, they have not souls.
Mr. Thomas Courty, preaching on that, be ye followers of Christ, sayd their was 4 sort of followers of Christ, the first was them that did not follow him at all, the 2 them that ran before him, the 3d sort of followers was them that went cheeky for chow wt him, the 4 was them that ware indeed behind him, but so far that they never could gett their eye on him.
King James gave one of his daughters to the Count Palatin of the Rhin, Frederic, who was afterward chosen King of Bohemia in 1619, the States having declaired the nomination of the Archiduc Ferdinand afterwards Emperor nulle. This election was the occasion of thesse bloudy wars that troubled poor Germany from 19 to 48 wherin the peace of Munster was concluded. The Elector sent to King James desyring his assistance, who refused it (against his interest), wt this answer, I gave my daughter to the Palatin on the Rhin, not to the King of Bohemia. The Elector hearing this replyed, a man that marries the King of Englands daughter whey may not he be King of Bohemia.
A Frenchman told me that he beleived when the devil tempted our Saviour to worship him by showing him al the Kingdomes of the earth and the glory of the samen, that the devil did put his meikle thomb upon Scotland to hide it from our Saviour for fear that having seen it sick a montanous, barren, scurvey country, he sould have conceaved a disgoust at all the rest.[398]
[398] Montereul tells the same story. See hisCorrespondence(S.H.S.), vol. ii. p. 513.
[What follows is written at the end of book, and written the reverse way to the rest of the MS., the two writings meeting on the same page.]
From Monsieur Kinloch, I have receaved first 100 livres at Paris; a bil for 150 at Orleans, another for 42; as also a third for 100 payed me by one Mr. Boyetet, marchand their. At Poietiers I have drawen on Francis for a 100 livres, of which I have receaved payment heir from Mr. Augier, marchand. I drow again for 200, out of which I have payed Mr. Alex'r 155 francks, whence their rests me about 46. In February 1666 I drow for 300f., out of which I payed 180 francks to my hoast; I lent 3 pistols to Mr. Alexandre, a escu to Mr. Grahme.
* * * * *
Claudes answer to the perpetuité of the faith 45_f_.,[399] Du Meulins Bouelier 30_f_., Hallicarnasseus 10f., Hypocrates 5_f_. les Remarques du Droict Francois une escus, Fornery Selectionum llibri duo 6_f_., les bouffoneries des Guicciardin les lois usitees dans les cours des France de Buguion[400] acheptées dans le cemetiere des SSts Innocents. L'istoire universelle de Turcelin en 3 tomes 3_ll_., Le Parfaict Capitaine 20_f_., les oeuvres de Rabelais en deux tomes 1_l_.
[399] f stands for sou;lfor livre.
[400] Buguion, for Bourguignon.
* * * * *
In my voyage of Flanders I changed 2 Jacobuses and a carolus, amonting to some 30_ll_. To my hoste of Anvers, when I was going to Gand for 2 dayes and a night 6_11_. 5_f_., to the cocher for Gand 48_f_., for my diner by the way 9_f_. At Gand for going up on the belfroy 9_f_., to my hoste at the Cerf 4_ll_. 8_f_., for my place in the waggon coming back 42_f_., for diner wt that Suisse of Zurick 24_f_., to my hoste of Antwerp for a night 26_f_., for my place in the coach for Mardick 3_ll_., for my diner on the way 12_f_., for my supper 14_f_., to the master of the bark for Rotterdam 30_f_., for entry 6_f_., at the …[401] house 7_ll_., for washing 12_f_.
[401] A word here is illegible. The last part of it seems to be kerers.
In Gold I have at present, 21 December 1665, 8 14 pound peices, 14 Caroluses, 10 of whilk I got from my father before my parting from Scotland, the other 4 remaines of 8 I exchanged wt Mony at London, besydes thir I have 3 other peices, which seime to be 10 schiling peices, wt 2 other lesser ones. I have a ring wt a 4 mark peice and a ii schilling peice. On of the 14 Caroluses is in 2 10 shiling sterling peices. I have but 13 Caroluses now. I changed on of them coming wt the messenger from Poictiers. In my voyage thorow Flanders for Holland, I spent 2 Jacobuses, so that I have no mo but 6 and a Carolus, so that I have no mo but 12; the Carolus at 10_ll_. 10_f_., the one Jacobus at Gand at 11_ll_. 10_f_., the other at Antwerp at 13_ll_.[402]
[402] Half a page blank in MS.
A breife account of my expenses from my taking horse at Edenborough, 20 of March til this present 11 of May 1665, according to the Scots account, and also after.
First before my parture I got from my Father in Gold 10 Caroluses, or 20 shiling peices, 8 Jacobuses,[403] or 14 pound peices, wt 2 5 shil. peices, and as many 10. In money[404] I got first 50 shilings, then 60 halfe crounes, thats 30 crounes; and last I had my horse price, for which I got 5 pound and a croune to lift at London. Of my gold I spended none til I was in France, whence their remained only the silver mentioned to spend. Of this our journey to London spent 50 shilings, including also the 5 shilings I payed ut for the baggadge horse at Durham. At London of the silver resting, to wit, the 31 crounes and 5 pound sterl. I payed 9 pound of silver for 8 caroluses, whence they had 7 groats[405] of gain for every peice. This consumed the 30 crounes, a pound sterling and 2 crounes out of the horses price; so that for defraying my charges from my first arrival at London, on Saturday, April 1, til monday com 8 dayes, April 10, compleit 10 dayes, I had only the remaining mony wt in 4 pounds. Of which 20 shilings by that halfe day of posting to Dover was exhausted, comprehending also our expense for our meat, and in paying the postilion, for betuixt Gravesend and Rochester burn we payed halfe a croune; from it to Seaton, 14 miles (the former stage being but 7), 4 shillings; from it to Canterbury, 16 miles, 5 shilings; from Canterbury to Dover, 16 miles, 5 shillings: their was 17 of the 20 shil. At Dover, as dues we payed 4 shillings to that knave Tours; our supper at one Buchans was halfe a croune; our fraught throw the channell was a croune, and to the boat that landed us a shiling.
[403] See Introduction, p. xliii.
[404] i.e. smaller coin than gold; Fr. monnaie. The half-crown, 30s.Scots, 2s. 6d. sterling, was coined by James VI.
[405] Groat (English), value 4d. No groat Scots had been struck since1527, value l8d. Scots, or ijd.
We landed at Calice on the Saturday morning, and stayed their til the Monday afternoone, spending much mony; so that from my arrival to London and my joining wit the messenger for Paris I spent 3 pound 10 shillings. Thus is all my silver, so that now I have my recourse to my gold, out of which I pay the messenger 40 livres to carry me to Paris, giving him 3 Caroluses, which according to the French rate roade 41 livres, 10 souse, whence 1 got 30 souse againe.[406] At Paris I changed [on]e carolus to pay Mr. Strachan and Mr. Hamilton, who on the rode in France had payed for me, as in the drink money, and in paying the messenger halfe a croune.
[406] There seems to be a mistake here. Three Caroluses (20-shilling pieces) would be worth at their nominal value only 36 livres. But in France they did not fetch so much in exchange. If they were worth each 10_ll_. 10s., as the one he exchanged in Flanders (see p. 148), 30 livres to the messenger instead of 40 would make the calculation right.
Thir ware all my expenses till I was answered of mony be Francis Kinloch, so that I find all my expenses betuixt Edinborough and Paris, wheir I arrived the 14 of April, to amount to 10 pound sterling give I count the peice I changed at Paris, to 9 only give I exclud it.
All this being spent, on my demand F. advanced me 30 livres, 14 of which was spent on these books I bought at Paris, wheirof I have set doune the cataloge; 50 souse for a pair of halfe stockings; for a stamp, a comb, for helping[407] my whip and my pantons[408] I payed 10 souse; for a pair of gloves 18 souse; for vashing my cloaths 15 souse; a croune and a halfe among Mr. Kinloch's servants: theirs ane account of 23 livres out the 30. For the 7 other I can give no particular account, only it might be spent when I went in wt commorads, as when we went to drinke Limonade and Tissin, etc. At my parting from Francis I got 70 livres, which wt the former 30 makes a 100 livres. Of thir 70, 16 I payed to the messenger for Orleans, 4 livres baiting a groat for the carriadge of my valize and box, which weighted 39 pound weight, and for each pound I payed 2 souse. About a livre I spent in drinkmony by the way; another I gave to the messenger. Heir of my 70 livres are 22 gone.
[407] Mending.
[408] Slippers.
Thus I won to Orleans. The fellow that carries my valize to Mr. Ogilvies gets 10 souse; at a breakfast wt Patrick Portues I was 30 souse. For books from my coming to Orleans til this present day, 11 of May, according to the Scots account, I have payed 8 livres; for seing a comedy 10 souse; for to helpe my hand in writting a croune; for dancing a croune in hand, the other at the moneths end; for to learn me the language I gave 2 crounes. To the maister of the law Im to give 11 livres 8 souse; for a supper wheir Mr. Ogilvy payed out for us 3 livres. This being all ramasht[409] togither it comes to 62 livres, so that of the 70 only 8 are left. Out of thes 8 I payed 4 livres 10 souse for a pair of clesps, whence rests only 3 livres 10 souse. I pay 24 souse for one vashing of my linnens, and 20 souse at a four hours wt James Hunter. Thus ye have ane account of all 100 livres I got from F. Kinloch til 26 souse. Ut of the mony mentioned I payed also 3 livres 5 souse for a pair of shoes.
[409] Ramashed, ramassé.
About a moneth after I had bein in Orleans Francis sent me a bill for a hundred and 50 livres on on Boyetet, marchand their. Out of whilk I immediatly payed Mr. Ogilvy for the moneths pension bypast 55 livres; for to teach me the language for the moneth to come 6 livres; for 2 washings of my linnens 40 souse, so that out of my 150 livres are 63 gone, whence remains 87 only.
Francis, at Mr. Ogilvyes order, payed at Paris 42 livres. which Mr. Ogilvy was to refound to me: this sal pass as part of payment in the 2d moneths pension. Out of the 87 remaining I have to pay Mr. Le Berche a pistoll; Mr. Schovo 6 livres, whence their are only 70. For a pair of stockings 5 livres; for a wast belt 2 livres; for mending my silk stockings 25 souse, for washing my linnings 17 souse; so that now their remains only 60. Thir 60 livres put wt that 46 livres Francis payed at Paris, and was to be refounded to me, makes 96 livres, which Madam Ogilvyes extravagant compt for my 2d moneth, and my 6 dayes above (being) pension wholly exhausted, for first I payed 85 livres, and then for the drink that I had that night I took my leave of the gentlemen their a pistoll most shamelessly.
This put me to write for a bil of another 100 livres, of whilk I receaved payment, paying out of it againe 30 souse to him that carried me from Orleans to Blois; to my host at Blois I payed 5 livres 10 souse, paying, to wit, for the victualls I took in wt me for the following day; to the fellow that carried from Blois to Saumur, 2 dayes journey, a croune; at Tours I was 36 souse; at Saumur, wheir I was 2 dayes, I was 7 livres 10 souse; to the fellow whose horse I had, and who bore my charges from Saumurs to Poictiers, 17 livres; to him who took us throw Richelieu Castle 20 souse; to the messenger that brought my box a croune; to Madam Garnier for the 8 dayes I was wt hir a pistoll, to hir maid 15 souse; for a pair of linnen socks 18 souse. Thir be all my considerable expenses til this present day, July last: all which ramassed wil amount to 53 livres, but in some places I most have heighted, for give so then I sould have only 47 of my 100 resting, when I have about 50 at present. Out of thir 50 I have payed 12 francks for a Corpus Juris; 4 francks for a Vesenbecius; 20 souse for a litle institutes, which ramassed makes 17 livres, whence their only remaines me 33: out of thir for a supper wt Mr. Alexander and all the rest of our compatriots above 18 livres; whence at this present August 5 rests with me about 14 livers 10 souse. Out of thir I have payed 18 souse for the lean[410] of Romances from Mr. Courtois, as Celie and the sundry parts of Almahide, penned by Scuderie; 50 souse for a pair of showes; 25 souse for our dinner one Sabath communion wt Colinton and Peter Hoome in the fauxbourgs; 8 souse for cutting my head; 5 souse on a pair of carts; about 10 souse on paper and ink; for washing 30 souse; so at this present first of September I have not full 7 livres. I have payed 40 souse or 2 livres for a pair of gallozes;[411] 5 souse for a quartron of peches; 5 souse to Charlotte, whence I have little more then 4 livres; 30 souse at a collation.
[410] Loan.
[411] Braces.
When I was reduced to thir 3 livres, then I was answered of my bill I drow on Francis Kinloch for a 100 livres. Out of which I payed 15 livres for 2 halfe shirtes, but because we had 3 livres of old mony we shall call it only 12; 2 livres for 2 gravates; 60 livres to Mr. Daillié, whence I have about 25 livres. Out of thir 25 I have payed 3 livres to Mr. Rue, wt whom I began to dance, September 10, 1665; 20 souse at the tennis; 5 or 6 for lettres ports; 20 souse for a horse hire; 6 or 7 souse I was put to dispurse that day; 3 livres for washing my linnings; 8 souse sundry wayes; 5 souse on a quartron[412] of dragées[413] or sweityes, which are 20 sos. the livre; 3 souse on a peice stuffe, 2 sousemarkies[414] to Lowise;[415] 5 souse for ports; 8 souse to the Barber; 10 souse for a bottle of win to my C.;[416] 4 francks lost at carts; 34 souse at a collation after supper, when we wan all the fellows oubliés,[417] and made him sing the song; a escus to Mr. Rue; a escus for dressing my cloaths; une escus for wasching; [8 frank 5 souse for my supper the night of St. André; 10 souse wt Mad'm and others at the Croix de Fer].[418] Thus is al that rested me of thesse 200 francks, the first mony I drow at Poictiers gone.
[412] Quarteron, quarter of a livre (pound).
[413] Sugar almonds.
[414]Sous marqué. See p. 92, note 1.
[415]Probablya maidservant at M. Daillé's.
[416] 'My C.' has baffled me.
[417] See p. 114, note 6. The meaning here is obscure. I can only conjecture that the party made a wager of some kind with the pastrycook's man for his cakes. See p. 114, Note 6.
[418] Erased in MS., but legible.
Then beginning of Novembre I drow 200 livers. Out of which I payed Mr. Alex're 155_ll_, whence there rests wt me 46 francks, of which I have payed 8 francks 5 souse for my part of that supper we had the night of St. André; 12 souse wt Mr. D. and others at the Croix de Fer; 8 souse to the Barbier; 12 souse for a pair of gloves; 21 francks to Mr. Daillie; 15 souse on Romances; 15 souse to Garniers man; une escus on the 1 day of the new year as hansel, les estraines to Rue, Biron, and Violet for their musick; 27 souse in collation to my countrymen that same day; 4 sousmarkies the Sabath I communicated at Quarter Picquet, being the 3 of January 1666; 52 sous markies on Nöels.
When I had about 40 souse, I borrowed a Pistol from R. Scot, After I payed a croune[419] for the port of my cloack from Paris; 12 souse for win that night that Grame payed us his Royaute wt Frontignan and Enschovo'es. My oune Royauté cost me 30 souse on a good fat bresil cook and 8 on wine; 15 souse on a iockleg,[420] my Scots on being stolen from me; 5 souse on a inkhorn, my Scots on breaking wt a fall; 8 souse to the Barbcr. About the mids of January 1666, for a pair of shoes, which ware the 4 pair I had made since my leiving of Scotland, March before, a croune; to Mr. Rue a croune; to Madame Marie for my last washing 30 souse; at a collation 30 souse.
[419] See Introduction, p. xliii.
[420] Folding-knife. Etym., Jacques de Liege, cutler.
About this tyme I receaved 3 crounes in lain[421] from Alex'r Home that same night that Mr. Mompommery was headed; 6 souse on a bottle of wine; 7 souse at another tyme; 15 souse at the comoedy; 3 souse for my chair; 18 souse at another comoedy; une escus to Mr. Rue the 20 of February; 20 souse at a comoedy, called Les Intrigues des Carosses a Cinq Sols, the farce was La Femme Ruse ou Industrieuse; 15 souse for mending my sword.
[421] Loan.
About the end of February I was payed of a bil of 300_ll_. I had drawen. Out of which I payed first a 130f. to my host; then lent 3 pistols, halfe a Pistol and 2 crounes to Mr. Alexander; out of it a croune to Grahme; 30 souse for a peice concerning Monting a Cheval, presented me by the Author of the samen; 10s. for mending stockings; a croune at a desjeuner wt Georges Sinclar and other 2 countrymen, coming from Bordeaux going for Paris; 30 souse to Mr. Rue; 20s. at a collation; a croune for La Perpetuité de la Foy; 30 souse on a collation in the fauxbourgs wt Mr. Bourseau; 30 souse lost at the fair on China oranges and cordecidron; 20 souse for le Capychin Escossois;[422] 30s. to Rue; 34 souse at a collation wt him; 40s. at another wt De Gruches and Ingrande; 40s. for une Voyage de France. That which remained of these 300_ll_. went away partly on my hoast, partly on my adieus, which stood me wery dear, and partly in paying the messenger for Paris (I payed 50_ll_.).
[422] Father Archangel Leslie.
It suffices to know that on my arriving to Paris I was wery light of mony, whence I borrowed from Mr. Kinloch some 20 crounes, of which I bestowed some 13_ll_. on books, thus, on some comoedies about 20 souse, on Scarrons Virgil travestis 20s., on Pacij Centuria[423] 30s., on Robertus rerum Judicatarum[424] 30s., on the Voyage de la Terre Saincte[425] 30s., on Laertius[426] 8s., on a new testament 50s., on Du Moulins Bouckler[427] 30s., on Mr. Claudes Answer[428] 45s., whence their remaines me about 47_ll_. Out of which I first payed neir 4_ll_. for a pair of shoes; 20s. that day I communicated at Charenton to the boatmen, the poor, and my seat; on day wt Mr. Forbes it cost me in a cabaret a croune, and Scot keipt up a escu dor, which was 5_ll_. 11 souse.[429] The day after at the bowlls I lost 4_ll_.; then I payed for Limonade 3_ll_. 20s.; then after 4_ll_. 10s. which I lost at bowlls; for a point de Flandres 15_ll_. Whence of the 60_ll_. their remains me only 6, to which add 5 I receaved from the Messenger of Poictiers, and I have just a pistoll this 5 of May 1666, of which I lent a croune to Mr. Grahme; then payed 50s. for a collation wt Kinloch, Mowat, and D. Hewes; also 50s. for a part of a collation; I payed 6 francks wt my L. Ogilvy at a collation; 30s. at another tyme wt J. Ogilvy; 20 souse on a Hallicarnasseus[430] and a Hippocrates; and that out of 38 livres I receaved from F. Kinloch the 10 of May, so that this day 16th I have now 30 francks. On Les Remarques du droit Francois a croune. That day I went to Ruell a pistol; on my journey to Fountainbleau 2 crounes of gold. On the Parfaict Capitaine and the universal history, in 3 tomes, 4_ll_.
[423] Pacius, Julius, [Greek: ENANTIOPhANON],seu legum conciliatarum CenturiaeVII. (1605). Ed. alt. 1610.
[424] Robertus, Annaeus,R.J., Lib. iv. 1599; new ed., 1645.
[425] Doubdan, Jean,Voyage, etc., 1666.
[426] Diogenes Laertius.
[427] Molinaeus, Petrus,Bouclier de la Foi, 1619. Engl. tr. 1624.
[428] Claude, Jean,Réponse à la Perpétuité de la Foi, 1665.
[429]Ecu d'or. See Introduction, p. xliii.
[430] Dionysius of Halicarnassus.
On the 10 of June I receaved 20 crounes. Out of which I payed first 4_ll_. for Rablais in 2 tomes; 40s. at collation wt that Frenchman of the Kings Gard; 30s. the day after wt the Captains; 30s. wt J. Ogilvie; 6_ll_. for Mornacius observations;[431] 3_ll_. for Guiccardins[432] History, in 2 volumes; 40s. for Gomesii Commentarius in Regulas Cancellariæ and Le Martyre de la Reyne d'Escosse;[433] 20s. for Bellon[434] Resolutiones Antinomiarum and Molinoei Sommaire des rentes, usures, etc.; Molineus in Consuetudines Parisienses 50s.; Connani Commentarius in Jus Civile 40s.; Mantica de coniectur: ult. voluntatum[435] 60s.; Hottomanus[436] in Instit 30s.; Molinoei consilia 40s.; Menochius de Interdictis 40s.; Valerius Maximus 10s.; L'histoire du Concile de Trente 5_ll_.; Gellius[437] 10s.; Cepolla[438] de Servitutibus 50s.; les Memoires et le voyage du Duc du Rohan 40s.; Profession de foy catholique 12s.; Le Monde D'Avity,[439] in 5 Tomes, 8 crounes; Aubignées History[440] 4_ll_.; Pierre Mathieu his history, in 2 tomes, 3_ll_.; Du Plessis Memoires, in 2 volumes, 3_ll_. At a breakfast wt Mr. Fullerton 3_ll_.; at a collation wt Mr. Ogilvy 3_ll_.; 2 crounes given to the box of the Scots Talzors at Paris; 30s. given to sy the gallery of the Luxembourg; 40s. at a collation wt Mr. Hume and Grame; a croune on our diner that day that Mr. Geismar went to Charenton wt us; 4_ll_. for Munsteri Cosmographia; Thucydides 40s.; Desseins de Mr. de Laval 30s.; in collation wt that Gascon of the Kings garde (called St. Martin); Machiavellus 10s.; Justini Historia 5s.; Histoire du Seicle de fer 20s.; Les oeuvres de du Vair 40s.; Le Sage resolu, in 2 tomes, 40s.; Cardanus de Subtilitate 60s.; Histoire de Portugal 20s.; Tacitus 20s.; Remarques politiques from Henry Hamilton for a compend of Philosophy of Marandé[441].
[431] 1 Mornacius, Ant.,Obs. on Codex. (1654),on Digest(1654).
[432] Guicciardini, Francesco,Historia di Italia.
[433] Blackwood, Adam,Le Martyre, etc.
[434] Bellonus, Joannes,Antinomiarum Juris Dissolutiones. Lugduni, 1551.
[435] Mantica, Fr.,De Conjecturis, etc., 1580.
[436] Hottomannus, Fr.,Commentarius, in iv. lib.;Inst., 1567.
[437] Aulus Gellius,Noctes Atticae.
[438] Cepola or Caepolla, Barth,Tract, de Serv.
[439] Avity, Pierre d',Les estats, empires, etc., du monde.
[440] Aubigné, Th. A.,L'histoire universelle.
[441] Marandé, Léonard de.Abrégé curieux el familier de toute la philosophie, 1648 and 1686.
On the 14 of July 1666 I packt up al my books in a box to send them for Dieppe, and to the end they might not be visited any wheir else, I caused them be carried to the Douanne of Paris, which is the controoller of all others, and by which if things be once visited none in France dare efter offer to visite them. Their it stood me a croune or 3_ll_ to cause remballe it; 10 souse to cause plomb it wt the King of Frances armes; 30s. for a passeport. They lightly looked over the uppermost books. Then I caused it be carried to the Chassemary of Dieeppe.
I gave the porte faix 20s.; 15s. for a Italian grammer; 5s. for Mureti orationes; 12s. to the Secretary of Sts. Innocents; 40s. for Sleidan; 30s. for Fabri rationalium Tomus jus;[442] for 4 volumes of de Thoues History 40s.; for Aschames lettres 10s.; for Le cose meravigliose della cita de Roma 8s.; for Pierii Hieroglyphica 50s.; for Harangues out of al the Classicks authors 50s.; to Schovo for a moneths dancing ii.ll.; 3_ll_. 10s. for a pair of shoes; 3_ll_. for sundry washings.
[442] Primus.
About the 28 of July I receaved some 56_ll_. in 10 golden crounes.[443] Out of which I have payed for Lucians Dialogues, le Tresor de St. Denis, Bodinus de specibus Rerum publicarum, Essex's instructions for a Traveller; 24s. for Oudins Italian Grammer; 5_ll_. for Index expurgatorius; 10s. for exames des esprits in 2 volumes; 30s. for Brerevood of sundry religions; 20s. for a Enchiridion Physicae restitutae for Mr. Fullerton; 20s. for a book of fortifications, not the Jesuit Fornevers; 3_ll_. for 6 carts, 70 for 3_ll_. 10s. I had payed for 4 volumes of Thou 40s.; heir again for other 4 I pay 60s.; for Scuderies discours de Rois 15s.; Itinerarium Hollandicum 15s.; 4_ll_. on a collation to Captaine Rutherford, etc.; 16s. for my breakfast wt Mr. Samuel Fullerton coming from the bastile; a white croune and a croune of gold…[444] 30s. for washing; 14s. at collation wt that Englishman Mr. Waren, his addresse in London was Towards Street, at Mr. Carbonells; 20s. lost playing under the hats; for Mr. Morus his poeme a croune; for a new testament a croune; for the State of France and of Germany, in 4 volumes 5_ll_.; to Mr. Fullerton for his Botero[445] a golden croune; for a purse at the faire of St. Laurens 20s., and that out of 10 crounes borrowed from Mr. Kinloch, 12 of August; 2 crounes given in drink monie; 8s. on fancies for the children; 21s. on a collation wt William Paterson; 7_ll_. for a trunck valise.
[443] This gives the value of theécu d'orat 5_ll_. 10s. See Introduction, p. xliii.
[444] A few words erased.
[445] Bolero, Giovanni, author of several treatises of political philosophy and history towards the close of the sixteenth century, some translated into English.
Then to do my voyage a 100_ll_.; 38 given for my place in the coach to bruxells; for my diner at Louure 25s.; supper at Senlis 16s.; diner at Pons 16s.; supper at Conwilly 24s.; diner at Marchele peau 10s.; supper at Peronne 18s.; supper at Cambray 28s.; diner at Valenciennes 24s.; super at Kivray 20s.; diner at Mons 24s.; super at Bremen 24s.; diner at Hall 24s.; to the cocher 24s.; to our escort 7_ll_.
At Bruxelles, for taking of my beard 9s.; for seing the Palais 40s.; for 6 dayes to my hostesse 10_ll_.; for my horse to Enguien 3_ll_.; for my diet their 3_ll_.; for washing, also for mending my shoes, 30s.; for my place in the bark of Anvers 20s.; for carrieng my things ther 12s.; for the removing them from bark to bark 18s.; for my diner their 33s.; for seing the citadelle of Anvers, wt some other smaller things, 18s. Thus goes the 100_ll_.
(1)
A CONTINUATION OF SOME TRAVELLS. Sie 2 volumes in 4'to relating to the same subjectalibi.
The peace[446] was proclaimed at Camphire[447] the 3 of September, stylo novo, 1667, as also at Flusing: at Middleburg not til the 5, because their market day: their feu's de joy ware on the 7.
[446] The Peace of Breda between Charles II. and the United Provinces was signed on 31st July, but the ratifications were not exchanged for some weeks.
[447] Campvere, now Vere, a town in the island of Walcheren. Tervere (Der Vere) is the same place.
I left Tervere the 5't, came to Flessinque; wheir we lay by reason of contrary winds til the 12, on which morning it was at south south east. Our skiper, a honest fellow, was called Tunis Van Eck. Coming out without the head,[448] whither by the wind or negligence of the marinels I know not, we dasht upon it which strake a lake in our ship wery neir my arme long. All ware wery afraided of drouning; only being neir the toune, a carpenter, a most lusty fellow, came and stoopt it wery weill; wheirupon we followed the rest and overtook them ere night, at which tyme the wind turned contrary upon us to south west, so that the 15 day at night being Thursday we was come but a litle abone Gravesend; wheirupon I advised Mr. Chiesly that we should hive of[449] the first boat should come aboard of us to carry us that night to London, which we did, and arrived ther tho late. Lay at the Black Bull in Bischopgate Street. Nixt day took a chamber in New Street neir Covent Garden at halfe a croune the week. Went to the Court, wher afterwards I fand Mr. Sandilands, Mr. Wallace, Mr. Lauder, C. Rutherfurd and a brother of his, Mr. John Chrichton, who was then with my Lord Drummond, Mr. Claude, etc., Henry Hamilton, who was win in to the Kings garde, P. Wans, Mr. Metellan, Mr. Don, Mr. Kirkwood, Mr. Ker my Lord Yesters man, D. Burnet, Mr. Johnston, etc.; kissed my Lord Lauderdales, Yesters, and the Provests hands; saw Sir William Thomsone, Collonel Bortwick, etc. Mr. Smith who was Mr. Simpsones man came over from Holland.
[448] Headland, or point.
[449] Off, so spelt usually by Lauder.
Having stayed a fourtnight in New Street I came to my aunts,[450] M'ris Inglishes, house, wheir having stayed some 8 dayes, I took place in the coach for Oxford the last of September, being a Monday, at Snowhil neir Hoburne. Payed 10 shillings. Oxford is 47 miles from London. Saw Tyburne, under which layes the body of Cromwel, Ireton, and some others; saw that post to which they rode that would have any who ware hanged. I saw also the Chancellors house,[451] Dunkirke or Portugall, directly against S't James, a very magnificent building with a great park adjacent.
[450] I have found no particulars about this lady.
[451] Clarendon House, built by Lord Chancellor Hyde, was on the north side of Piccadilly, facing St. James's Palace. It was called by the populace Dunkirk, suggesting that Clarendon had got money from the Dutch for the sale of Dunkirk, and Tangier, the dowry of the Portuguese princess, Catherine of Braganza, for his share in her marriage to the king, which was barren. SeePepys's Diary, 14 June 1667. A gibbet was set up before the gate 'and these three words written, three sights to be seen: Dunkirke, Tangier, and a barren Queen.'
Nixt we came to Oxbridge,[452] a toune 15 miles from London, wheir was their fair of rattles and other toyes for children. Their was also a market of horse and of cattell, for the most part come out of Wales. 7 miles further is Beconsfields, a village wheir we lay all night at King Charles his head. The host is a Scotsman called Hume; was made prisoner at Worcester. We was their but[453] that merchands wife that was going to sie hir child at Abinton (wheir is a braue market cross), M'r Lo, professor of Musick in Oxford, and I; the other 3 women ware at the Swan. Supper and breakfast stood me 4 shillings.
[452] Now Uxbridge.
[453] 'We was there but,'i.e.There were at our inn only.
Nixt morning being the 1 of October we came to East Wickam,[454] a very pretty toune; then to West Wickam, being 5 miles; then to Stockam Church, 3 long miles; heir we walked doune a steep hil; then came to Whately;[455] nixt to Oxford, the whole journey 25 miles. I lodged at the Miter, a wery civill house. Calling at Exeter Colledge for Mr. Ackland, to whom I had a letter from Mr. Sprage at Leide,[456] I found he was gone unto his oune country of Devonshire.
[454] Now High Wycombe.
[455] Now Wheatley.
[456] Leyden.
Nixt morning I went and visited the booksellers shops. At last lighted upon on[457] almost forgainst Oriel Colledge at the back of Christs Church ['called him Mr. Daves'[458]], who had a most rich and weill furnished shop worth all the rest. Their I found the Heroe of Lorenzo and Arrianus, also Tyraeusde apparitioni.[459]et demoniacis. He had lately sold a Lesly.
[457] One, as usual.
[458] Interlined.
[459] Contracted forappartionibus.
After diner came Mr. Lo to me with a young gentleman who stayed at his house. He took me first thorough Lincolne, Exeter, and Jesus Colledges, then to their publick schooles, a magnificent building, wheir for all the arts and sciences their is a scool.
[Illustration]
Heir also is that library so famous, and undoubtedly the greatest of the World, the Vatican excepted, and that but of late since the augmentation it got by that of Heidleberg. The forme of it is the rarest thing heir be the incredible multitude of manuscripts never printed which they have gathered togither with a world of paines and expence, and gifted to the University. As their is their the gift of Archbischop Laud consisting of a multitude (vid. 2400) of manuscripts in all languages, as weill Eastern as Western. Their be all Sir Kenelme Digbies books, togither with Seldens, about which their ware a controversy in law. In his last will he gifted his books to the University, wheiron it was demanded whither Cambridge or Oxford was meant. Oxford carried it first because he was an alumnus of this University; nixt, because sundry tymes in his life tyme he had told some friends that he would leive them to Oxford. All the lower are chained; none can have the permission to read till he hath given an oath to the Bibliothecarius that first he shall be faithful to the Universitie; nixt, that he shall restore what books he receaves and that intier not torn. The papists gave occasion to this who under the prætext of reading maliciously tore out any thing that they judged nervously to conclude against themselfes: otherwise its disadvantageous to strangers who come but for a short tyme and have the curiosity to sie a book. They have a Catalogue, not, as others,ordine alphabetico, but according to the order they ware gifted in: if it was money left then their be the names of the books bought theirwith. Their are the maniest Theologicall books of all other, a great many in both law,Corpus Glossatum,—Tractatus TractatuumVenetiis 1584,Vasquius2 tomes, etc.
Of[460] one of the ends of the Library goes up a pair of stairs unto a very fair and spatious gallery whither the students retire to refreshe themselfes with walking after reading.
[460] Off, as usual.
The walls are all hung with pictures of the most famous men both of their oune country and abroad, as weell moderne as ancient. Mr. Digby is drawen lik a old philosopher. The roof is al painted alongs with the armes of the University, wheir most artificially and couched up[461] in sundry faschions the name of him who built the gallery, Thomas Bodley. I saw a great many pretty medals wheirof they had 2 presses full. Their be also J. Cæsars portrait brought from Rome by a gentleman.
[461] Couched up, disposed, laid on (like embroidery). See Murray'sNew English Dict., s.v.
A litle below the Library is the Anatomy house, not altogither so weill furnished as that of Leiden: sundry anatomies of men, women, children, and embryoes. On man hes a great musket shot just in his breast, yet he did not dy of it but afterwards was hanged; a mans skin tanned sewed on straw, seimes like a naked man; the taille of an Indian cow, its white, wery long, at least in a dozen of sundry peices; the skines of some hideous serpents and crocodils brought from America and Nilus; a mans scull with 4 litle hornes in its front, they ware within the skin while he was alive; another cranium all covered over with fog which they told me was of great use in medicine; sea horses or sharpes[462] skins; a Indian kings croune made of a great sort of straw, deckt all with curious feathers to us (some being naturally red, some grein, etc.) tho not to them—they despise gold because they have it in abundance; a ring intier put in thorow a 4 nooked peice of wood, and we cannot tell whow; a stone as big as my hand, folded, taken out of a mans bladder, another lesse taken out of ones kidneyes. We saw that the crocodile moved only his upper jaw.
[462] Sharpe, so written, query sharks.
From this we went to a house wheir we drank aromatik, then to New Colledge, a great building. In the tyme of the plague the king lodged in the on syde and forrein embassadors on the other. They wer the French for gifting them a poringer worth 5 pound; but it was just at the tyme his Master declared war against England so that he went away in a fougue[463]. Went up to their hall, a pretty roome. Above the chimly is the Bischop that founded it; under him stands other 2 that ware each of this foundation, afterwards Bischops; and each of them built a Colledge, n, Marlan[464] and Lincolne. Saw the Chappel, the richest of Oxford; brave orgues,[465] excellent pictures, one of the resurrection, done by Angelo the Italian, just above the altar.
[463] Rage. The sentence is obscure. Apparently the French ambassadorintended to present the college where he was entertained with apiece of plate, when a rupture between the sovereigns occurred.
[464] Merton, distinctly Marlan in MS. He had written it by the ear.Apparently it was pronounced Marton. Merton was founded before NewCollege.
[465] Organs. Just back from France, Lauder uses the French wordsfougueandorgue.
From this we went to Christs Church, the greatest and richest Colledge of them all, founded by Henry the 8't, or rather Cardinal Wolsie, who had wast designes had they not bein chookt. Their belonged to this Colledge by his gift lands thorough all England so that the students ['fellows'][466] ware as good as Lairds. The King took this from them and gave them pensions for it. Heir I went in to the Chappel with Mr. Lo, who is their organist, and hard their evening prayers, not unlike the Popish: saw the Bischop of Oxford and Vice Chancelor (for Hyde is Chancelor) of the University.
[466] Interlined.
By the means of that young student Mr. Lo recommended to me saw their Library, considerable for a private one. They have all the Counsels in 6 brave gilded tomes. They have a flint stone wery big in the one syde wheirof ye sie your face but it magnifies; a great stone congealed of water, another of wood.
From that he led me to their kitchin; wheir ware 3 spits full of meat rosting (sometymes they have 7 when the Colledge is full). Then he took me up to the dining hall, a large roome with a great many tables all covered with clean napry. Heir we stayed a while; then the butler did come, from whom he got a flaggon of beir, some bread, apple tarts and fleck pies,[467] with which he entertained me wery courteously. Then came in a great many students, some calling for on thing and some for another. Their are a 102 students in this Colledge besydes Canons and others.
[467] Suet puddings.—Murray'sNew English Dict.
At the back of Christs Colledge is Oriel Colledge. Its a great building built by King Edward the 2'd, even when Ballioll was built. Above the inner gate stands King Charles the I. on horseback; then towards the broad street is the University Colledge, the oldest of all thesse in Oxford, founded by Alfred, a Saxon King, and long efterwards repaired, or rather erected (for the first buildings be like to fall about ones ears), by Percy of Northumberland. Over forgainst it is All Souls, wheir is a pretty chappell with a rare picture of the resurrection.
From that to Queans Colledge, built long ago by on of their queans. Whiles they ware a laying the foundation they found a great horne (they know not weill of what beast), which since they have enchassed in silver and propine to strangers to drink out of. Their chappell is remarkable for its windows; in them ye have represented all the actions of our Saviour from his birth to his aschension.
I saw Brazennose Colledge and Marlan[468] Colledge, also Balliols Colledge, which is not so pittiful and contemptible as many would have it. Before the utter gate is a pretty pallisade of tries. Within the building is tolerable; in their dining roome be battered[469] up Theses Moral, political, and out of all the others sciences. Nixt to it be Trinity Colledge. It hath 2 courtes: the inner is a new building. Not far from this are they building the stately Theater of cut stone for their Comoedyes.
[468] See p. 171, note 3.
[469] Pasted.
Nixt day I went to the Physick Garden not far from Marlan Colledge. The gardener (a German by nation) gave me their printed Catalogue of all the hearbs, which may be about some 7000 in all. I have also some verses he gave me made on thesse 2 fellows thats keips centry, as it were, just as ye come in at the garden door; their menacing face is of timber; all the rest with their speir is artificially cut out of bush. They have also swans and such lik curiously cut out of the phileria. I saw the sensitive plant; it shrinked at my touching it, tho it was then excessively cold. Saw the tobacco: of the leives dryed they make it as good as that they bring from Spain, Virginia, Martinigo or elsewheir, if they had enough of it, and the entertaining of it ware not to costly; hence the Parliament discharges the planting of it. Saw African Marigolds, the true Aloes trie; all the wals cloathed with wery big clusters; tall cypruses, Indian figs, etc. The students can enter when they please.
On the Thursday 3 of October at night went and took my leive of Mr. Lo. Nixt morning having payed my host 5 shillings in all (which made me admir the cheapnesse of the place, fire only being dear since the Kings army was their, who cutted all its woods about) about 10 a cloak bad adieu to Oxford watered with the lovely Thames tho wery litle their; it receives at that place the Isis whence Thamesis.
In the coach was D. Willis his cheif man, a pretty physitician himselfe, going in to his Master, whom the Quean had caused come to London; a apothecary who also sold all kinds of garden seeds, and for that effect had bein at Oxford, P. Nicoll had oftnen traffiqued with him; a goldsmith's son in the Strand and his sister, and an old crabbed gentlewoman, tho she seimed to be of quality.
When we walked up the hill at Stockam Church he showed me a number of pretty hearbs growing by the hedges syde. He confessed to me that tho they had a verie glorious utsyde, yet if we would consider the forme of their teaching and studieing it was werie defective comparatively to the oversea Universities. Their publick lessons are not much worth: if a student who is immatriculat in some on Colledge or other be desirous to be informed in any science, let it be Philosophie, Medicine or another, then he most apply himselfe to some fellow of that Colledge, who teaches him for a salarie; otherwise a student neids never make use of a master but if he please. Theologie is the only thing that flourishes their.
Came back the same way to London the 5 of October, being Saturday. Nixt day came Haddow[470] and Bonnymoon to toune. Many a tyme hes he and I wisited Litle Brittain. We went throw Bedlam (I was in it and saw thosse poor peaple), then to Moore fields, wheir is a new street wheirin dwells thosse that ware burnt out in the fire. They pay wery dear for their ground and it is but to stand til they rebuild their houses again in the city. Then throw Long lane wheir is their fripperie; besydes it their is a hospitall for sick persons; then Smithfield East and West. I had almost forgot Aldergate Street, on of the nicest now in London, ye shall ever find mercats their; then we go thorow the Moon taverne. To the west of Smithfield is Snowhill, wheir the coach for Oxford is; then ye come to Hoburn bridge, a very filthy place, the street is large and long. In it is St. Andrews church wheir I went and heard Mr. Stellingfleet; the coach for York is at the Black swan their; above it ye come in to Lincolnes Innes Fields, a brave place weill built round about, much like the Place Royall at Paris. Heir lodged my Lord Middleton, heir is the Dukes playhouse, wheir we saw Tom Sydserfes Spanish Comedie Tarugo'es Wiles, or the Coffee House,[471] acted. In the pit they payed 30 p., in our place 18s. He could not forget himselfe: was very satyricall sneering at the Greshamers for their late invention of the transfusion of blood, as also at our covenant, making the witch of Geneva to wy[472] it and La Sainte Ligue de France togither.
[470] Sir George Gordon of Haddo, 1637-1720 (seeinfra, p. 177),afterward Chancellor and Earl of Aberdeen, now returning fromstudying law abroad. Advocate, 1668, Lord of Session, 1680,President, 1681, Chancellor, 1682.
[471] Printed in 1668. T.S. was the son of the Bishop of Galloway. Hebecame conductor or proprietor of a theatre in the Canongate,Edinburgh, and published theCaledonian Mercury, the firstScottish newspaper.
[472] Weigh.
After some way ye come to Covent Garden, all which will quickly fall in to my Lord of Bedford by wertue of an assedation which quicklie is to expire, having let of old the ground on the condition they should build upon it and they brooking the ususfruit for such a space of tyme it should finally returne to him; and this they tell me to be a ordinary contract at London;[473] then New Street, Suffolk Street, Charron Crosse, St. Martins Lane. In its Church preaches D. Hardins, a pretty man. Heir is York house, the New Exchange, etc., then the Strand and Savoye, Temple bar within and without the Gate, wheir are all their Innes of Court, their lawyers and many booksellers. Then ye come to Ludgate hil; then to St. Pauls; then to Cheapsyde Crosse; then in to Broad Street at the back of the Exchange now: their is also Litle St. Helens and Great St. Helens, Leadinghal; also Aldgate, wtin the gate or wtout it; which is either wtin the bars or wtout them called White Chappell; out which way we went to Hackney, a village some 2 miles of London wheir M'ris Inglish hir son Edward lives; saw Bedlan Green by the way and the beggars house. Neir Algate goes of the Minorites leading to Tower-hil and the Tower, then doun to the Hermitage. The Custome house is in Mark Lane.
[473] An early notice of building leases.
London is in Midlesex; Southwark thats above the Bridge is in Surrey, thats under it is in Kent.
Having stayed til the 28 of October (about which very tyme my mother was safely delivered of Walter), Hadow and I took our places in the coach for York. Their was a squire in Westmorland with his lady and hir sister returning home to his oune country, also a Atturneys wife who dwelt in the Bischoprick of Durham in the Coach with us. Had large discourses of the idlenes and vitiousnese of the citizens wifes at London being wery cocknies. We will not forget what contest we had with some of them at the taking of our places.
Having left London, came first to Hygate, 4 miles, my Lord Lauderdales house, a village adjoining on the croup of a hill; then to Barnet, 10 miles from London; then to Hatfield wheir we dined, 17 miles, wheir we saw Hatfield house with brave parcks, all belonging to my Lord of Salisburie. A litle of this is the greatest hy way in England leading to S't Albanes. Came at night to Stesinwich,[474] 20 miles of London.
[474] Stevenage.
Nixt day, being Tuesday, and 29 came to Baldoc 5 miles; Begleswith[475] 10 miles; dined their at the Croun, wery bad entertainment; afternoon to Bugden,[476] 10 miles further, sad way. That night arrived their my Lord Rothes, my Lord Arley,[477] Sir J. Strachan, and others going to London. Its some 3 or 4 miles from Huntington; the country is all couered with willows like to Holland.
[475] Biggleswade.
[476] Now Buckden.
[477] Arley, probably Airlie.
Nixt day Vednesday, 30, baited at a willage called Walsford,[478] 17 miles of wery bad way. Came at night to Stamford 5 miles furder; within a mile of the toune we saw on each hand a brave stately house belonging to my Lord of Exeter, in one of them lived the Duc of Buckinghame. It stands on a river: whats besouth the bridge is in Northamptonshire, benorth in Lincolne. Its held amongs the greatest tounes of England after London. Norwich is the 2'd, it hath 50 churches in it: Bristol is a great toune to.
[478] Watlingsford (Blaeuw), now Wansford.
Nixt day, Thursday, 31, leiving Postwitham[479] and Grantham on our right hand, we entred unto the most pleasant valley of Bever, the best ground for corn and pasturage thats in all England: saw its castle at a distance, seimed to be most artificially fortified; it stands in Leister, Nottinghame, and Lincolneshires. Dined at Lougbirlington,[480] 18 miles: a long rabble of a toune indeed. Afternoon came to Newwark upon Trent; had fowll weather with haille. Its in Nottinghame: its commonly called the line of England, dividing it into 2 halfes south and north (all that live benorth it are called North country men) by its river of Trent, which embraces the sea at Hull; yet the halfes are not æqual. We saw the Kings Castle their, tho demolisht in the last Civill wars.
[479] Postwitham, so written. North Witham and South Witham are near the route.
[480] Longbennington.
Nixt day, Fryday, 1 of November, left Toxford[481] on the Clay on our left hand, entred unto Sheerwood Forest, wheir Robin Hood of old hanted. Was of a incredible extent; now theirs no wood in it; but most excellent hunting: it was good way. Baited at Barnby in the Moore, 17 miles of Newwark. As we was heir J. Graham my Lord Middletons man overtook us going post. After diner past Scrouby and Batry and[482] came late at night to Doncaster, 10 miles further.
[481] Tuxford.
[482] Scrooby and Bawtry.
The 6't day, being Saturday and the 2'd of November, it was a brave clinking frost in the morning; we clawed it away past Robin Hoods well; baited at Ferry bridges, arrived at York safely: lay wheir our coach stayed. Devoted the nixt being Sabath for viewing of the toune; saw that so much talked of minstrell, and truely not undeservedly, for it is a most stupendious, magnificent Church as I had sein. Duc Hamilton was come their then.
Nixt day, being Monday and 4 of November, having bid adieu to our coach companie and Mr. Thomas Paterson who had come doune all the way with us, Sir George and I took post for Barrowbridges,[483] 10 miles. Arrived about 11 howers, dined on apple tarts and sider: on immediatly for Northallerton, 12 miles; arrived ere halfe 3; my horse almost jaded: was very unresolved whither to go any further or not; yet on for Darneton[484] (wheir the good spurs are made). We are all weill monted with a good guide: we are not 3 miles of[485] the toune when it falls pit dark; a most boystrous night both for wind and rain, and for the comble of our misery 10 of the worst way on all the rode; yet out we most it. He led us not the ordinar way but throw the enclosures, breaking doune the hedges for a passage wheir their was none. Many a 100 ditch and hedge did we leap, which was strange to sie had we not bein on horses that ware accustomed with it, yea some ware so horrible broad that we forced to leap of and lead over our horses. We was forced to ride close on on another, otherwise we should have losed on another. When we was within 2 miles of Darnton we came to a great river called Tees, in Latin by Cambden Tesis, which divides Yorkshire from the Bischoprick of Durham (for from the time we came to Barnby in the Moore til this place we ware ever in Yorkshire, which is the greatest in England); heir we lighted and hollowed on the boatman on the other syde to come and boat us and our horses over. If he had not bein their we had bein obliged to ride 2 miles ere we had come to a bridge: over we win, and at last reaches Darnton, both wet, weary, and hungrie.
[483] Boroughbridge.
[484] Darlington.
[485] Off, as usual.
Nixt day, Tuesday and 5 of November, on by tymes for Durham, 14 miles. My saddle proved so unmeit for the horse back that it turned perpetually with me. At last changed horses with the postillon. Came to Ferryhill, 4 miles to the south of Durham, askes for Isabell Haswal their, is most kindlie received; comes to Durham be ten a cloak, on of the most strong tounes, and that naturally, we saw in all England; then for Newcastle, 10 miles. Our postillon Need of Durham the greatest pimp of England. Neer Newcastle saw thesse pits of coall that carries its name. Then to Morpeth, 10 miles; which wearied us so sore that we resolved to post no more, but to hire horses home the Kelso way; wheirupon the postmaster furnished us horses to carry us to Ulars,[486] 22 miles; but ere we had reached Whittinghame throw that most sad and wearisome moore and those griveous rocks and craigs called Rumsyde Moore we ware so spent that we was able to go no further; sent back our horses and stayed their all night.
[486] Wooler.
Nixt day, being Thursday 7 November, got horses from that miserable village to carry us the other 8 miles to Ulars [Wooler[487]]. After we was once up the braes we meet with wery good way.[488] At Ulars had much difficulty to find horses for Kelso, 12 miles further. At lenth we found, which brought us thither about the evening; crossed the Tuede in boate just forgainst the toune, which beyond compare hes the pleasantest situation of ever any toune I yet saw in Scotland. Their stands the relicks of a magnifick Abbasie that hes bein their. Lodged at Charles Pots; fand a sensible decay of service by that a man hes in England. Having provided horses to carry us to Edinburgh, 28 miles, we parted nixt morning Fryday 8 November.
[487] Interlined.
[488] i.e. the road was good.
Saw hard by Kelso thesse 2 most pleasant houses that belong to my Lord Roxborough, the Flowers[489] and the Friers. Throw muiresh, barren ground we came in sight of Lauder, 10 miles of Kelso, on the west bray, face of the Lider Water. Over forgainst it stands a pretty house belonging to my Lord Lauderdale: 4 mile further of excellent way all amongs the mids of hills stands Ginglekirk[490] wheir we dined; then forward our Sautry[491] hils of whilk we discovered Edinborough. Passing throw Fallean[492] came to the Furd within 6 mile of Edinborrough, yet we called first at New Cranston, Sir J. Fletchers house; but himselfe was in the north marrieing the Lady Elsick; his sone James and his daughter ware at Ormaston. James as soon as he heard we was their came to the foord to us, stayed with us all night; took us up to Cranston with him; wheir was receaved most magnifickly by him and his sister.
[489] Now Floors.
[490] Now Channelkirk, still locally pronounced Shinglekirk.
[491] Soutra.
[492] Now Fala.
Parted that day, being Saturday and 9 of November 1667, for Edinborough, whither by Dalkeith I arrived safelie about 4 a Cloak in the afternoon amongs my friends, from whom I had bein absent some 2 years and 8 moneths.
Accompte of my expence at London from September 6 to the 9 of November1667.
In money from Freiston received 36 lb. 14 s. from Lindsay by a bill, 19 lb., in all 55 lb. 15 s. sterling.
For a 4 nights diet and chamber maille in New Street 0 17 0, for a suite of cloaths, 4 yards and 1/2 at 16 s. 3 yards sargeat, 4 s. and 6. so much taby. the garniture about the sleives, in garters, shoe strings, etc., 1 lb. 16 s. the making, 14 s. with the other appartenances, in all it stood me some 9 pound 10 s.
For 2 laced bands, 3 0 0For a laced gravate, 0 12 0For 4 pair of holland sleives at 8 s the peice, 1 12 0For 4 pair of laced cuffes to them, 1 1 0For silk stockings, 0 12 6For worsted ones, 0 6 0For Jesmine gloves, 0 2 6For a fusting wascoat, 0 5 0For 2 whole shirtes, 0 12 0For 2 pair drawers, 0 9 0For 3 pair shoes, 0 3 0For a cloathbag, 0 8 0My Oxford woyage and back, 1 0 0My expence that week, 0 10 0For books bought their, my catalogueamounts to, 8 9 0Given to Mris Inglish and hir maid, 5 0 0For my place to York, 2 5 0For my expence thither, 0 11 0For 6 stages post, 1 10 0For hired horses from Morpeth to this, 1 0 0For my expense from York home, whither Icame Saturday 9 November, 0 8 0Lent to Mr Thomas Paterson, 1 15 0Summa of all is, 42 9 0Brought home 7 lb. 10 s.Repayed by Mr. T. Paterson 1 lb. 15 s.which in all makes 9 lb. 5.
Unto the Right Honourable the Lord President and remanent Lords of Counsel and Session the humble petition of Mr. John Lauder sheweth, That wheir your petitioner having applied himselfe to the study of the Civil law both at home and abroad, and being resolved to emprove the samen and to exerce it as Advocat, May it theirfor please your Lordships to remit your petitioner to the Dean of Faculty and Advocats for his tryall in the ordinar way in order to the office of ane advocat. And your Lordships favourable returne heirto.
21 January 1668. The Lords having considered this bill and desyre theirof remits the petitioner to the Dean of Faculty and Advocats to the effect they may take triall of his knowledge of the Civill law and make report to the haill Lords their anent.
Remits the supplicant to the private examinators to take tryall of his qualifications and to report.
27 January 1668. The private examinators having taken tryall of the supplicants qualifications of the Civill law finds him sufficiently qualified theirin and remits him to his further tryall.
Edemborough, 28 January 1668. Assignes to the supplicant for the subiect of his publick examination. Tit. D.de collatione bonorum.
Edemborough, 15 February 1668. The body of Advocats being met and having heard the supplicant sustain his tryal before them upon the befor-assigned title, did unanimously approve him theirin and recommend him for his lesson to the Lords favour.
GEORGE MACKENZIE, in absence of D. of F.
22 February 1668. The Lords having considered the Report above written assignes to the petitioner the day of June nixt (which indeed was the 5h) to finish his tryall in order to the office of a ordinire advocate, and recommends the petitioner to the Dean of faculty for to have ane Law assigned to him to that effect.
Edemborough, 1668. Assignes to the supplicant for the subject of his publick lesson.l. diffamari C. de Ingenuis Manumissis.
I was admitted advocat on the 5 of June 1668.
* * * * * [493]
[493] A page scored out.
In August 1668 I went home with my sister for Glasco. Went by the White house, the Coudbridge, Corstorphin, held up to the right hand, saw Gogar on the left, Ingleston, Boghall, Norvells house. Came to Kirkliston, 6 miles from Edemburgh. Neir it on this syde of the Water is Carlaury; a mile furder is the Castle of Nidry; both it and Kirkliston toune belongs to my Lord Vinton, and Newliston on the left hand[494] then came to Lithcow, Limnuchum[495] 12 miles from Edenburgh. Baited at on Chrightones forgainst the Palace, which hes bein werie magnificent, is now for the most part ruinous. Under it stands the Loch, in the midle wheirof is a litle island with tries. In the midst of the court is a most artificiall font of most excellent water. Their is ane in the toune: their … [496] wes neir the palace. They are a building a tolbuith all of aislaer work.
[494] On margin [Vinsbrugh, Duntarvy, Wrae, Monteith],
[495] Limnuchum, the Latin name. Arthur Johnston, in hisCarmen deLimnucho, quoted at length by Sir Robert Sibbald, 'NobileLimnuchum est Patio de marmore templum,' etc.-Treatises,Linlithgow, p. 16.
[496] About two words obliterated.
A mile from this on our left hand we saw Kettelston Stewart, then wheir the famous city of Camelon stood built by Cruthne Camelon first King of the Picts—330 years before Christ—alongs the river of Carron whither the sea also came up, so that yet to this day digging deip they find tackles and anchores and other appartenances of ships. Its thought that when the sea gained in Holland and the Netherlands it retired heir; so that now its not within 3 miles of this place now. Vespasian in the reigne of our Caratacus, 35 years after Christ, took it and sackt it. At last finally ransackt and ruined by Kenneth the 2d in the year of Christ 834. Neir to this place stands Dunipace with the 2 artificiall monts before the gate called Dunnipacis. Heir also is that old building called by some Arthurs Oven, and relicts of the great Wall of Adrian. But of all this consult Buchanan, lib 10, pag. 16, 17, 18.