I joy dear mother when I viewThy perfect lineaments and hue,Both sweet and bright.Beauty in thee takes up her placeAnd dates her letters from thy faceWhen she doth write.A fine aspect in fit arrayNeither too mean nor yet too gayShows who is best.Outlandish looks may not compare,For all they either painted are,Or else undrest.She on the hills which wantonlyAllureth all in hope to beBy her preferred.Hath kissed so long her painted shrines,That e'en her face by kissing shinesFor her reward.She in the valley is so shyOf dressing, that her hair doth lieAbout her ears.While she avoids her neighbour's pride;She wholly goes on t' other side,And nothing wears.But, dearest mother, (what those miss),The mean, thy praise and glory is,And long may beBlessed be God whose love it wasTo double-moat thee with his grace,And none but thee.
I joy dear mother when I viewThy perfect lineaments and hue,Both sweet and bright.Beauty in thee takes up her placeAnd dates her letters from thy faceWhen she doth write.A fine aspect in fit arrayNeither too mean nor yet too gayShows who is best.Outlandish looks may not compare,For all they either painted are,Or else undrest.She on the hills which wantonlyAllureth all in hope to beBy her preferred.Hath kissed so long her painted shrines,That e'en her face by kissing shinesFor her reward.She in the valley is so shyOf dressing, that her hair doth lieAbout her ears.While she avoids her neighbour's pride;She wholly goes on t' other side,And nothing wears.But, dearest mother, (what those miss),The mean, thy praise and glory is,And long may beBlessed be God whose love it wasTo double-moat thee with his grace,And none but thee.
I joy dear mother when I viewThy perfect lineaments and hue,Both sweet and bright.Beauty in thee takes up her placeAnd dates her letters from thy faceWhen she doth write.
I joy dear mother when I view
Thy perfect lineaments and hue,
Both sweet and bright.
Beauty in thee takes up her place
And dates her letters from thy face
When she doth write.
A fine aspect in fit arrayNeither too mean nor yet too gayShows who is best.Outlandish looks may not compare,For all they either painted are,Or else undrest.
A fine aspect in fit array
Neither too mean nor yet too gay
Shows who is best.
Outlandish looks may not compare,
For all they either painted are,
Or else undrest.
She on the hills which wantonlyAllureth all in hope to beBy her preferred.Hath kissed so long her painted shrines,That e'en her face by kissing shinesFor her reward.
She on the hills which wantonly
Allureth all in hope to be
By her preferred.
Hath kissed so long her painted shrines,
That e'en her face by kissing shines
For her reward.
She in the valley is so shyOf dressing, that her hair doth lieAbout her ears.While she avoids her neighbour's pride;She wholly goes on t' other side,And nothing wears.
She in the valley is so shy
Of dressing, that her hair doth lie
About her ears.
While she avoids her neighbour's pride;
She wholly goes on t' other side,
And nothing wears.
But, dearest mother, (what those miss),The mean, thy praise and glory is,And long may beBlessed be God whose love it wasTo double-moat thee with his grace,And none but thee.
But, dearest mother, (what those miss),
The mean, thy praise and glory is,
And long may be
Blessed be God whose love it was
To double-moat thee with his grace,
And none but thee.
Source.—Clarendon,History of Rebellion. Book I., § 159.
Now, I must be so just as to say, that, during the whole time that these pressures were exercised, and these new and extraordinary ways were run, that is from the dissolution of the Parliament in the fourth year (1629) to the beginning of this Parliament which was above 12 years, this kingdom and all his majesty's dominions (of the interruption in Scotland somewhat shall be said in its due time and place), enjoyed the greatest calm, and the fullest measure of felicity, that any people in any age, for so long time together, have been blessed with; to the wonder and envy of all the parts of Christendom.
And in this comparison I am neither unmindful of, nor ungrateful for the happy times of Queen Elisabeth, nor for those more happy under King James. But for the former, the doubts, hazards, and perplexities, upon a total change and alteration of religion, and some confident attempts upon a further alteration by those who thought not the reformation enough; the charge, trouble, and anxiety of a long continued war (how prosperous and successful soever) even during that Queen's whole reign; and (besides some domestic ruptures into rebellion, frequently into treason, and besides the blemishof an unparalleled act of blood upon the life of a crowned neighbour, queen and ally) the fear and apprehension of what was to come (which is one of the most unpleasant kinds of melancholy) from an unknown, at least an unacknowledged successor to the crown, clouded much of that prosperity then which now shines with so much splendour before our eyes in chronicle.
And for the other under King James (which indeed were excellent timesbona si sua norint), the mingling with a stranger nation, (formerly not very gracious with this,) which was like to have more interest of favour: the subjection to a stranger prince, whose nature and disposition they knew not; the noise of treason, (the most prodigious that had ever been attempted), upon his first entrance into the kingdom: the wants of the Crown not inferior to what it hath since felt, (I mean whilst it sat right on the head of the King,) and the pressures upon the subject of the same nature, and no less complained of: the absence of the prince in Spain, and the solicitude that his highness might not be disposed in marriage to the daughter of that kingdom; rendered the calm and tranquillity of that time less equal and pleasant. To which may be added the prosperity and happiness of the neighbour kingdoms, not much inferior to that of this, which, according to the pulse of states, is a great diminution of their health; at least their prosperity is much improved, and more visible, by the misery and misfortunes of their neighbours.
The happiness of the times I mentioned was enviously set off by this, that every other kingdom, every other province were engaged, many entangled, and some almost destroyed by the rage and fury of arms; those which were ambitiously in contention with their neighbours having the view and apprehensions of the miseries and desolation, which they saw other states suffer by a civil war; whilst the kingdoms we now lament were alone looked upon as the garden of the world; Scotland (which was but the wilderness of that garden) in a full, entire, undisturbed peace, which they had never seen, the rage and barbarism (that is, the blood, for of thecharity we speak not) of their private feuds, being composed to the reverence or to the awe of public justice; in a competency, if not in an excess of plenty, which they had never hoped to see, and in a temper (which was the utmost we desired and hoped to see) free from rebellion; Ireland, which had been a sponge to draw and a gulf to swallow all that could be spared, and all that could be got from England, merely to keep the reputation of a kingdom, reduced to that good degree of husbandry and government, that it not only subsisted of itself, and gave this kingdom all that it might have expected from it; but really increased the revenue of the crown forty or fifty thousand pounds a year, besides much more to the people in the traffic and trade from thence; arts and sciences fruitfully planted there; and the whole nation beginning to be so civilized, that it was a jewel of great lustre in the royal diadem.
When these outworks were thus fortified and adorned, it was no wonder if England was generally thought secure, with the advantages of its own climate; the court in great plenty, or rather (which is the discredit of plenty) excess, and luxury; the country rich, and, which is more, fully enjoying the pleasure of its own wealth, and so the easier corrupted with the pride and wantonness of it; the Church flourishing with learned and extraordinary men, and (which other good times wanted) supplied with oil to feed those lamps, and the protestant religion more advanced against the Church of Rome by writing especially (without prejudice to other useful and godly labours) by those two books of the late lord archbishop of Canterbury his grace, and of Mr. Chillingworth, than it had been from the Reformation; trade increased to that degree, that we were the exchange of Christendom, (the revenue thereof to the crown being almost double to what it had been in the best times), and the bullion of all other kingdoms brought to receive a stamp from the mint of England; all foreign merchants looking upon nothing as their own, but what they had laid up in the warehouses of this kingdom; the royal navy, in number and equipage much above formertimes, very formidable at sea; and the reputation of the greatness and power of the King much more with foreign princes than any of his progenitors; for those rough courses, which made him haply less loved at home, made him more feared abroad; by how much the power of kingdoms is more reverenced than their justice by their neighbours: and it may be, this consideration might not be the least motive, and may not be the worst excuse, for those councils. Lastly, for a complement of all these blessings, they were enjoyed by and under the protection of a king, of the most harmless disposition and the most exemplary piety, the greatest example of sobriety, chastity, and mercy, that any prince hath been endued with, (and God forgive those that have not been sensible of and thankful for those endowments) and who might have said, that which Pericles was proud of, upon his deathbed, "that no Englishman had ever worn a black gown through his occasion." In a word, many wise men thought it a time, wherein those two adjuncts, which Nerva was deified for uniting, were as well reconciled as is possible.
But all these blessings could but enable, not compel us to be happy: we wanted that sense, acknowledgement, and value of our own happiness, which all but we had; and took pains to make, when we could not find, ourselves miserable. There was in truth a strange absence of understanding in most, and a strange perverseness of understanding in the rest: the court full of excess, idleness, and luxury; and the country full of pride, mutiny and discontent; every man more troubled and perplexed at that they called the violation of one law, than delighted or pleased with the observance of all the rest of the Charter; never imputing the increase of their receipts, revenue, and plenty, to the wisdom, virtue and merit of the Crown, but objecting every little trivial imposition to the exorbitancy and tyranny of the government; the growth of knowledge and learning being disrelished for the infirmities of some learned men, and the increase of grace and favour upon the Church, more repined and murmured at, than the increase of piety and devotion in the Church, which was asvisible, acknowledged or taken notice of; whilst the indiscretion and folly of one sermon at Whitehall was more bruited abroad and commented upon than the wisdom, sobriety and devotion of a hundred.
I.Advice to Parliament.
Source.—Lord-Deputy's Speech to Both Houses of Parliament, July 15, 1634.Knowler,Strafford's Letters and Despatches. London, 1739. Vol. i., pp. 289-290.
Chiefly beware of divisions in your counsels. For division confines always upon ruin, leads ever to some fatal precipice or other. Divide not between Protestant and Papist, for this meeting is merely civil, religion not at all concerned one way or another. In this I have endeavoured to give you satisfaction both privately and publicly, and now I assure you again there is nothing of religion to be stirred in this Parliament, being only assembled to settle the temporal state, which you may now safely confide upon. For, believe me, I have a more hallowed regard to my master's honour, than to profane his chair with untruths, so as if, after all this, any shall again spring this doubt amongst you, it is not to be judged to arise from hardness of belief, but much rather from a perverse and malevolent spirit, desirous to embroil your peaceable proceedings with party and faction. And I trust your wisdom and temper will quickly conjure all such forth from amongst you.
Divide not nationally, betwixt English and Irish. The King makes no distinction between you, reputes you all without prejudice, and that upon safe and sure grounds, I assure myself, his good and faithful subjects. And madness it were in you then to raise that wall of separation amongst yourselves. If you should, you know who the old proverb deems likest to go to the wall, and believe me England will not prove the weakest.
But above all, divide not between the interests of the kingand his people as if there were one being of the king and another being of his people. This is the most mischievous principle that can be laid in reason of state, in that which, if you watch not very well, may the easiest mislead you. For you might as well tell me a head might live without a body, or a body without a head, as that it is possible for a king to be rich and happy without his people be so likewise, or that a people can be rich and happy without the king be so also. Most certain it is, that their well-being is individually one and the same, their interests woven up together with so tender and close threads, as cannot be pulled asunder without a rent in the commonwealth.
II.Religion.
To Mr. Secretary Coke, Dec. 16, 1634.Knowler, vol. i., p. 351.
It may seem strange that this people should be so obstinately set against their own good, and yet the reason is plain; for the Friars and Jesuits fearing that these laws would conform them here to the manners of England, and in time be a means to lead them on to a conformity in religion and faith also, they catholicly oppose and fence up every path leading to so good a purpose. And indeed I see plainly that so long as this kingdom continues popish, they are not a people for the crown of England to be confident of. Whereas if they were not still distempered by the infusion of these Friars and Jesuits, I am of belief, they would be as good and loyal to their King as any other subjects.
III.Commercial Policy.
Wentworth to Sir Christopher Wandesford, July 25, 1636.Knowler, vol. ii., p. 19.
[A summary of his report to the King.]
... [I informed them] that there was little or no manufacture amongst them, but some small beginnings towards a clothingtrade, which I had and so should still discourage all I could, unless otherwise directed by his Majesty and their Lordships, in regard it would trench not only upon the clothing of England, being our staple commodity, so as if they should manufacture their own wools, which grew to very great quantities, we should not only lose the profit we now made by indraping their wools, but his Majesty lose extremely by his customs, and in conclusion it might be feared, they would beat us out of the Trade itself, by underselling us, which they were well able to do. Besides, in reason of State, so long as they did not indrape their own wools, they must of necessity fetch their clothing from us, and consequently in a sort depend upon us for their livelihood, and thereby become so dependent upon this crown, as they could not depart from us without nakedness to themselves and children.
Yet have I endeavoured another way to set them on work, and that is by bringing in the making and trade of linen cloth, the rather in regard the women are all naturally bred to spinning, that the Irish earth is apt for bearing of flax, and that this manufacture would be in the conclusion rather a benefit than other to this kingdom. I have therefore sent for the flax seed into Holland, being of a better sort than we have any; and sown this year a thousand pounds worth of it (finding by some I sowed the last year that it takes there very well). I have sent for workmen out of the Low Countries, and forth of France, and set up already six or seven looms, which if it please God to bless us this year, I trust so to invite them to follow it, when they see the great profit arising thereby, as that they shall generally take to it and employ themselves that way, which if they do, I am confident it will prove a mighty business, considering that in all probability we shall be able to undersell the linen cloths of Holland and France at least twenty in the hundred.
IV.His Weariness.
To Laud, Aug. 17, 1636, from Gawthorp.Knowler, vol. ii., p. 26.
I am gotten hither to a poor house I have, having been this last week almost feasted to death at York. In truth for anything I can find they were not ill-pleased to see me. Sure I am it much contented me to be amongst my old acquaintance, which I would not leave for any other affection I have, but to that which I both profess and owe to the person of his sacred majesty. Lord! with what quietness in myself could I live here, in comparison of that noise and labour I meet with elsewhere; and, I protest, put up more crowns in my purse at the year's end too. But we'll let that pass. For I am not like to enjoy that blessed condition upon earth. And therefore my resolution is set to endure and struggle with it so long as this crazy body will bear it; and finally drop into the silent grave, where both all these (which I now could, as I think, innocently delight myself in) and myself are to be forgotten: and fare them well.
Source.—Works of William Laud, D.D.Vol. vi., pp. 310-312. Parker, Oxford, 1857.
My very good Lord,Iheartily thank your Lordship for all your love, and for the joy you are pleased both to conceive and express for my translation to Canterbury; for I conceive all your expressions to me are very hearty, and such I have hitherto found them. And now, since I am there, (for my translation is to be on Thursday, Sept. 19th,) I must desire your Lordship not to expect more at my hands than I shall be able to perform, either in Church or State; and this suit of mine hath a great deal of reason in it; for you write, that ordinary things are far beneath that which you cannot choose but promise yourself of me in both respects. But, my Lord, to speak freely, you may easily promise more in either kind than I can perform. For, as for the Church, it is so bound up in theforms of the common law, that it is not possible for me, or for any man, to do that good which he would, or is bound to do. For your Lordship sees, no man clearer, that they which have gotten so much power in and over the Church, will not let go their hold; they have, indeed, fangs with a witness, whatsoever I was once said in passion to have. And for the State, indeed, my Lord, I am forThorough, but I see that both thick and thin stays somebody, where I conceive it should not; and it is impossible for me to go through alone. Besides, private ends are such blocks in the public way, and lie so thick, that you may promise what you will, and I must perform what I can, and no more.
Next, my Lord, I thank you heartily for your kind wishes to me, that God would send me many and happy days where I now am to be. Amen. I can do little for myself, if I cannot say so; but truly, my Lord, I look for neither: not for many, for I am in years, and have had a troublesome life; not for happy, because I have no hope to do the good I desire; and, besides, I doubt I shall never be able to hold my health there one year; for instead of all the jolting which I had over the stones between London House and Whitehall, which was almost daily, I shall have now no exercise, but slide over in a barge to the Court and Star Chamber; and in truth, my Lord, I speak seriously, I have had a heaviness hang upon me ever since I was nominated to this place, and I can give myself no account of it, unless it proceed from an apprehension that there is more expected from me than the craziness of these times will give me leave to do.
Now, my Lord, why may you not write, as whilom you did to the Bishop of London? The man is the same, and the same to you; but I see you stay for better acquaintance, and till then you will keep distance. I perceive, also, my predecessor's awe is upon you, but I doubt I shall never hold it long; and I was about to swear by my troth, as you do, but I remember oaths heretofore were wont to pass under the Privy Seal, and not the Ordinary Seal of letters. Well, wiser or not, you must take that as you find it; but I will not writeany long letters and leave out my mirth, it is one of the recreations I have always used with my friends, and 'tis hard leaving an old custom, neither do I purpose to do it; though I mean to make choice of my friends, to whom I will use it. For proof of this, I here send your Lordship some sermon notes which I have received from Cambridge; and, certainly, if this be your method there, you ride as much aside as ever Croxton did towards Ireland. I wish your Lordship all health and happiness, and so leave you to the grace of God, ever resting
Your Lordship's very loving poor Servant,W. Cant. Elect.
Fulham,Sept. 9th, 1633.
Source.—Rushworth.Vol. ii., p. 355.
Carolus Rex,Whenthe good and safety of the kingdom in general is concerned, and the whole kingdom in danger, whether may not the King, by writ under the Great Seal of England, command all the subjects of our kingdom at their charge to provide and furnish such a number of ships, with men, victuals, and munition, and for such time as we shall think fit for the defence and safeguard of the kingdom from such danger and peril, and by law compel the doing thereof, in case of refusal or refractoriness: and whether in such a case is not the King the sole judge both of the danger, and when and how the same is to be prevented and avoided?
May it please Your Most Excellent Majesty,
We have, according to your Majesty's command, every man by himself, and all of us together, taken into serious consideration the case and question signed by your Majesty, and inclosed in your royal letter; and we are of opinion, that when the good and safety of the kingdom in general is concerned, and the kingdom in danger, your Majesty may, by writ under theGreat Seal of England, command all your subjects of this your kingdom, at their charge to provide and furnish such a number of ships, with men, victuals, and munition, and for such time as your Majesty shall think fit for the defence and safeguard of this kingdom from such danger and peril: and that by law your Majesty may compel the doing thereof in case of refusal or refractoriness: and we are also of opinion, that in such case your Majesty is the sole judge both of the danger, and when and how the same is to be prevented and avoided.
[Signed by twelve Judges.]
Source.—Rushworth. Vol. ii., p. 466.
Order of the Star Chamber, April 8, 1638.
WhereasJohn Lilburne, Prisoner in theFleet, by Sentence inStar Chamber, did this day suffer condign Punishment for his several offences, by whipping at a Cart, and standing in thePillory, and (as their Lordships were this day informed) during the time that his Body was under the said Execution, audaciously and wickedly, not only uttered sundry scandalous and seditious Speeches, but likewise scattered sundry Copies of seditious Books amongst the People that beheld the said Execution, for which very thing, amongst other offences of like nature, he had been Censured in the said Court by the aforesaid Sentence. It was thereupon ordered by their Lordships, that the saidLilburneshould be laid alone with Irons on his Hands and Legs in the Wards of theFleet, where the basest and meanest sort of Prisoners are used to be put; and that the Warden of theFleettake special care to hinder the resort of any Person whatsoever unto him, and particularly that he be not supplied with any Hand, and that he take special notice of all Letters, Writings, and Books brought unto him, and seize and deliver the same unto their Lordships. And take notice from time to time who they be that resort to the said Prison to visit the saidLilburne, and to speak with him, and inform the Board....
Source.—Harleian Miscellany.Vol. iv., p. 527.
Whereas the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons in this present Parliament assembled, have, in the name of themselves, and all the Commons of England, impeached Thomas Earl of Strafford of high treason, for endeavouring to subvert the ancient and fundamental laws and government of his Majesty's realms of England and Ireland, and to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical government against law in the said kingdoms; and for exercising a tyrannous and exorbitant power over and against the laws of the said kingdoms, over the liberties, estates and lives of his majesty's subjects; and likewise for having, by his own authority, commanded the laying and assessing of soldiers upon his Majesty's subjects in Ireland against their consents, to compel them to obey his unlawful commands and orders, made upon paper petitions, in causes between party and party, which accordingly was executed upon divers of his Majesty's subjects in a warlike manner within the said realm of Ireland, and in so doing did levy war against the King's majesty and his liege people in that kingdom; and also for that he, upon the unhappy dissolution of the last Parliament, did slander the House of Commons to his Majesty and did counsel and advise his Majesty that he was loose and absolved from rules of government, and that he had an army in Ireland which he might employ to reduce this kingdom; for which he deserves to undergo the pains and forfeitures of high treason.
And the said Earl hath been also an incendiary of the wars between the two kingdoms of England and Scotland, all which offences have been sufficiently proved against the said Earl upon his impeachment.
Be it therefore enacted by the King's most excellent Majesty and by the Lords and Commons in the present Parliament assembled and by authority of the same, that the said Earl of Strafford for the heinous crimes and offences aforesaid, stand and be adjudged and attainted of high treason, andshall suffer the pain of death, and incur the forfeitures of his goods and chattels, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, of any estate of freehold or inheritance in the said kingdoms of England and Ireland which the said Earl, or any other to his use, or in trust for him, have or had, the day of the first sitting of this present parliament or at any time since.
Provided that no judge or judges, justice or justices whatsoever shall adjudge or interpret any act or thing to be treason, nor hear or determine any treason, in any other manner than he or they should or ought to have done before the making of this act, and as if this act had never been had or made.
Source.—Rushworth. Vol. iii., p. 251.
May it please Your Sacred Majesty,Ithath been my greatest grief, in all these troubles, to be taken as a person which should endeavour to represent and set things amiss between your Majesty and your people; and to give counsels tending to the disquiet of the three kingdoms.
Most true it is, that this (mine own private condition considered,) had been a great madness; since, through your gracious favour I was so provided, as not to expect, in any kind, to mind my fortune or please my mind more, than by resting where your bounteous hands had placed me.
Nay, it is most mightily mistaken. For unto your majesty it is well known, my poor and humble advice concluded still in this, that your majesty and your people could never be happy till there was a right understanding betwixt you and them; and that no other means were left to effect and settle this happiness but by the counsel and assent of your parliament; or to prevent the growing evils of this state, but by entirely putting yourself in this last resort upon the loyalty and good affections of your English subjects.
Yet, such is my misfortune, that this truth findeth little credit; yea, the contrary seemeth generally to be believed,and myself reputed as one who endeavoured to make a separation between you and your people. Under a heavier censure than this, I am persuaded, no gentleman can suffer.
Now I understand the minds of men are more and more incensed against me, notwithstanding your Majesty hath declared that in your princely opinion, I am not guilty of treason; nor are you satisfied in your conscience to pass the bill.
This bringeth me in a very great strait: there is before me the ruin of my children and family, hitherto untouched, in all the branches of it, with any foul crime: here are before me the many ills which may befall your sacred person, and the whole kingdom, should yourself and the parliament part less satisfied one with the other than is necessary for the preservation both of king and people: here are before me the things most valued, most feared by mortal men, life and death.
To say, Sir, that there hath not been a strife in me, were to make me less man than (God knoweth) my infirmities make me. And to call a destruction upon myself and young children, where the intentions of my heart, at least, have been innocent of this great offence, may be believed will find no easy consent from flesh and blood.
But, with much sadness, I am come to a resolution of that, which I take to be the best becoming me; and to look upon it as that which is most principal in itself, which, doubtless, is the prosperity of your sacred person, and the commonwealth, things infinitely before any private man's interest.
And therefore, in few words, as I put myself wholly upon the honour and justice of my peers, so clearly, as to wish your majesty might please to have spared that declaration of yours on Saturday last, and entirely to have left me to their lordships; so now, to set your majesty's conscience at liberty, I do most humbly beseech your majesty, for the prevention of evils which may happen by your refusal, to pass this bill, and by this means to remove, (praised be God,I cannot say this accursed, but I confess) this unfortunate thing forth of the way; towards that blessed agreement, which God, I trust, shall ever establish between you and your subjects.
Sir, my consent shall more acquit you herein to God, than all the world can do besides. To a willing man there is no injury done: and as, by God's grace, I forgive all the world with calmness and meekness of infinite contentment to my dislodging soul: so, Sir, to you I can give the life of this world with all the cheerfulness imaginable, in the just acknowledgement of your exceeding favours; and only beg that, in your goodness, you would vouchsafe to cast your gracious regard upon my poor son and his sisters, less or more, and no otherwise than their (in present) unfortunate father may hereafter appear more or less guilty of his death. God long preserve your majesty.
Your majesty's most humble, most faithful subject and servant,
Strafford.
Tower,May 4, 1641.
Source.—Rushworth. Vol. iv., p. 452.
We having received from you, soon after our return out of Scotland, a long petition consisting of many desires of great moment, together with a declaration of a very unusual nature annexed thereunto, we had taken some time to consider of it, as befitted us in a matter of that consequence, being confident that your own reason and regard to us, as well as our express intimation by our comptroller, to that purpose, would have restrained you from the publishing of it till such time as you should have received our answer to it; but, much against our expectation, finding the contrary, that the said declaration is already abroad in print, by directions from your House as appears by the printed copy, we must letyou know that we are very sensible of the disrespect. Notwithstanding, it is our intention that no failing on your part shall make us fail in ours, of giving all due satisfaction to the desires of our people in a parliamentary way; and therefore we send you this answer to your petition, reserving ourself in point of the declaration which we think unparliamentary, and shall take a course to do that which we shall think fit in prudence and honour.
To the petition, we say that although there are divers things in the preamble of it which we are so far from admitting that we profess we cannot at all understand them, as of "a wicked and malignant party prevalent in the government"; of "some of that party admitted to our Privy Council and to other employments of trust, and nearest to us and our children"; of "endeavours to sow among the people false scandals and imputations, to blemish and disgrace the proceedings of the Parliament"; all, or any of them, did we know of, we should be as ready to remedy and punish as you to complain of, so that the prayers of your petition are grounded upon such premises as we must in no wise admit; yet, notwithstanding, we are pleased to give this answer to you.
To the first, concerning religion, consisting of several branches, we say that, for preserving the peace and safety of this kingdom from the design of the Popish party, we have, and will still, concur with all the just desires of our people in a parliamentary way: that, for the depriving of the Bishops of their votes in Parliament, we should have you consider that their right is grounded upon the fundamental law of the kingdom and constitution of Parliament. This we would have you consider; but since you desire our concurrence herein in a parliamentary way, we will give no further answer at this time.
As for the abridging of the inordinate power of the clergy, we conceive that the taking away of the High Commission Court hath well moderated that; but if there continue any usurpations or excesses in their jurisdictions, we therein neither have nor will protect them.
Unto that clause which concerneth corruptions (as you style them) in religion, in Church government, and in discipline, and the removing of such unnecessary ceremonies as weak consciences might check at: that for any illegal innovations which may have crept in, we shall willingly concur in the removal of them: that, if our Parliament shall advise us to call a national synod, which may duly examine such ceremonies as give just cause of offence to any, we shall take it into consideration, and apply ourself to give due satisfaction therein; but we are very sorry to hear, in such general terms, corruption in religion objected, since we are persuaded in our consciences that no Church can be found upon the earth that professeth the true religion with more purity of doctrine than the Church of England doth, nor where the government and discipline are jointly more beautified and free from superstition, than as they are here established by law, which, by the grace of God, we will with constancy maintain (while we live) in their purity and glory, not only against all invasions of Popery, but also from the irreverence of those many schismatics and separatists, wherewith of late this kingdom and this city abounds, to the great dishonour and hazard both of Church and State, for the suppression of whom we require your timely aid and active assistance.
To the second prayer of the petition, the removal and choice of councillors, we know not any of our Council to whom the character set forth in the petition can belong: that by those whom we had exposed to trial, we have already given you sufficient testimony that there is no man so near unto us in place or affection, whom we will not leave to the justice of the law, if you shall bring a particular charge and sufficient proofs against him; and of this we do again assure you, but in the meantime we wish you to forbear such general aspersions as may reflect upon all our Council, since you name none in particular.
That for the choice of our councillors and ministers of state, it were to debar us that natural liberty all freemen have; and as it is the undoubted right of the Crown of England to callsuch persons to our secret counsels, to public employment and our particular service as we shall think fit, so we are, and ever shall be, very careful to make election of such persons in those places of trust as shall have given good testimonies of their abilities and integrity, and against whom there can be no just cause of exception whereon reasonably to ground a diffidence; and to choices of this nature, we assure you that the mediation of the nearest unto us hath always concurred.
To the third prayer of your petition concerning Ireland, we understand your desire of not alienating the forfeited lands thereof, to proceed from much care and love, and likewise that it may be a resolution very fit for us to take; but whether it be seasonable to declare resolutions of that nature before the events of a war be seen, that we much doubt of. Howsoever, we cannot but thank you for this care, and your cheerful engagement for the suppression of that rebellion; upon the speedy effecting whereof, the glory of God in the protestant profession, the safety of the British there, our honour, and that of the nation, so much depends; all the interests of this kingdom being so involved in that business, we cannot but quicken your affections therein, and shall desire you to frame your counsels, to give such expedition to the work as the nature thereof and the pressures in point of time require; and whereof you are put in mind by the daily insolence and increase of those rebels.
For conclusion, your promise to apply yourselves to such courses as may support our royal estate with honour and plenty at home, and with power and reputation abroad, is that which we have ever promised ourself, both from your loyalties and affections, and also for what we have already done, and shall daily go adding unto, for the comfort and happiness of our people.
Source.—Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson.Ed. Bohn. G. Bell and Son. P. 120.
When puritanism grew into a faction, the zealots distinguished themselves, both men and women, by several affectations of habit, looks, and words, which, had it been a real forsaking of vanity, and an embracing of sobriety in all those things, would have been most commendable; but their quick forsaking of those things, when they had arrived at their object, showed that they either never took them up for conscience, or were corrupted by their prosperity to take up those vain things they durst not practise under persecution. Among other affected habits, few of the puritans, what degree soever they were of, wore their hair long enough to cover their ears, and the ministers and many others cut it close round their heads, with so many little peaks, as was something ridiculous to behold; whereupon Cleaveland, in his Hue and Cry after them, begins,
"With hayre in Characters and Luggs in Text," etc.
From this custom of wearing their hair, that name of roundhead became the scornful term given to the whole parliament party, whose army indeed marched out as if they had been only sent out till their hair was grown. Two or three years after, any stranger that had seen them, would have inquired the reason of that name. It was very ill applied to Mr. Hutchinson, who, having naturally a very fine thickset head of hair, kept it clean and handsome, so that it was a great ornament to him; although the godly of those days, when he embraced their party, would not allow him to be religious because his hair was not in their cut, nor his words in their phrase, nor such little formalities altogether fitted to their humour; who were, many of them, so weak as to esteem such insignificant circumstances, rather than solid wisdom, piety, and courage, which brought real aid and honour to their party. But as Mr. Hutchinson chose not them, but the Godthey served, and the truth and righteousness they defended, so did not their weaknesses, censures, ingratitude, or discouraging behaviour, with which he was abundantly exercised all his life, make him forsake them in any thing wherein they adhered to just and honourable principles or practices; but when they apostatized from these, none cast them off with greater indignation, how shining soever the profession was that gilt, not a temple of living grace, but a tomb, which only held the carcase of religion.
Source.—Acts and Ordinances of Interregnum.Ed. by C. H. Firth and R. S. Rait. London: Wyman and Son, 1911. Vol. i., p. 26. September 2.
Whereas the distressed estate of Ireland, steeped in her own blood, and the distracted estate of England, threatened with a cloud of blood by the civil war, call for all possible means to appease and avert the Wrath of God, appearing in these judgments; among which Fasting and Prayer, having been often tried to be very effectual, having been lately and are still enjoined; and whereas public sports do not well agree with public calamities, nor public stage plays with the seasons of humiliation, this being an exercise of sad and pious solemnity, and the other being spectacles of pleasure, too commonly expressing lascivious mirth and levity: it is therefore thought fit and ordained, by the Lords and Commons in this parliament assembled, that while these sad causes and set times of humiliation do continue, public Stage Plays shall cease and be forborn, instead of which are recommended to the people of this land, the profitable and seasonable considerations of repentance, reconciliation and peace with God, which probably may produce outward peace and prosperity, and bring again times of joy and gladness to these nations.
Source.—The Holy State, by Thomas Fuller, 1642. P. 116.
Is a gentleman in ore whom the next age may see refined, and is the wax capable of a gentle impression, when the prince shall stamp it. Wise Solon (who accounted Tellus the Athenian the most happy man for living privately on his own lands) would surely have pronounced the English yeomanry a fortunate condition, living in the temperate zone betwixt greatness and want, an estate of people almost peculiar to England. France and Italy are like a die which hath no points betwixt six and ace, Nobility and Peasantry. Their walls though high must needs be hollow, wanting filling stones. Indeed Germany hath her Boors like our Yeomen, but by a tyrannical appropriation of Nobility to some few ancient families, their yeomen are excluded from ever rising higher to clarify their bloods. In England the Temple of Honour is bolted against none who have passed through the Temple of Virtue, nor is a capacity to be gentle denied to our Yeoman, who thus behaves himself.
He wears Russet clothes but makes golden payment, having tin in his buttons and silver in his pockets. If he chance to appear in clothes above his rank, it is to grace some great man with his service, and then he blusheth at his own bravery. Otherwise he is the surest landmark where foreigners may take aim of the ancient English customs; the Gentry more shooting after foreign fashions.
In his house he is bountiful both to strangers and poor people. Some hold when hospitality died in England, she gave her last groan amongst the yeomen of Kent. And still at our yeoman's table you shall have as many joints as dishes. No meat disguised with strange sauces, no straggling joint of a sheep in the midst of a pasture of grass, beset with salads on every side, but solid substantial food, no servitors, (more nimble with their hands than the guests with their teeth) take away meat before stomachs [appetites] are taken away.Here you have that which in itself is good, made better by the store of it and best by the welcome to it.
He hath a great stroke in making a knight of the shire. Good reason, for he makes a whole line in the subsidy book, where whatsoever he is rated, he pays without any regret, not caring how much his purse is let blood, so it be done by the advice of the physicians of the State. He seldom goes far abroad, and his credit stretcheth farther than his travel. He goes not to London, butse defendoto save himself of a fine being returned of a Jury, where seeing the King once, he prays for him ever afterwards.
In his own country he is a main man in Juries. Where if the judge please to open his eyes in matter of Law, he needs not to be led by the nose in matters of fact. He is very observant of the Judgesitem, where it followeth the truthin primis; otherwise (though not mutinous in a Jury) he cares not whom he displeaseth, so he pleaseth his own conscience. He improveth his land to a double value by his good husbandry. Some grounds that wept with water, or frowned with thorns, by draining the one and clearing the other, he makes both to laugh and sing with corn. By marl and limestones burnt he bettereth his ground, and his industry worketh miracles by turning stones into bread....
In time of famine he is the Joseph of the country, and keeps the poor from starving. Then he tameth his stacks of corn, which not his covetousness, but providence hath reserved for time of need, and to his poor neighbours abateth somewhat of the high price of the market. The neighbour gentry court him for his acquaintance, which he either modestly waiveth, or thankfully accepteth, but no way greedily desireth. He insults not the ruins of a decayed gentleman, but pities and relieves him; and as he is called Goodman, he desires to answer to the name and to be so indeed.
In war, though he serveth on foot, he is ever mounted on a high spirit; as being a slave to none and subject only to his own prince. Innocence and independence make a brave spirit, whereas otherwise one must ask his leave to be valiant, onwhom he depends. Therefore if a state run up all to noblemen and gentlemen, so that the husbandmen be only mere labourers or cottagers (which one [Bacon] called but housed beggars) it may have good cavalry, but never good bands of foot so that their armies will be like those birds called Apodes, without feet, always only flying on their wings of horse. Wherefore to make good Infantry, it requireth men bred, not in a senile or indigent fashion, but in some free and plentiful manner. Wisely therefore did that knowing prince King Henry VII. provide laws for the increase of his yeomanry, that his kingdom should not be like to coppice woods, where the staddles being left too thick all runs to bushes and briars, and there's little clean underwood. For, enacting that houses used to husbandry should be kept up with a competent proportion of land, he did secretly sow Hydra's teeth, whereby (according to the poet's fiction) should rise up armed men for the service of this kingdom.
Source.—State Papers: Domestic, 1641-1643. P. 398.
Nehemiah Wharton to George Willingham, Oct. 7, 1642.
This day a company of knights, gentlemen, and yeomen of the county of Hereford came to his Excellency [Essex], petitioners for strength to be sent speedily to Hereford; and forthwith we were commanded to draw out fifteen men out of every company in our regiments, in all about 900, with three troops of horse and nine pieces of ordnance, with which we marched, a forlorn hope, towards Hereford.... After we had marched 10 miles, we came to Bromyard, the weather wet and the way very foul. Here we got a little refreshment, and from hence marched 10 miles further to Hereford. But [it was] very late before we got thither; and by reason of the rain and snow, and extremity of cold, one of our soldiers diedby the way; and it is wonderful we did not all perish, for the cowardly Cavaliers were within a few miles of us. In this poor condition coming to Hereford, the gates were shut against us, and for two hours we stood in dirt and water up to the mid-leg, for the city were all Malignants, save three which were Roundheads, and the Marquis of Hereford had sent them word the day before that they should in no wise let us in, or if they did, we would plunder their houses, murder their children, burn their bibles and utterly ruinate all, and promised he would relieve them himself with all speed, for which cause the citizens were resolved to oppose us unto the death, and having in the City three pieces of ordnance, charged them with stones, nails, etc., and placed them against us, and we against them, resolving either to enter the city, or die before it. But the Roundheads in the City, one of them an alderman surnamed Lane, persuaded the silly Mayor, for so he is indeed, that his Excellency and all his forces were at hand, whereupon he opened unto us, and we entered the city at Byster's gate, but found the doors shut, many of the people with their children fled, and had enough to do to get a little quarter. But the poor Mayor, seeing he was so handsomely cozened, was not a little angry, for Hereford with all his forces, which fled from Sherborne, promised to visit them the day following. This night though wet and weary we were fain to guard the city.... Saturday our squadron watched at St. Owen's gate, which day I took an opportunity to view the city, which is well situate, and seated upon the river Wye, environed with a strong wall better than any I have seen before, with five gates and a strong stone bridge of six arches, surpassing Worcester. In this city is the stateliest marketplace in the Kingdom, built with columns after the manner of the Exchange: the Minster every way exceeding that at Worcester; but the city in circuit not so large. The inhabitants are totally ignorant in the ways of God and much addicted to drunkenness and other vices, but principally to swearing, so that the children that have scarce learned to speak do universally swear stoutly. Many here speak Welsh.This day, our companies exercising in the fields at Worcester, one of the Lord General's soldiers shot at random, and with a brace of bullets shot one of his fellow-soldiers through the head, who immediately died. Sabbath day about the time of morning prayer, we went to the Minster, where the pipes played and the puppets sang so sweetly that some of our soldiers could not forbear dancing in the holy choir, whereat the Baalists were sore displeased. The anthem ended, they fell to prayer, and prayed devoutly for the King, the Bishops, etc.; and one of our soldiers with a loud voice said, "What, never a bit for the Parliament?" which offended them much more. Not satisfied with this human service, we went to divine, and passing by found shops open and men at work, to whom we gave some plain dehortations, and went to hear Mr. Sedgwick [the Army Chaplain], who gave us two famous sermons, which much affected the poor inhabitants, who wondering said they never heard the like before. And I believe them. The Lord move your hearts to commiserate their distresses and to send them some faithful and painful ministers; for the revenue of the college will maintain many of them. This even the Earl of Stamford, who is made governor of Hereford, entered the city with a regiment of foot and some troops of horse, and took up the Bishop's palace for his quarter and is resolved there to abide: whereupon on Monday morning we marched towards Worcester, and at the end of 10 miles came to Bromyard, where we quartered all night. This day his Excellency proclaimed that all soldiers that would set to digging should have twelve pence the day, and enter into pay presently. Tuesday we marched to Worcester, and were received with much joy, for the design was so desperate that our judicious friends never looked to see us again....