CHAPTER XIII.
Political History of Yucatan—The Rochelanos—A Civil Revolution—A Tumultuary Movement in the Interior—Santiago Iman—Attack on Espita—Retreat to San Fernando—Quiet Restored for a Time—Colonel Roqueña—Attack on Tizimin—Return of the Troops—Attack on Valladolid—Capitulation—Succession of Events—A New Constitution—The New Congress—New Party—Opinions—Physical Incapacity for Independence—The Press of Yucatan.
It might be well enough for me to adopt the example of Fielding, so far as to precede this chapter with a stage direction of this kind: “To be skipped by those who are not fond of politics.” The political history of Yucatan necessarily possesses but little interest to any class of foreign readers, and yet I could not but think that some notice of that kind might add symmetry to a work which relies so much for its value upon its record of institutions and customs, which are indebted for their shape and character to the political condition of the people to whom they belong. For that reason I present the substance of my own observations and inquiries, without pretending, however, that the following remarks will answer half of the questions pertaining to this subject, which a student of political science would be disposed to ask.
Yucatan, since its conquest by the Spaniards, and until the year 1839, was a province of the great Mexican Confederacy, and formed one of the United Provinces of Mexico. For several years, however, previous to 1839, the tranquillity of Mexico had been disturbed by a party called Rochelanos, who insisted upon the independence of Yucatan, or else a more liberal central government. Their agitations finally placed their party at the head of the government. In the year 1837 this party was overthrown and removed from power, having lost the elections by an overwhelming majority; indeed, so decided was the triumph of their opponents, that they dared not resist, and a civil revolution was effected, for the first time since the independence of the country. They immediately commenced agitating and plotting, but with no decided success until the year 1839.
With a view of overturning the then existing government, and ousting the incumbents of office from their places, the Rochelanos favored covertly a design on the part of those styling themselves Federalists, to regain the power they had lost in 1834. The 29th of May, 1839, witnessed a tumultuary movement in the village of Tizimin, a small town of the interior, where a militia captain, one Santiago Iman, at the head of a handful of deserters from the third battalion of local militia, counting on the co-operation of several leading personages, set up the standard of revolt, under the specious pretext of proclaiming the Federal constitution of 1824. A feigned attack was immediately made on the neighboring village of Espita,a place of some importance, containing about three thousand inhabitants, and distant from Tizimin six leagues.
The military commander at Espita had engaged himself to act in concert, but at the critical moment he played false, and deceived the hopes of the leaders in the plot. He received an intimation from Iman to surrender, as had been previously agreed upon, but retained the messengers, and made preparations for defence. Iman marched to the attack in the night, and, much to his surprise, met with resistance. A very hot firing (as it was styled in the bulletins) was kept up for nearly four hours; but, strange to say, only one was killed, a negro, from the window of one of the houses behind which he had posted himself. Before daylight the firing ceased, and Iman returned unmolested to Tizimin. Those who had instigated him to take the step having failed in their engagements to him, his situation now became very critical, and he was left entirely to his own resources. A retreat to San Fernando was determined on and executed. This is a small village seven leagues from Tizimin, to the northward, inhabited by a colony of negroes from St. Domingo, numbering about seventy males. Here he remained, and threw up some fortifications, composed chiefly of stone barricades across the roads at the entrance of the village, and for the purpose of obstructing their advance, cut down the trees lining the roads by which the troops were to pass. Nearly two months elapsed before he was attacked—then by about four hundred men, chieflymilitia, under the orders of the commander of Espita, already named. As might have been anticipated from the character of this person, nothing of importance was effected; but after a great deal of noise and smoke, the defenders ran away, and the attacking party entered, without killing one or taking a single prisoner. This was afterwards trumpeted as a signal victory, and the “hero,” as he was styled, greatly eulogized. The revolution was officially declared to be terminated; but notwithstanding, as no pursuit was ever made, a sufficiency of time was allowed to the insurgents to reunite their scattered numbers.
A long time was spent in inactivity on the part of the government troops, until at last, after some slight brushes, Tizimin was evacuated by its garrison, and again occupied by Iman, who, finding himself with no other resource, bethought himself of enlisting the sympathies of the Indians, by offering them a discharge for the future from the religious contributions paid by them. This leader, who was destitute himself of talent and instruction, and in every respect a very common man, could not foresee the influence this would have on the contest; but the most well informed men in the country knew its importance, and feared ultimately a re-enactment of the bloody scenes of St. Domingo. Numbers of Indians flocked to Tizimin, and contributed, with their persons and such small means as they possessed, to the maintenance of the struggle. Supplies of cattle, turkeys, fowls, corn, &c., were carried by them to the general,as they styled Iman, and the means thus furnished him of sustaining himself. The government, at last aware of the real importance of quelling in time this movement, made every exertion, and a division of about six hundred men marched for Tizimin, under the command of Colonel Roquena. This officer, who is said to possess talent and bravery, but who exhibited neither on this occasion, attacked the place on the 12th of December, in solid column, marching directly to the point, without an effort to outflank, select a weak point, or cut off the retreat of the enemy. The whole column was held in check in a narrow road before a common stone barricade for nearly six hours. After losing about fifty men, one of the companies carried the place at the point of the bayonet, and the rest of the division then marched into the place. The defenders retreated, almost without loss or pursuit, just as at San Fernando, and a pompous description was given of the brilliant victory.
The troops were afterwards stationed at different points, and the colonel returned to Campeachy, believing nothing more remained to be done! The garrison of Tizimin was finally withdrawn, and the place re-occupied by the insurgents. Things remained in this state of indecision; the resources of the government were absorbed uselessly in the maintenance of troops and officers, who took no interest in the cause, until the 11th of February, 1840, an attack was made on the city of Valladolid, then garrisoned by three hundred men, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Arans. This brave officer determinedto discharge his duty, and knowing his subordinates to have been tampered with, marched in person at the head of some guerrilla parties, to attack the insurgents, who had obtained an entrance in the “barrio” of Sisal. He was killed, and some two or three others, by shots from the houses. Nothing was thought of after his fall but capitulating. That night the troops yielded up their arms to a motley looking band of Indians, led on by some of the outcasts of society, deserters, assassins, &c. A meeting was held at the town hall, and thepronunciamientoof Valladolid given to the world, seconding the plan of Iman, and re-announcing the Constitution of 1824. From the importance of the place, its example was followed by the surrounding villages and towns, and in the course of a week, Merida, the capital of the State, declared for the new order of things; several of the military taking a part in the proceedings. Nothing was left but Campeachy, the head-quarters of the Commanding General Rivas, with a garrison of about one thousand men. Marches and countermarches were effected, until the siege of the place, which finally capitulated in June, leaving the whole State in the hands of the so styled Federalists.
An effort had been made before the taking of Valladolid to vary the plan of the revolution, providing for the removal of the Commanding General Rivas, who was particularly obnoxious, and changing thepersonaleof the administration; but Iman, who had been abandoned to his own resources, was then obstinateand could not be managed. At Merida likewise, on the occasion of theirpronunciamiento, the Rochelanos endeavored to usurp the direction of the movement, which had now become popular; for many of the most influential and talented men, perceiving the inability of the government to weather the storm, owing to the bad faith and cowardice of its supporters, had resolved upon taking an active part, and endeavoring to guide and direct the mind of the automaton Iman; who, possessing none of his own, was pleased and glad to make use of the judgment of others, as thus he was enabled to figure in high sounding proclamations, to which he could scarcely affix his signature. Several of the higher clergy or curates came forward in opposition to these revolutionary movements, actuated by various motives; one of which we would fain believe was a disinterested patriotism. They were well aware of the danger that menaced the white race in Yucatan, surrounded by an Indian population four times their number, should the revolution be any longer protracted. Another strong motive was the desire to save their incomes and benefices, directly attacked by the plan of Iman. This they succeeded in doing in part, as the males still pay the usual religious contribution; the females only being exempted by a decree of the Legislature of 1840. The attempt of the Rochelanos was a complete failure, and only served to sink them still lower in public opinion, and to justify the estimation in which they had always been held—of artful and designing intriguers.
The work of the revolution was now completed, as far as the original design went; namely, that of a change ofmen, for ofprinciplesbut few were involved. The ball did not however stop here, as a number of political schemers, with a view of grafting themselves on, and identifying themselves with the revolution, brought forward a number of new projects, which in the first session of the legislature were carried out. The clergy and the military were directly attacked, deprived of their exclusive privileges, and many of the latter dismissed. A new constitution for the State was decreed on the thirty-first of March, 1841, not essentially different from its predecessors, except in the fact of its religious toleration. The governor of the State is restricted to certain limited powers in the constitution, but these restrictions in the end are nominal. From some pretext or other, he is almost always invested with extraordinary authority; enabling him to punish without trial; not only the guilty, but even such as he may choose to considersuspicious.
The Congress or Legislature was not elected for the purpose of forming a new constitution,but it declared itselfto be invested with the necessary powers, and proceeded to exercise them. It also passed a tariff, greatly reducing the former scale of duties; although the Federal Constitution of 1824, proclaimed in the State, makes this entirely and exclusively to lie within the prerogatives of the general Congress under the new government. A thousand such infractions have been committed, without exciting remark or surprise. The tariff was altered and reduced, witha view of discouraging smuggling, and thereby increasing the revenue. It had this effect for a short time; but the clandestine traffic is carried on as briskly as ever, and the country having been overstocked with goods, the amount of duties collected has greatly fallen off. The whole income of the State does not exceed at present seven hundred thousand dollars per annum.
For the past year and a half, a new party, if such it may be called, has attracted attention. The object in view is to continue the separation from the rest of the Mexican Republic. It is called the independent party, and is composed of a few young enthusiasts, and a number of older politicians, who, for the purpose of gratifying their own ends and interests, and from their connexion with some of the lawless men engaged in the late revolution, contrive to make it appear that there is a great deal of enthusiasm prevailing among the people; and that public opinion is decidedly in favor of the independence of the peninsula. To enter into arguments for the purpose of disproving this, is perfectly unnecessary. Such a thing as public opinion is unknown; the masses are too ignorant, and have been too long accustomed to dictation and pupilage, to have any opinion. This is demonstrated by the mere fact of every revolutionary movement having triumphed since their emancipation from the Spanish yoke; which clearly proves, that either there is nothing deserving the name of people, or else that they take no interest in public affairs, but allow themselves to be the playthings of every ambitious demagogue or military leader.
The country is not destined ever to be of any considerable importance in the political scale. Its resources are very limited; its capital small; its soil by no means fertile; it possesses neither good roads to any extent, nor a single navigable river; manufactures are almost unknown, and agriculture is in the most neglected state. How then can Yucatan sustain itself alone, or ever figure as an independent nation? The idea is absurd, and could only be entertained by an enthusiast, and one totally ignorant of the elements required to constitute national greatness and prosperity.
Another circumstance worthy of consideration is the existence of a large colored population, far outnumbering the whites. Should Yucatan be left to itself, an insurrection among the Indians would be productive of the most awful calamities; and in that case, being entirely isolated, no foreign aid could be looked for to subdue the danger. The glimpse the Indians have just caught of what they may do, and their exertions in the last revolution being rewarded by a diminution in the amount of their onerous religious contributions, may probably stimulate them to make an effort to free themselves from the bondage of the whites. Many intelligent and well-informed men, residents and natives of the country, fear this may ultimately be the result; and it is on this account chiefly they regret the employment of Indians in the late contest. The chord touched by Iman has vibrated, the way has been shown to designing and unprincipled men, of causing an excitementand making themselves fearful; they have only to hold out promises, however fallacious, to this race, and ensure themselves a certain measure of importance and notoriety. Ere long some “Tecumseh” or “Black Hawk” may rise up, and the most disastrous, heart-rending, and bloody scenes will be re-enacted.
This is the distinguishing feature in the last revolution; it is certainly fraught with danger to the white race, yet in reward of his services the disinterested patriot, the new Washington, as he is styled by his sycophants, the leader and associate of deserters and assassins, Santiago Iman, is now created Brigadier General. The sphere is however too elevated for him to hope to maintain his position; and the slightest change will be sufficient to consign him to his native insignificance.
The state of affairs is now very critical: General Santa Ana, possessed, to say the least, of considerable energy, is at the head of affairs in Mexico: he menaces Yucatan with an invasion; and we know enough of the state of the country, and the feelings of its inhabitants, to say, that should he verify his intentions by sending an expedition, however small, he would meet with co-operation, and such aid as would enable him quickly and with certainty to subjugate the country.
In attempting to present a politico-historical sketch of the province of Yucatan, my duty would be but imperfectly discharged if I failed to notice its newspaper press, an engine which in all civilized countries at the present day has come to exercisetremendous political influence. It is almost unnecessary for me to say that the direct action of the press upon public opinion here is quite inconsiderable, for there is but little public opinion to work upon, and but few papers competent to exercise any influence upon it.
There are only two or three small papers published at Merida. These are mostly filled with stories, local news, and markets, an incomplete marine list, and a collection of advertisements, that too plainly indicate the fallen condition of trade. At Campeachy there is a single small periodical, devoted to literature, and very poorly patronised. These represent the whole editorial strength of Yucatan. These papers never pretend to differ in opinion with the government upon any question of public policy. They do not aspire to control public opinion, except that opinion may be at variance with the wishes of the “powers that be.” There is no freedom of discussion about the policy of the government or the religious establishments of the country, allowed or ever asked. What of interest these papers possess, therefore, arises from the stories which they occasionally publish, and the local news. It is obvious that the full force and efficacy of the newspaper have never been realized in any part of Mexico.