"The Messrs. Rothschild say that, owing to the high price which they were compelled to pay for called bonds, and the reduced price at which they were compelled to part with a portion of the four per cent. bonds, they have made a slight loss on their transactions so far. They like to have business relations and connections with governments, and I think that that disposition on their part is paramount to the question of profits. The matter of the subscription was discussed again yesterday, and deferred until Monday for further consideration, and I was asked to send the following cable message to you:
'Rothschild & Sons request me to say they do not consider contract of January 21, 1879, requires subscription $2,000,000 to be made April 1. On account of market price below par at the present time, they desire delay subscription a few days. Hope you will consent.'
"I hoped you would consent, because I think it quite important, for many reasons, that we should dispose of bonds on this side of the water. They take the place of actual gold in settling exchanges, and thereby prevent the disturbances in the money market which always result from the moving of bullion. I have no doubt but that the use of these bonds in this manner has stimulated purchases of grain and produce from us which would never have left our shores if payment for the same could only have been made in bullion. I received this morning your cable message in answer to the one I sent yesterday, as follows:
'I think contract of January 21, 1879, very plain. Subscriptions should be made April 1; but, if they desire, time will be extended to April 8.'
* * * * *
"With great respect, I remain, yours truly,"Chas. F. Conant."Hon. John Sherman."
I have set out in full this correspondence with Rothschild and his associates and with Conant, to show that on the eve of complete success they were discouraged and asked for a postponement of, to them, the small subscription of $1,000,000, and did not even think of taking the option of $10,000,000 of bonds subsequently claimed.
With the 1st of April all stringency disappeared. Accounts were settled without difficulty. The amount of four per cent. consols sold to March 31, inclusive, was $473,443,400.
On the 4th of April, while attending a meeting of the cabinet, I was handed the following telegram:
"New York, April 4, 1879."Hon. John Sherman, Secretary of the Treasury, Washington, D. C.
"National Bank of Commerce in New York subscribes for forty million dollars four per cent. bonds. Particulars and certificates by mail.
"Henry F. Vail, President."
I thought the amount was a mistake, that four instead of forty was meant. I replied as follows:
"Henry F. Vail, President National Bank of Commerce, New York."Before making call I prefer you repeat your subscription."
A few moments after sending this telegram I received the following from Mr. Vail:
"I sent you telegram to-day, which from its importance I beg you will telegraph me acknowledgment of its receipt."
I replied:
"Your telegram is received, and I have asked repetition of it before making call."
The following telegraphic correspondence then occurred:
"Hon. John Sherman.
"Please enter to-day for us a subscription for ten million dollars four per cents. making, however, no announcement until we see you to-morrow.
"G. F. Baker, President First National Bank, New York.
"Hon. John Sherman.
"We have taken two million subscriptions to-day thus far, and more to follow.
"E. D. Randolph,"President Continental National Bank, New York."
"New York, April 4, 1879."Hon. John Sherman.
"Your two telegrams received. I hereby confirm my telegram of to- day, subscribing, in name of National Bank of Commerce in New York, for forty million dollars four per cent. bonds.
"Henry F. Vail, President."
"Henry F. Vail, President National Bank of Commerce, New York.
"Your subscription for forty million four per cent. bonds, having been repeated by telegram, is accepted. A call will issue to-day for the balance of the sixty-sevens and to-morrow a call will issue for the whole of the sixty-eights.
"John Sherman, Secretary."
"E. D. Randolph, President, etc., New York.
"Your two million subscription received and accepted, but can accept no more. All 5-20's are covered.
"John Sherman, Secretary."
"New York, April 4, 18979."Hon. John Sherman.
"We subscribe for three millions more, making five in all.
"F. Taylor, Cashier Continental National Bank."
"Treasury Department, April 4, 1879."F. Taylor, Cashier Continental National Bank, New York.
"Your subscription for three millions arrived too late; all the 5- 20's have been covered by previous subscriptions.
"John Sherman, Secretary."
A similar telegram was sent to the Continental National Bank ofNew York, which subscribed $25,000,000 additional, the HanoverNational Bank of New York, $25,000,000, and the New York NationalBanking Association, $2,000,000.
I then telegraphed to Mr. Conant as follows:
"Subscriptions have been made covering all 5-20 bonds (consols of 1867 and consols of 1868) outstanding, reserving for contracting parties the one million not subscribed for.
"Inform the contracting parties and accept no new subscriptions."
On the 4th of April, 1879, I had the satisfaction of issuing the 95th and 96th calls for 5-20 bonds, covering all the bonds outstanding issued under the act of March 3, 1865, and the last of the United States 5-20 bonds. The early twenty year bonds, issued during the first two years of the Civil War, were not yet due or redeemable, and, therefore, could not be called for payment. This was a practical illustration of the importance, in issuing government securities, of reserving the right to redeem them before maturity.
The rapid and irregular subscriptions made on the 4th of April involved the department in serious difficulty in determining who of the many subscribers were entitled to the bonds. The aggregate of subscriptions was more than double the amount of 5-20 bonds outstanding. By adopting a rule of accepting bids made before a fixed hour of that day, and by voluntary arrangements among the bidders, a distribution was made.
The only serious controversy in respect to this distribution was upon the claim of the Rothschilds that they had option extending to the 30th of June for ten millions of bonds, and for one million extended from April 1 to April 8. The latter was allowed, but the department held that the option for ten millions June 30 was dependent upon whether the bonds were previously sold, and this occurred on the 4th of April. This gave rise to a controversy which was settled by the voluntary transfer, by the National Bank of Commerce, of ten millions of the forty millions bonds subscribed for by it. Rothschild, the head of the house, would not accept this offer, but, with some show of resentment, declined to receive his share of the bonds, but they were eagerly taken by his associates.
The 5-20 bonds having been paid off or called, the department proceeded, as soon as practicable, to execute the laws of January 25 "to facilitate the refunding of the national debt," and February 26 "to authorize the issue of certificates of deposit in aid of the refunding of the public debt."
On the 16th of April I published the offer of $150,000,000 four per cent. bonds at one-half of one per cent. above par and accrued interest, and reserved $44,566,300 of these bonds for the conversion of ten dollar refunding certificates.
The following telegrams, addressed to the Secretary of the Treasury on the 17th of April, tell the result:
From the Bank of New York National Banking Association, New York:
"Send two millions four per cent. bonds under terms of to-day's dispatch."
From Chase National Bank, New York:
"We have subscribed for half million dollars four per cent. bonds on terms just issued. Can we deposit our securities at the treasury here, as heretofore?"
From First National Bank, New York:
"Please enter subscription this date for ten million dollars, and reserve further amount of fifteen millions, awaiting our letter. Please make no announcement of either to-day, for reasons will explain."
From Bank of New York National Banking Association, New York:
"Send seventy-five certificates ten thousand each, fifty of five thousand each, four per cents., in name of I. & S. Wormser. Also four hundred bonds five hundred each, three hundred of one thousand each; in all, one million five hundred thousand. Certificate deposit by mail."
From Baltzer and Lichtenstein, New York:
"We subscribe to-day through the National Bank of the state for one million fours."
From National Bank of the State of New York:
"We confirm dispatch of Baltzer and Lichtenstein order one million four per cent. consols, and order, in addition to that and our previous dispatch, one million more, half each coupon and registered."
Bank of New York National Banking Association, New York:
"We take two million more fours; particulars later."
From National Bank of the State of New York:
"Please forward immediately four million United States four per cent. consols."
* * * * *
"Please forward three hundred thousand registered and two hundred thousand coupons four per cent. consols. Particulars by mail."
* * * * *
"Please forward one million four per cent. consols coupons."
* * * * *
"Please forward immediately fifteen hundred thousand United States four per cent. consols additional to all former subscriptions."
From Bank of New York National Banking Association:
"Send one hundred and twenty certificates, ten thousand each, in name of I. & S. Wormser; also eight hundred coupon bonds, one thousand each, in all, two million fours. Certificate by mail."
* * * * *
"We subscribe for four millions fours; this is in addition to all other telegrams. Certificates by mail."
From Continental National Bank, New York:
"We subscribe to-day two million four per cents., name Hatch &Foote. Particulars by mail."
From First National Bank, New York:
"Please enter our subscription under this date for one hundred and fifty million dollars four per cent. bonds and forty million dollars refunding certificates, in all, one hundred and ninety million dollars, under terms of your circulars of April 16 and March 7. These subscriptions are for this bank and its associates. Will see you to-morrow morning. This is repetition of dispatch sent to the department."
From National Bank, State of New York:
"Confirming previous dispatches covering subscriptions of seven million five hundred thousand dollars to four per cent. loan, please forward additional two millions coupon bonds."
From Bank of New York National Banking Association:
"We subscribe for one million four per cents. Certificates of deposit by mail to-morrow."
From National Bank, State of New York:
"Please forward immediately one million more United States four per cent. consols, making a total, together with former subscriptions, of ten million five hundred thousand."
I sent the following telegram to the First National Bank of NewYork:
"Your telegram covering one hundred and ninety million consols staggers me. Your telegram for twenty-five million received, and entered at two o'clock. About thirty million from other parties were received and entered before your last telegram. Will wait till letters received. What is the matter? Are you all crazy?"
On the 18th the bids were carefully analyzed and accepted in the order in which they were received. The bid of the First National Bank was made on the behalf of an association of banks and bankers. I declined their offer for refunding certificates and accepted their offer for $111,000,000.
I wrote to Conant, April 18, as follows:
"Since I wrote you the letters yesterday respecting the recent circular of April 16, I have sold the whole of the $150,000,000 of bonds offered therein; $39,000,000 were sold to sundry banks in the city of New York, and the residue, $111,000,000, were sold to an association of banks and bankers through First National Bank. This unexpected and agreeabledenouementof our refunding operations will supersede much that I have written you. I received and answered your telegram of to-day. Arrangements will be made with the new associates for delivery of four per cent. consols and the receipt of called bonds in London.
"Although I have given notice that I will feel at liberty to do so after the 4th of May, I prefer that you will postpone any new arrangement for delivery to other parties until the 10th; hoping that before that time Messrs. J. S. Morgan & Co. will be able to close out the balance of their last subscription."
On the same day I made a call for $160,000,000 10-40 bonds, being all of such bonds outstanding, except an amount that would be covered by the proceeds of ten dollar refunding certificates. The sale of these certificates gave the department a great deal of trouble. The object and purpose of the law was to secure to persons of limited means an opportunity to purchase, at par, certificates of indebtedness bearing four per cent. interest. As they could be converted at pleasure into 10-40 bonds of small denominations, it was thought they would be promptly taken by the persons for whom they were designed. They were sold in limited amounts to individuals at post offices, but as they were, when converted into bonds, worth a premium, bankers and others hired men to stand in line and purchase certificates. This was a practical fraud on the law, and was mainly conducted in the cities, and where done the sale was discontinued. The great body of the certificates were taken by the class of persons for whom they were designed. In a brief period they were sold, and the proceeds were in the treasury.
On the 21st of April I made the final call for all outstanding 10- 40 bonds. With this call the refunding operations were practically at an end for the time. A good deal of correspondence was had as to priority of bids and sales of refunding certificates, but this was closed, at the end of ninety days, by the full payment of the called bonds, and the substitution of bonds bearing a lower rate of interest. This was accomplished without the loss of a dollar, or, so far as I can recall, without a lawsuit.
The aggregate amount of bonds refunded from March 4, 1877, to July 21, 1879, was $845,345,950.
The annual interest saved by this operation was $14,290,416.50.
The general approval and appreciation of these results was manifested by the public press, and especially in Europe. Mr. Conant, in a letter dated April 19, said:
"On yesterday morning, at the stock exchange, just after the opening hour, a McLean's cable dispatch was posted up, stating that you had entered into a contract with a syndicate for the sale of $150,000,000 of four per cent. bonds, against the outstanding 10- 40 five per cent. bonds. People were astounded at the information, and they were all the more astonished because the operation followed so closely upon the transaction of the 4th instant. The effect of this has been to send the price of the bonds up by three-fourths per cent., and to create a demand for them."
From the date of these transactions the bonds of the United States rapidly advanced in value. Many similar transactions of my successors in office have been made at a still lower rate of interest.
Among the agreeable incidents connected with the resumption of specie payments was the adoption of resolutions by the Chamber of Commerce of New York, on the 2nd of July, 1879. The second resolution was as follows:
"Resolved, That this Chamber tenders its congratulations to the Honorable the Secretary of the Treasury, at once the framer and executor of the law of 1875, upon the success which has attended his administration of the national finances; as well in the funding of the public debt, as in the measures he has pursued to restore a sound currency."
I subsequently received, by the hands of William E. Dodge, late president of the Chamber of Commerce of New York, a letter from that body asking me to sit for my portrait to be placed on the walls of their Chamber. On the 24th of February I sent the following reply:
"Gentlemen:—I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt, by the hands of Wm. E. Dodge, late president of the Chamber of Commerce of New York, of your letter of the 17th instant, covering a resolution of your body, asking me to sit for my portrait to be placed upon the walls of your Chamber.
"The kinds words of Mr. Dodge in delivering the resolution add greatly to the compliment contained therein. I assure you that I deeply appreciate the honor of being designated in this manner, by a body so distinguished as the one you represent, composed of members having so large an influence in the commercial transactions, not only of our country, but of other nations, whose familiarity with financial and commercial subjects gives to its opinions great respect and authority.
"The resumption of specie payments has been brought about by the co-operation, not only of many Senators and Members of Congress, but of the leading merchants, bankers and other business men of the country. It was my good fortune to be selected, by my colleagues in the Senate, to present the resumption act, which was framed with their aid and in their councils, and to hold my present office at the time when, by its terms, the law was to be enforced. The only merit I can claim is the honest and earnest effort, with others, to secure the adoption of the policy of resumption, and to have executed the law according to its letter and spirit. I feel that I cannot accept this high compliment, without acknowledging that I am but one of the many who have contributed to the accomplishment of this beneficent object.
"I will, with great pleasure, give every facility to any artist whom you may select to carry your resolution into effect.
"Expressing to you, and the gentlemen you represent, my appreciation of a compliment so highly prized, I have the honor to be,
"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,"John Sherman."Messrs. A. A. Lone, James M. Brown, Sam'l D. Babcock, Wm. E. Dodge,Henry F. Spaulding,Committee of the Chamber of Commerce, NewYork."
Subsequently, in compliance with this request, I gave to Mr. Huntington, an eminent artist selected by that body, a number of sittings, and the result was a portrait of great merit, which was placed in the Chamber of Commerce with that of Alexander Hamilton. I regarded this as a high compliment from so distinguished a body of merchants, but I do not indulge in the vanity of a comparison with Hamilton.
On the morning of January 1, 1879, I received intelligence of the sudden death of my eldest brother, Charles T. Sherman, at his residence in Cleveland. In company with General Miles and Senator Cameron, his sons-in-law, and General Sherman, I went to Cleveland to attend the funeral. My respect and affection for him has already been stated. As the eldest member of our family he contributed more than any other to the happiness of his mother and the success of his brothers and sisters. He aided and assisted me in every period of my life, and with uniform kindness did all he could to advance my interests and add to my comfort and happiness. As district judge of the United States, for the northern district of Ohio, he was faithful and just. When, after twelve years service, he was reproached for aiding in securing the reversal of an order of the Commissioner of Internal Revenue in collecting an unlawful and unjust tax in the city of New York, as he had a perfect right to do, he resigned his position rather than engage in a controversy. He was unduly sensitive of all accusations or innuendoes touching his honor. He was honest and faithful to every engagement, and had a larger personal following of intimate friends and associates than either of his brothers.
On the 4th of March, 1879, President Hayes convened the 46th Congress in special session to meet on the 18th of that month, to provide necessary appropriations for the legislative, executive and judicial expenses of the government, and also for the support of the army, the 45th Congress having failed to pass bills for these objects on account of a disagreement of the two Houses as to certain provisions relating to the election laws. This session continued until July 1, and was chiefly occupied in political topics, such as reconstruction and elections. The Democratic party, for the first time in twenty years, had control of both Houses, but it neither adopted nor proposed any important financial legislation at that session, the only law passed in respect to coin, currency or bonds which I recall being one to provide for the exchange of subsidiary coins for lawful money, and making such coins a legal tender in all sums not exceeding ten dollars. Congress seemed to be content with the operations of the treasury department at that time, and certainly made no obstacle to their success.
About the 1st of May, Mrs. Sherman, accompanied by our adopted daughter, Mary Sherman, then a young schoolgirl twelve years old, and Miss Florence Hoyt, of New York, Miss Jennie Dennison, of Columbus, and Miss Julia Parsons, of Cleveland, three bright and accomplished young ladies, embarked on the steamer Adriatic for a visit to Europe. Mrs. Sherman placed Mary in a very good school at Neuchâtel, Switzerland, and then with her companions visited the leading cities of Europe.
After accompanying the party to New York I went to Mansfield, and as my family was absent and the homestead occupied by comparative strangers, I stopped at the St. James hotel where, as was natural, I met a great many of my old neighbors and friends, both Democrats and Republicans, who welcomed me home.
Among my visitors were several reporters from different parts of the country who wanted to interview me and especially to learn if I was a candidate for governor, and why I came home. In the afternoon I visited my farm near by and my homestead of about twenty acres adjoining the city. I found them in the usual neglected condition of the property of a non-resident proprietor, with many of the fences down. In the evening I was serenaded at the hotel and made a brief speech to a large audience, commencing as follows:
"I am very happy to be again in your midst, to see your faces and to greet you as friends. The shaking of your hands is more grateful to me than the music of bands or any parade. I never felt like making an explanation in coming before you until now. I found when I arrived in my old home that the papers said I came west seeking the nomination for governor. I came purely on private business— to repair my fences and look after neglected property."
The reporters seized upon the reference to my fences, and construed it as having a political significance. The phrase "mending fences" became a byword, and every politician engaged in strengthening his position is still said to be "mending his fences."
Previous to that time mention had been made of me in different parts of the country, not only for the nomination of Governor of Ohio, but for President of the United States. Charles Foster and Alphonso Taft were then spoken of as the leading candidates for nomination as governor. Both were my personal friends and eminently qualified to perform the duties of the office. Although I regarded the position of governor as dignified and important, well worthy the ambition of any citizen, still there were reasons which would prevent my accepting the nomination if it should be tendered me. I felt that to abandon my duties in the treasury department might be fairly construed as an evasion of a grave responsibility and an important public duty. I knew that President Hayes was very anxious that I should remain in the office of secretary until the close of his term. I did not desire to compete with the gentlemen already named, and did all I could to discourage the movement short of absolute refusal to accept the nomination. The newspapers of the day, not only in Ohio but in other states, were full of favorable comments upon my probable nomination for governor, and my correspondence upon the subject was very large. I have no doubt that had I consented to be a candidate both Foster and Taft would have acquiesced in my nomination and I, in all human probability, would have been duly elected as Foster was.
As for the nomination for the presidency I made no movement or effort to bring it about, but then believed that General Grant would, upon his return from his tour around the world, be nominated and elected. The following letter will explain fully my position in regard to the office of both governor and president:
"Washington, D. C., May 15, 1879. "My Dear Sir:—I notice, with heartfelt thanks for your personal kindness in the matter, the course of the 'Commercial' in regard to my proposed candidacy for Governor of Ohio, and this induces me to state to you frankly and fully, in confidence, the reasons why I could not accept the nomination if tendered, and why I hope you will give such a turn to the matter as will save me the embarrassment of declining.
"In ordinary circumstance an election as Governor of Ohio, after my life in the Senate, would be extremely flattering and agreeable; but at present, for several reasons, the least of which are personal, I could not accept it.
"My wife has gone to Europe on a visit of recreation greatly needed by her, my house in Mansfield is rented, and all my arrangements are made to be here during the summer. The nomination would require me to recall her, to resume my house, and to break up my plans for the summer. If this alone stood in the way, I could easily overcome it, but I know from letters received that my resignation as secretary would be regarded as a desertion of a public trust important to the whole country, with the selfish view of promoting my personal ambition, not for the governorship merely but for the presidency, which would impair rather than improve any chance I may have in that direction.
"The President would regard this change as a great inconvenience and as defeating a desire he has frequently expressed to maintain his cabinet intact during his term, so that my obligations to him forbid this.
* * * * *
"All these objections might be met except the one which I think is unanswerable, that my presence here in the completion of a public duty is far more important to the whole country and the cause we advocate than if I were to run as a candidate for Governor of Ohio and even succeed with a large majority.
"All things now tend to our success in Ohio and that is likely to be as complete with any other candidate for governor as myself, while if left here I will be able to so finish my business that no one can say it is incomplete.
"As for the mention of my name for the presidency, I am not so blind as not to perceive some favorable signs for me, but I have thus far observed and intend strictly to adhere to the policy of taking no step in that direction, doing no act to promote that object, and using none of the influence of my office towards it, except so far as a strict and close attention to duty here may help. I am not now, and do not intend to get, infected with the presidential fever.
"With high regard, I am, very truly yours,"John Sherman."M. Halstead, Esq., Cincinnati, Ohio."
During 1879 and the following year I received a multitude of letters and newspaper paragraphs advocating my nomination for President. Among the first of such letters was one from an old friend, John B. Haskin, formerly a Member of Congress from New York. On the 10th of May, 1879, I wrote him in answer a letter, not intended for publication, but expressing what I would do in the contingency mentioned by him, as follows:
"What I would aspire to, in case public opinion should decide to make me a candidate for President, would be to unite in co-operation with the Republican party all the national elements of the country that contributed to or aided in any way in the successful vindication of national authority during the war. I would do this, not for the purpose of irritating the south or oppressing them in any way, but to assert and maintain the supremacy of national authority to the full extent of all the powers conferred by the constitution. This, as I understand it, is the Jacksonian as well as the Republican view of national powers.
* * * * *
"You see my general ideas would lead me to lean greatly upon the war Democrats and soldiers in the service, who have been influenced by political events since the war to withhold support from the Republican party.
"The true issue for 1880 is national supremacy in national matters, honest money and an honest dollar."
Mr. Haskin gave, or showed, this letter to a New York paper, and it was published. I expressed my opinion, but it was not one that should have been made public without authority. The letter was the subject of comment and criticism, and was treated as an open declaration of my candidacy for the office of President. It was not written with this purpose, as the context clearly shows. This incident was a caution to me not to answer such letters, unless I was assured that my replies would be treated as confidential. Yet I do not see how a man in public life can refuse to answer a friendly letter, even if his meaning can be perverted.
During the months of May and June I had a correspondence with John B. Henderson, of St. Louis, in which he expressed his great interest in my nomination. This resulted in a conference, which he advised, with President Hayes. My reply was as follows:
"Treasury Department, June 23, 1879. "My Dear Sir:—In compliance with your suggestion, I yesterday mentioned to the President my embarrassment from the general discussion of my name as a possible candidate for the Republican nomination. The points I mentioned were how far I should commit myself to a candidacy and what I should do to promote it, and second whether, under certain circumstances, he would not, in spite of his declination, become a candidate for re-election. He was very explicit on both points—first that I ought at once to let it be understood that I was a candidate in the sense stated in the Haskin letter, and no more—that great care should be taken that while a candidate, I ought not to take part in any movement of opposition to others named—especially General Grant. The feeling is growing daily that General Grant will not allow his name to be used and that, while his eminent services should be fully recognized and rewarded, it is neither right nor politic to elect him to the presidency for the third term. The President very truly said that any appearance of a personal hostility or opposition to General Grant, would be inconsistent with my constant support of his administration during eight years, and would induce a concentration that would surely defeat me. Upon the second point he was very explicit—that he would not be a candidate under any circumstances, and as far as he could properly, without any unseemly interference, he would favor my election. This was the general tenor of his conversation, which he said he would repeat to General Schurz. This relieves me from some embarrassment, but I still think it is better for us to remain absolutely quiet, awaiting the development of public opinion or the voluntary action of personal and political friends. Unless there is a clear preponderance of opinion in preference for my nomination against all others, I do not want to enter upon the scramble. As yet I do not see any concentration. Hoping to see you soon, I remain,
"Very sincerely yours,"John Sherman."Hon. John B. Henderson."
After a brief visit to Mansfield I went to Columbus, where I met with a hearty reception from men of both political parties. The legislature was in session, and the senators and members, judges of the courts, and executive officers of the state, called upon me and gave me cordial greetings. I attended a reception at the house of Governor Dennison, where I met the leading citizens of Columbus. On my return to the hotel I was serenaded by a band, and being introduced by Governor Dennison made a brief speech of a non-partisan character, and in closing said:
"I want to make one personal remark about myself. Some of my newspaper friends here have tried to make me a candidate for Governor of Ohio, but I hope none of you will vote for me in convention or before the people. I propose to stick to my present place until the question of resumption is settled beyond a doubt. I want to convince everybody that the experiment of resumption is a success; that we can resume; that the United States is not bound to have its notes hawked about at a discount, but that a note of the United States may travel about the world, everywhere received as equal to gold coin, and as good as any note ever issued by any nation, either in ancient or modern times. I want to see that our debt shall be reduced, which will be done through four per cent. bonds. If the present policy prevails, we shall be able to borrow all the money needed for national uses for less than four per cent., perhaps as low as three."
I returned directly to Washington. Finding that a determined effort would be made to force my nomination as governor, I wrote the following letter to prevent it:
"Treasury Department, } "Washington, May 15, 1879.} "My Dear Sir:—In view of the kindly interest manifested by political friends during my recent visit home, that I should be nominated as the Republican candidate for Governor of Ohio, I have given the subject the most careful consideration, and have come to the conclusion that I cannot, in my present situation, accept such a nomination if tendered.
"I am now engaged in a public duty which demands my constant attention and which can clearly better be completed by me than by anyone coming freshly into the office. To now accept the nomination for governor, though it is an honor I would otherwise highly prize and feel deeply grateful for, would be justly regarded as a abandonment of a trust important to the whole country, to promote my personal advancement. I earnestly hope, therefore, that the convention will not embarrass me by a tender of a nomination which I would be obliged to decline.
"It may be that no such purpose will be manifested, but I write you so that if the convention should so incline, you may at once state why I cannot accept.
"Very truly yours,"John Sherman."General J. S. Robinson, Chairman Republican State Committee,Columbus, Ohio."
Charles Foster was nominated by the Republican convention in the latter part of May, and Thomas Ewing by the Democratic convention. These nominations necessarily made prominent the financial questions of the time. After the close of the funding operations, I received from Mr. Blaine, as chairman of the Republican committee of Maine, the following invitation, which I accepted:
"Augusta, Me., July 3, 1879."Hon. John Sherman, Secy. of Treas.
"My Dear Sir:—Could you speak at Portland, Tuesday, July 23, and then during the same week at Augusta and Bangor—say 25th-27th? Your Portland speech we should expect to have printed the next day, accurately from your own slips.
"Your two other speeches, hardly less important to us, might be made with less care and accuracy, that is, more on the order of the general stump speech.
"In your Portland speech I hope, however, you will talk on something more than the finance, making it, however, the leading and prominent topic—but giving a heavy hit at the conduct of the Democrats during the extra session.
"Sincerely,"James G. Blaine."
The election in the State of Maine preceding those of other states, great interest was taken in it, as the result there would have much influence in other parts of the country. That state in the previous year had faltered in support of the Republican party. In that year there were three candidates in the field for governor, the Republican, whose name I do not recall, the Democratic, Garcelon, for hard money, and the Greenback, Smith, under the lead of Solon Chase, an alleged lunatic in favor of fiat money, the repeal of the resumption law, and the enactment of an eight-hour law. Smith received about 40,000 votes, Garcelon about 28,000, and the Republican candidate about 54,000. Many Republicans either did not vote or voted the Democratic or Greenback ticket. By the constitution of that state a majority of all the votes cast is required to elect a governor, and in case of failure the house of representatives of the state proceeds to ballot for choice. The names are then sent to the senate for the action of that body. The result was the election of Garcelon, the Democratic candidate.
This was due to a strong feeling then prevailing in favor of irredeemable or fiat money, and to some discontent among Republicans with the liberal measures adopted by President Hayes to secure peace and quiet in the south, especially the recognition of Hampton as Governor of South Carolina and of Nichols as Governor of Louisiana.
I thought it important to turn the issues of the campaign to the financial measures accomplished by the Republican party, and therefore prepared with some care a speech to be delivered at Portland, and confined mainly to this subject. This speech was made on the 23rd of July, 1879. I regard it as the best statement of the financial question made by me in that canvass. In it I stated fully the action of the administration in respect to the resumption of specie payments, and the refunding of the public debt. The people of Maine had been greatly divided upon these measures. The Greenback party was opposed to the effort to advance the United States note to the value of coin which it represented, but wished to make it depend upon some imaginary value given to it by law. I said the people of Maine would have to choose between those who strictly sought to preserve the national faith, and to maintain the greenback at par with coin, and those who, with utter disregard of the public faith, wished to restore the old state of affairs, when the greenback could only be passed at a discount, and could neither be received for customs duties, nor be paid upon the public debt.
The Greenback party had embodied in their platform the following dogmas:
"The general government should issue an ample volume of full legal tender currency to meet the business needs of the country, and to promptly pay all of its debts."
"The national banking system should be immediately abolished."
"We demand the immediate calling-in and payment of all United States bonds in full legal tender money."
One of the Members of Congress from the State of Maine, Hon. G. W. Ladd, was reported to have paid his attention to me, in a speech in Portland, in the following language:
"Mr. Sherman has sold one hundred and ninety millions of four per cent. bonds in one day to bloodsuckers who were choking the country, and he should be impeached."
In closing my speech I said:
"It is to support such dogmas, my Republican friends, that we are invited to desert the great party to which we belong. It may be that the Republican party has made in the last twenty years some mistakes. It may not always have come up to your aspirations. Sometimes power may have been abused. To err is human; but where it has erred it has always been on the side of liberty and justice. It led our country in the great struggle for union and nationality, which more than all else tended to make it great and powerful. It has always taken side with the poor and the feeble. It emancipated a whole race, and has invested them with liberty and all the rights of citizenship. It never robbed the ballot box. It has never deprived any class of people, for any cause, of the elective franchise. It maintains the supremacy of the national government on all national affairs, while observing and protecting the rights of the states. It has tried to secure the equality of all citizens before the law. It opposes all distinctions among men, whether white or black, native or naturalized. It invites them all to partake of equal privileges, and secures them an equal chance in life. It has secured, for the first time in our history, the rights of a naturalized citizen to protection against claims of military duty in his native country. It prescribes no religious test. While it respects religion for its beneficial influence upon civil society, it recognizes the right of each individual to worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience, without prejudice or interference. It supports free common schools as the basis of republican institutions. It has done more than any party that ever existed to provide lands for the landless. It devised and enacted the homestead law, and has constantly extended this policy, so that all citizens, native and naturalized, may enjoy, without cost, limited portions of this public land. It protects American labor. It is in favor of American industry. It seeks to diversity productions. It has steadily pursued, as an object of national importance, the development of our commerce on inland waters and on the high seas. It has protected our flag on every sea; not the stars and bars, not the flag of a state, but the stars and stripes of the Union. It seeks to establish in this republic of ours a great, strong, free government of free men. It would, with frankness and sincerity, without malice or hate, extend the right hand of fellowship and fraternity to those who lately were at war with us, aid them in making fruitful their waste places and in developing their immense resources, if only they would allow the poor and ignorant men among them the benefits conferred by the constitution and the laws. No hand of oppression rests upon them. No bayonet points to them except in their political imaginings.
"We would gladly fraternize with them if they would allow us, and have but one creed—the constitution and laws of our country, to be executed and enforced by our country, and for the equal benefit of all our countrymen. If they will not accept this, but will keep up sectionalism, maintain the solid south upon the basis of the principles of the Confederate states, we must prepare to stand together as the loyal north, true to the Union, true to liberty, and faithful to every national obligation. I appeal to every man who ever, at any time, belonged to the Republican party, to every man who supported his country in its time of danger, to every lover of liberty regulated by law, and every intelligent Democrat who can see with us the evil tendencies of the dogmas I have commented upon, to join us in reforming all that is evil, all the abuses of the past, and in developing the principles and policies which in twenty years have done so much to strengthen our government, to consolidate our institutions, and to excite the respect and admiration of mankind."
I made similar speeches at Lewiston, Augusta, Waterville and Bangor. General Sherman's estimate of my speech at Portland, in reply to an inquiry, is characteristic of him, viz:
"General, your brother, Secretary Sherman, seems to be doing some telling work just now in the State of Maine; in fact, it is conceded that his recent financial triumphs have made him a power."
"Well, yes, I think John's doing right well. He made a good speech at Portland, one that seemed to me carefully prepared. I think he answered his critics quite conclusively, but if I were in John's place I would now save my breath and make no more speeches, but simply say in reply to other invitations, 'Read my Portland speech,' because whatever other efforts he may make during the campaign must be more or less a rehash of that."
In the canvass that followed in Maine but little attention was paid to the sectional question, and the Republican party gained a complete victory.
About the middle of August the business of the treasury department, being confined to routine duties, was left under the management of Assistant Secretary John B. Hawley. I determined to spend the remainder of the month in the campaign in Ohio, then actively progressing, but confined mainly to the issue between the inflation of paper money and the solid rock of specie payments. I made my first speech in that canvass at Steubenville on the 21st of August. The meeting was a very large one. Every available seat was occupied by an intelligent audience, and the aisles and corridors were filled with people sitting or standing. I opened my speech as follows:
"I am happy to be again among the people of Ohio, to whom I am under the highest obligations of duty and gratitude, and especially to be here in this good county of Jefferson, whose representatives have thrice honored me by their vote when a candidate for the Senate of the United States. I cheerfully come to speak on matters in which you, as well as the whole people of the United States, have a common interest; and I will best meet your wishes by stating, in a plain, frank way, such facts and reasons as appear to me to justify the support you have uniformly given to the Republican party since its organization in 1854, and to present adequate grounds for supporting it now.
"Three parties present candidates to the people of Ohio for the highest offices of the state. It will not be necessary or just for me to arraign the personal character, standing, or services of either of the candidates on either of these tickets. They are all respected citizens, and each would, no doubt, if elected, satisfactorily perform the duties of the office for which he is nominated.
"But the issues involved are far more important than the candidates. I assure you that upon the election in Ohio depend questions of public policy which touch upon the framework of our government and affect the interests of every citizen of the United States. The same old questions about which we disputed before the war, and during the war, and since the war, are as clearly involved in this campaign as they were when Lincoln was elected, or when Grant was fighting the battles of his country in the Wilderness.
"There are also financial questions involved in this contest. The Republican party proposed, maintained, and executed the resumption act as the best remedy for the evils that followed the panic of 1873. Under that act it has brought about the resumption of specie payments. By its policy all forms of money are equal to and redeemable in coin. It has reduced the interest on all the public debt that is now redeemable. It has maintained and advanced the public credit. It now declares its purpose to hold fast to what it has done, to keep and maintain every dollar of paper money in circulation as of equal value to the best coin issued from the mint, and as soon as possible to complete the work of reducing interest on all the public debt to four per cent. or less.
"The Greenback party not only denounces all we have done, but proposes to reverse it by the issue of an almost unlimited amount of irredeemable paper money, to destroy the system of free national banks, and to call in and pay off all the United States bonds with irredeemable money.
"The Democratic party of Ohio, both in its platform and by its candidates, supports more or less all of these dogmas; but it does so not as a matter of principle, but for political power. Its main object is, by any sort of alliance on any real or pretended popular issue, to gain strength enough to unite with the solid south, so that it may restore to power, in all departments of the national government, the very same doctrines that led to the Civil War, and the very men who waged it against the Union. To obtain political power, the democracy seek, by party discipline, to compel their members to abandon the old and cherished principles of their party of having a sound currency redeemable in coin. For this, they overthrew Governor Bishop; for this, they propose to reopen all the wild and visionary schemes of inflation which have been twice rejected by the people of Ohio. Our contest with them is not only on financial questions, but upon the old and broad question of the power and duty of the national government to enforce the constitution and laws of the United States in every state and territory, whether in favor of or against any citizen of the United States.
"Let us first take up these financial questions, and in charity and kindness, and with due deference to opposing opinions, endeavor to get at the right, if we can.
"The great body of all parties are interested in and desirous of promoting the public good. If they could only hear both sides fairly stated, there would be less heat and bitterness in political contests, and more independent voting."
I then proceeded with a full discussion of the financial questions, referring especially to the speeches made by General Ewing, with whose opinions I was conversant. I closed with a brief discussion of the southern question, and especially the nullification of the election laws in the southern states. This speech was the best of many made by me in different parts of the state. I was engaged in the canvass in Ohio for two weeks afterward, during which I visited my home at Mansfield.
In traversing the state I was surprised at the remarkable change in the condition of business and the feelings of the people, and at the evidences of prosperity not only in the workshops but on the farms. It was jokingly said that the revival of industries and peace and happiness was a shrewd political trick of the Republicans to carry the state. As I rode through the country I saw for miles and miles luxuriant crops of thousands of acres of wheat, corn, oats and barley. It was said that this was merely a part of the campaign strategy of the Republicans, that really the people were very poor and miserable and on the verge of starvation. This was the burden of the speeches of General Ewing, who attributed the miseries of the people to my "wicked financial policy," and said that I was given over to the clutches of the money power and stripped and robbed the people of Ohio for the benefit of the "bloated bondholders."
While General Ewing was fighting in the shadows of the past, caused by the panic of 1873, a revolution had taken place, and he who entered into the canvass with the hope that the cry of distress would aid him in his ambition to be governor, must have been greatly discouraged by the evidences of prosperity all around him. I found in my home at Mansfield that business was prosperous, the workshops were in full blast, and smoke was issuing from the chimney of every establishment in the place.
My coming to Ohio naturally excited a good deal of comment and of opposition from Democratic speakers and papers. I was charged with nepotism in appointing my relatives to office, but upon examination it was found that I had appointed none, though several, mostly remote, were holding office under appointments of General Grant. On the 25th of August I left Mansfield for Columbus and Cincinnati, and on the train met Charles Foster and others on their way to Mount Vernon. On their arrival they were met by flags and music, and in response to the calls I made a brief speech.
On the 27th of August I made my usual annual visit to Cincinnati and the Chamber of Commerce of that city. That body is composed in almost equal numbers of members of the two great parties, and therefore, in addressing it, I carefully refrain from discussing political topics. At that time there was a good deal of discussion of the order made by me on the 13th of August, addressed to the treasurer of the United States, directing him not to withdraw from bank depositaries the money deposited for the payment of called bonds, until it was required for that purpose. At the date of that order over $70,000,000 of called bonds were still outstanding, but only $52,000,000 remained on deposit with national bank depositaries to pay them, thus showing that $18,000,000 United States notes had been withdrawn from the depositaries into the treasury in advance of their need for such payment. These sums were fully secured by the deposit with the government of bonds to the amount of such deposits and a further sum of bonds to the amount of five per cent. of the deposit.
I felt that the withdrawal of this great sum in advance of the presentation of the called bonds would necessarily create an injurious contraction of the currency. To meet this condition of affairs, upon the advice of the treasurer at Washington and the assistant treasurer at New York, and the pressing complaints of business men not interested in depositary banks, I issued this order:
"Treasury Department, August 13, 1879."Hon. James Gilfillan, Treasurer United States.
"Sir:—With a view to closing as soon as practicable the accounts of the department with depositary banks on loan account, without unnecessary disturbance of the money market or the withdrawal of legal tenders from current business, you will please receive from such depositaries in payment called bonds to be credited when passed through the loan division. You will require from such depositaries sufficient money in addition to the called bonds, to insure the withdrawal of all deposits on loan account on or before the 1st of October next. The letter of the department of March 26 is modified accordingly.
"Very respectfully,"John Sherman, Secretary."
It was said that this was done to relieve the banks, and especially the First National and the National Bank of Commerce, of New York, which in closing out the refunding operations had, as already stated, made large subscriptions for themselves and others, and it was intimated that I was interested in these banks. This innuendo was without foundation or excuse, and was made merely to create a political sensation. This order was made, not at the request of the banks, for they were entirely prepared to pay the money, but at the urgent demand of business men, that the currency should not be withdrawn from the banks where it was employed in active business, and be deposited in the treasury where it would lay idle.
I thus explained the matter to the Chamber of Commerce, and to the public at large. I felt that it would not be advisable for me to drain the money market of legal tenders, and to hoard them in the treasury to await the presentation of called bonds. If such a course had been adopted, the clamor would have been louder and more just. The order, no doubt, had a happy effect, as the running accounts were rapidly and quietly closed, by the payment of the called bonds, without any disturbance in the money market. The clamor made was beneficial because it induced the holders of the called bonds to send them in for payment, in which I greatly rejoiced.
In the evening of that day a reception was given to me at the Lincoln club. While it was going on a large crowd, headed by a band, approached the clubhouse, and loudly insisted that I should speak to them. As this was a political club, I felt at liberty, on being introduced by Warner M. Bateman, to make a political speech, mainly devoted to my early friend, General Ewing, and his peculiar notions of finance. This was reported in the papers at the time. If there was too much political feeling manifested in my speeches at this period, it may be partly excused by the extreme violence of denunciation of me by Democratic speakers and newspapers.
Later in the evening I visited Wielert's pavilion, on Vine Street, where the usual evening concert was being given. The visitors were mainly German citizens, and, as such, were known to be in favor of a sound currency based upon gold and silver. The orchestra at once stopped the piece they were playing, and played the "Star Spangled Banner," amid the cheering of the assemblage. They insisted upon a speech, and I said:
"When I came here to-night I did not expect to make a speech, as I have made one already. I only came to see the people enjoy themselves, to drink a glass of that good old German beverage, beer, and to listen to the music. I am very happy to meet you, and shall carry away with me a kindly remembrance of your greeting. All I want, and that is what we all want, is honest money. A dollar in paper is now worth a dollar in gold or silver anywhere in this country, and we want affairs so shaped that the paper money issued may be exchanged anywhere or under any circumstances for gold or silver. That is my idea of honest money. [Cries, 'That is so.' 'That is ours, too,' etc.] We may be assured that such shall be the character of the money in our country if the people will sustain the party which has equalized the values of the paper and metal moneys. Again I thank you for your kind reception."
I returned to Washington and remained there during the month of September, actively employed in the duties of the department. During this month nearly all the outstanding called bonds were presented and paid, and all sums deposited with national banks during the operation of refunding were paid into the treasury and these accounts closed.
Fruitful crops in the United States, and a large demand for them in Europe, caused an accumulation of coin in this country. Much of it came through the customhouse in New York, but most of it was in payment for cotton and provisions. It was readily exchanged for United States notes and silver certificates. As all forms of money were of equal purchasing power and paper money was much more convenient to handle than coin, the exchange of coin, by the holders of it, for notes or certificates, was a substantial benefit to them and strengthened the treasury. I promoted these exchanges as far as the law allowed. I deemed it wise to distribute this coin among the several sub-treasuries of the United States, maintaining always the reserve for the redemption of United States notes in the sub- treasury in New York as the law required. For this purpose I issued the following order:
"Treasury Department, } "Washington, September 19, 1879.} "Gold coin beyond the needs of the government having accumulated in the treasury of the United States, by the deposit in the several public assay offices of fine bars and foreign coin, for which the depositors have been paid, at their option, in United States notes, the treasurer of the United States, and the several assistant treasurers at Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Cincinnati, Chicago, St. Louis, New Orleans and San Francisco, are hereby authorized to pay out gold coin as well as silver coin and notes upon the current obligations of the government, and upon advances to disbursing officers, as may be convenient and practicable. Transfers of coin for this purpose will be made to any assistant treasurer, when necessary, by the treasurer of the United States, upon application to him. The treasurer of the United States in this city, upon the receipt by him of a certificate of deposit issued by the United States assistant treasurer at New York, stating that there has been deposited with him legal tender notes in the sum of $100 or multiples thereof, will also cause to be shipped from the mint to the depositor, at his risk and expense, a like amount of gold coin. Standard silver dollars may also be obtained as heretofore.
* * * * *
"John Sherman, Secretary."
The result of this policy was beneficial, though the demand for coin rarely existed except for foreign exchange, and this was generally in New York, and largely depended upon the balance of trade. Our people had been so accustomed to the use of paper money that they received and paid United States notes in preference to coin, and this more readily since these notes were equal in purchasing power to coin.
Senator Thurman, my colleague and personal friend, was active in the canvass in Ohio. His term expired on the 4th of March, 1881, and he was a candidate for re-election by the legislature about to be chosen. I heard of his speeches, especially those in respect to resumption. He commented upon the fact that United States notes were only redeemed in the city of New York, and claimed that we had not actually resumed, for gold was not in circulation. He appealed to his audiences to say whether they had any gold and whether they were not compelled to receive the same greenbacks then as they had since the period of the war, and said if they wanted gold they had to go to New York for it. I regarded this as a piece of demagogism, for he knew the difference between the greenbacks then and the greenbacks before resumption. Hearing that he was to speak in Bellaire shortly I arranged to have certain disbursements for wages in that neighborhood made in gold coin. When he made his speech in Bellaire, soon afterwards, he repeated the same statements that he had previously made, and appealed to the audience to know whether they had seen any of the gold coin they had heard so much about. Much to his surprise and embarrassment quite a number of persons held up and shook gold coin. This put a stop to his inquiries. The people appreciated the advance in the purchasing power of their money, and neither demanded coin nor cared for it.
Early in October I yielded to the urgent request of Mr. Foster to help in the closing days of the canvass, and, on the evening of the 8th, addressed a meeting at the west front of the capitol in Columbus, far exceeding in numbers any political gathering during the campaign. My opening will indicate the general trend of my remarks:
"It is not within my power to reach with my voice all who have assembled on this occasion, and besides, for some time I have not been much in the habit of speaking in the open air, and don't know how long my voice will hold out, but I think I will be able to say all that you will desire to hear from me, as I will be followed by a gentleman distinguished in war and able to supply any imperfections in my address.
"When I was here in August last it appeared that the great point in the political contest in which we were about to engage was whether the people of Ohio would stand fast to the resumption of specie payments, which the Republicans, by a steady and patient courage and unswerving conviction, had finally brought to a successful consummation on the 1st day of January last, or whether the people of Ohio would yield to the wild and fanciful ideas of inflation, and desert the great good that had been accomplished after so long a trial.
"The Democratic party, which had been holding the honored principles of that party, seemed to be willing to go after strange gods, and to form new alliances, to do anything to gain success, and that old party sought to form at least temporary alliances, so that the people would forget the great issue, and follow after these strange and delusive ideas of which I will speak. Therefore it was that my friend General Ewing was nominated for Governor of Ohio, with the expectation that as he had advanced some such ideas in times past, a coalition would be made between the parties naturally hostile, and that the State of Ohio would be thus gained for the Democratic ticket."
In the course of my remarks I read an extract from General Ewing's speech of the year before, in which he stated that if we were out of debt to foreign countries, and if our foreign commerce floated under our own flag, resumption in gold and silver would be impossible on the then volume of paper money; that if it were attempted the desperadoes of Wall street and the money kings of England would present greenbacks, and take the gold as fast as it could be paid over the counter of the treasury. I said in reply:
"Not a year rolled around until this resumption came, and these Wall street desperadoes and these money kings of Europe, instead of coming and demanding our gold in exchange for greenbacks, now bring their gold to us and want greenbacks for it.
"The money kings of Europe have brought us gold—$36,900,000 in gold coin from France—and the English have brought their gold and exchanged it for United States notes. And these Wall street desperadoes are as eager to get our greenbacks as you are. They don't want the gold at all and we cannot put it on them. Why, my countrymen, United States notes may now travel the circuit of the world with undiminished honor, and be everywhere redeemed at par in coin. They are made redeemable everywhere, and at this moment the greenback is worth a premium on the Pacific coast and in the Hawaiian Islands, and in China and Japan it is worth par; and in every capital of Europe, in Berlin, in Paris, in London, an American traveling may go anywhere in the circuit of the civilized world, and take no money with him except United States notes.
"Well, now, General Ewing was mistaken. Well, why don't General Ewing come down and say 'I was mistaken?' [A voice, 'He will come down.'] Yes, after next Tuesday he will."
On the next day I spoke at Springfield to an audience nearly as large, following the general lines of my Columbus speech. On the following day I spoke at Lancaster from a stand in front of the town hall, in plain sight of the house in which General Ewing and I were born. I spoke of General Ewing in very complimentary terms, said we had been intimate friends from boyhood, that our fathers had been friends and neighbors, but that he and I then found ourselves on opposite sides of a very important question. I expressed my respect for the sincerity of General Ewing's motives, but believed that he was thoroughly and radically wrong. I said I wished to state frankly how he was wrong, and to what dangerous consequences the fruit of his errors would lead, and I wanted the people of Lancaster to judge between us.
On the Saturday before the election I spoke in Massillon. By some misunderstanding I was advertised to speak on that afternoon at both Massillon and Mansfield, but, by an arrangement subsequently made, I spoke at Massillon to one of the largest meetings of the campaign, and then was taken by special train to Mansfield in time to make my closing speech in the canvass. It was late in the afternoon, but the crowd that met to hear me remained until my arrival, of which the following account was given by the local paper:
"But the grand ovation was reserved for our distinguished townsman, Secretary Sherman. There were acres of men, women, and children and vehicles at the depot to meet him, and as he stepped from the cars he was greeted with the booming of cannon, the music of half a dozen bands, and the loud and long acclaim that came from the throats of the immense concourse of friends. A thousand hands of old neighbors were stretched out to grasp his as he moved along with great difficulty, piloted by the reception committee, through the vast and surging crowd. Cheer after cheer went up on every imaginable pretext, and many times calls for 'Three cheers for John Sherman, our next President,' were honored with a power and enthusiasm that left no room for doubt as to the intensity of the devotion felt for him at his old home."
In this connection I wish to say once for all that I have been under the highest obligations to the people of Mansfield during my entire life, from boyhood to old age. I have, with rare exceptions, and without distinction of party, received every kindness and favor which anyone could receive from his fellow-citizens, and if I have not been demonstrative in exhibiting my appreciation and gratitude, it has nevertheless been entertained, and I wish in this way to acknowledge it.
In opening my address in the evening I said:
"My fellow-townsmen, I regret your disappointment of to-day, that, by some misunderstanding as to the hour of your meeting, I felt it my duty, in obedience to the request of the state committee, to attend the great mass meeting as Massillon this afternoon, and now come before you wearied and hoarse, to speak of the political questions of the day.
"When I was in Ohio in August last, the chief question in the pending political canvass was, whether the resumption of specie payments, so long and steadily struggled for, and happily accomplished by the Republican party, should be maintained, or whether it should give way to certain wild and erratic notions in favor of irredeemable paper money. Upon this issue General Ewing was nominated by the Democratic party, in the hope that he would gain support from a third party committed to inflation. Since then it would appear that the Democratic leaders seek to change the issue. The same old questions about the rights of states to nullify the laws of the United States—the same old policy to belittle and degrade our national government into a mere confederacy of states—are now thrust forward into prominence."