FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[169]Under this apparently harmless clause of the constitution he controlled even the lowest local offices in the remotest parts—constable, justice of the peace, etc.[170]Session Laws, 1868, No. 27.[171]Ibid., No. 75.[172]21 Louisiana Ann., 483-485.[173]New OrleansCommercial Bulletin, July 19, 1869.[174]No pecuniary interest was at stake for the city, because the positions of aldermen had no salaries attached. 21 La. Ann., 744.[175]New OrleansCommercial Bulletin, Dec. 29, 1869.[176]New Orleans,Comm. Bull.,Bee, Mar. 27, 1869.[177]The Supreme Court subsequently affirmed the judgment of the Seventh District Court, which sustained Delassize. 21 La. Ann., 710-12.[178]Ann. Cyclop., 1869, 398.[179]“We do not propose to inquire into the legality of the action of the Governor in ejecting Mr. Wickliffe from his office and appointing a person to supply his place, because we consider it too clear for dispute that Mr. Warmoth has no such power, and that his proceeding is a naked trespass.... The white population of Louisiana are entirely callous to the result, and don’t care whether ‘Mossup whip Barry’ or ‘Barry whip Mossup.’ They are in the situation of the onlookers at the fight of the Kilkenny cats, and would have no cause to weep if the combatants scratched each other’s eyes out.”Bee, Mar. 27, 1869.TheBulletinand thePicayunetook the same side more conservatively. SeeBulletin, Mar. 27.[180]Sen. Jour., 1870, 138 (rear of book).[181]Sen. Deb., 1870, 51.[182]House Jour., 1870, 7.[183]“He has extorted sums of money from the creditors of the state as a condition precedent to the issuance to them of the certificates of indebtedness or warrants to which they were entitled by law.”Ibid., 1870, 11-12.[184]Ibid., 1870, 141.[185]Ibid., 1870, 141, Sen. Jour., 130.[186]House Jour., 1870, 152-5.[187]“After a lengthy and thorough examination of all the witnesses whose attendance your committee has been able to procure, they have been able to find from the testimony elicited no foundation whatever, for any one of the charges preferred by George Wickliffe against his Excellency.”Ibid., 1870, 310.[188]See Sen. Jour., 1870, 2-7 (rear) for articles in full.[189]Ibid., 1870, rear, 191. For full account of the trial see Impeachment Proceedings in rear ofIbid., 1870.[190]Ibid., 1870, rear, 176, March 3.[191]On the authority of Herbert,Why the Solid South, 410.[192]“I found that the books were not written up to date, or those that were written up, the columns were not footed up; addition had not been made. A great many appropriations had been overdrawn.” Sen. Jour., 1870, 66.[193]House Jour., 9.[194]For the full text of the message, see House Jour., 1870, 9 ff.[195]House Journal, 1870, 9.[196]They were very generous with the fees for postage, lavish to their officers and employees, made a specialty of special committees, passed a most liberal and loose pension act for the veterans of 1814-15, and took active steps for the erection of a new state house. They had learned nothing from the deficiency in the revenue of the preceding year but proceeded to quibble about levying a tax of four or five mills though Federal investigation would show that agricultural property could easily bear a heavier tax. Sen. Jour., 1870, 41, 57; House Deb., 1870, 238; Sen. Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 41, Pt. i., 203.[197]“But I say, take up the city charter bill, and if you do not, I assure you that you will not make much progress on the school bill.” Sen. Deb., 1870, 783. Also House Deb., 200.[198]“I now make a fair, honest proposition to the friends of the bill. If they will give me time—say till to-morrow, to read this bill, to examine it—I promise then, upon my word and sacred honor, that I will not oppose its passage by resorting to those parliamentary tactics commonly known as filibustering.” House Deb., 1870, 74.[199]Jan. 21,Ibid., 48-57; Jan. 24.[200]Sen. Jour., 1870, 12, 13.[201]Ibid., 216-22.[202]The militia, registration, and New Orleans charter bills had run the gauntlet of the Senate but were still pending in the House.[203]The House had already consulted the attorney-general about the constitutionality of prolonging the session. House Jour., 1870, 97.[204]House Deb., 1870, 295.[205]Laws of Louisiana, Extra Session, 1870, No. 70.[206]Sen. Reports, 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 41, 279.[207]McMillan charged ineffectiveness of the law. “There is not in my whole parish, as far as I know, a single schoolhouse, no sirs, not even a shed devoted to educational purposes. There has not been a cent of the taxes raised for educational purposes expended in Carroll Parish since the war. We have a statute providing for a system of common school education, and under that superintendents have been appointed. The salary set apart for such officers has been punctually drawn.” House Deb., 1870, 115-16.[208]“Under the law of 1869 we find that the sum of $262,000 would be required for the salaries of officers, leaving nothing with which to pay teachers, or build or rent schoolhouses.” New OrleansRepublican, Jan. 25, 1870.[209]Governor’s Annual Message, House Jour., 1870, 10.[210]House Deb., 1870, 188. House Jour., 220. On this question and the social status the negro could wax eloquent.[211]Sen. Jour., 1870, 267.[212]Session Laws, Extra Session, 1870, No. 6.[213]Ibid., No. 2.[214]The writer noted twenty-six such bills reaching various stages of progress, besides the fourteen bills which succeeded in becoming law. There were doubtless many more which were never reported from committee.[215]Session Laws, Extra Session, 1870, No. 59.[216]Ibid., No. 31.[217]Ibid., No. 84. This bill became law without the governor’s signature by lapse of the time limit.[218]The writer counted seven.[219]It appears almost incredible that this most personal measure of all passed both houses with almost no opposition. The explanation may lie in the bribery later charged. House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 272-73.[220]“In this spirit (of forgiveness) I recommend the abrogation of the 99th Article of our Constitution, and believe, if an amendment should be submitted to the people at the next general election, it would receive their almost unanimous approval. I regretted its insertion in the constitution, favored the proposition to abrogate it at the last session, and now officially recommend it.”Cyclopedia, 1869, 394.[221]Senate Deb., 1870, 61.[222]Sen. Jour., 1871, 37; House Jour., 146-47.The House Committee reported it as a “partial proscriptive measure in direct conflict with the spirit of the age and unnecessary.” House Jour., 1870, 146.[223]House Deb., 1871, 42. Only one voice was raised in opposition.[224]No person who had been a collector or had been otherwise intrusted with public money was eligible to any office of trust until he had obtained a discharge for the amount with which he had been intrusted. Session Laws, 1870, No. 21, Regular Session.[225]Session Laws, 1870, Extra Session, No. 12.[226]“Although I would have the greatest confidence in whatever he reported.” Senate Deb., 1870, 118.“I do not say the present governor would abuse these powers,” says even a Democrat, 744.[227]Ibid., 120.[228]Two minority reports came in, in one of which Packard urged that a new apportionment must precede any election law.Ibid., 143.[229]Ibid., 147.[230]Senate Deb., 1870, 155-56.[231]“I believe the object of the bill, as it stands, is to perpetuate the power of a certain political party—the Republican party.”Ibid., 149.[232]Ibid., 1870, 168.[233]Ibid., 164-65.[234]Ibid., 180.[235]Sen. Deb., 150.[236]Ibid., 187.[237]“If any gentleman can show me where we can repose the execution of this law outside of the Executive of the State, I would be glad to hear it; but we must have some protection, sir.”Ibid., 172.[238]Ibid., 190.[239]Ibid., 347, Sen. Jour., 110.[240]House Deb., 1870, 213.[241]Ibid., 207.[242]House Deb., 217.[243]These thirteen sections had been read February 15 and on February 18, immediately after prayer, a motion was made to suspend the rules in order to put it upon its third reading and final passage at that time. No vote was taken, but the speaker asked if there were any objection to the suspension of the rules, and immediately announced that there was none, notwithstanding the fact that Dr. Wren and many other members did object, but they were unheeded by the chair. According to the protest of the Democrats. House Jour., 254.[244]Ibid., 236, 254. Vote was 247 to 26.[245]Sen. Jour., 1870, 188.[246]On the final suspension of the rules on the registration bill, a Senator remarked briefly: “I object to the suspension of the rules because I wish to give the senate as much time as possible to repent.” Sen. Deb., 470.[247]Sen. Jour., 150.[248]Sen. Jour., 245.[249]House Deb., 1870, 343. McMillan was refused permission to record his protest. House Jour., 360.[250]Laws of Louisiana, 1870, No. 99.[251]Laws of Louisiana, 1870, No. 100. The power to reject votes for fraud or violence was capable of abuse and yet was held by Republicans inadequate as a remedy, as it did not add the Republican ballots which would have been polled.[252]Laws of Louisiana, 1870, No. 74.[253]Ibid., Extra Session, No. 75.[254]Ibid., No. 40.[255]Session Laws, 1870, No. 55.[256]My authority for this is the statement of a Senator in debate. Senate Deb., 1870, 618. But names were printed in the papers on important bills so that it is probably true.[257]“Let us have a united meeting and prompt action to bring our lawmakers to their just responsibility to an outraged community.”Beeof Jan. 30.[258]“We then protest against this bill on constitutional grounds,” declared theTrue Republican, “for by this bill Warmoth actually fills three offices. Now, we know that this is a moderate demand for him, who wants to be the political Brigham Young of this State. We, Gentiles, are naturally satisfied with one office, but this political Mormon wants them all.” Quoted Sen. Deb., 1870, 537.[259]The writer has come across no clue to the meaning of these letters. The first are, doubtless, Knights of the White Camelia.[260]The movement for concerted action against bad legislation had begun in 1869 when the Taxpayers’ Organization had been created in a mass meeting, Oct. 23.Commercial Bulletin, Oct. 25, 1869.[261]Pic., Feb. 1.[262]For the resolves in full see House Jour., 148-9.[263]Cyclopedia, 1870, 455. One of his charges was against the leading brokers, who subsequently denied the charge against them; and other persons indicated by the governor, while admitting their attempts to bribe him, alleged that he was interested against them, or that he was not satisfied with the prices offered. Sen. Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 41, 202.[264]Senate Deb., 360-1.[265]A very pointed hint is given: “But all the Senate can do in self-respect is to intimate to this body of citizens the rules of the Senate, and their own sense of propriety should dictate to them what to do.” Senate Deb., 358.[266]“I looked upon that as an act of the grossest incivility and abuse; and sir, as a matter of self-respect and vindication of the privileges of the House, I deem it right that a rebuke be administered.”[267]House Jour., 184.[268]Annual Cyclopedia, 1870, 457.[269]The Governor called it “the most quiet, peaceable, and orderly election the State has witnessed for many years.” Sen. Jour., 1871, 23.[270]House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 121.[271]House Reports, 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 92, 4.The attempt to control the negro vote made by the Democrats in 1868 seems to have been abandoned. See Nordhoff’s story of how a prominent citizen dismissed a personal servant for voting against him and then restored him with the resolution never again to try to control a black man’s vote.[272]Packard states that the registrar in West Feliciana made a contract with the Democrats whereby he agreed to give a certain vote to the Democratic parish officers in return for Democratic help in electing a Republican Senator. House Misc. Doc., No. 211, 143.[273]Ibid., 18, 438, 439. A part of Caddo Parish where eight hundred voters lived was cut off by water and so no registrar went to that section at all, 50.[274]Senate Reports, 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 457, 718.[275]According to Bovee fifteen or twenty registrars were returned. House Misc. Doc., No. 211, 245.[276]He was put on the ticket by the Parish Committee as the man named by the convention said he could not leave. Part of the tickets bore his name, part the name of the former nominee, so that the friends of the latter who could not read were tricked into voting for Carr.Ibid., 224-25.[277]Bovee stated: “I think there was a regular system of fraud entered into with a view of electing certain men.... As far as I can learn, all were perpetrated in the governor’s interest.”Ibid., 243.[278]Sen. Jour., 1871, 32.[279]Ibid., 1871, 24.[280]See the table which illustrates this shifting in Sen. Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 41, 250.[281]United States Statutes at Large, XVI., 140-6.

[169]Under this apparently harmless clause of the constitution he controlled even the lowest local offices in the remotest parts—constable, justice of the peace, etc.

[170]Session Laws, 1868, No. 27.

[171]Ibid., No. 75.

[172]21 Louisiana Ann., 483-485.

[173]New OrleansCommercial Bulletin, July 19, 1869.

[174]No pecuniary interest was at stake for the city, because the positions of aldermen had no salaries attached. 21 La. Ann., 744.

[175]New OrleansCommercial Bulletin, Dec. 29, 1869.

[176]New Orleans,Comm. Bull.,Bee, Mar. 27, 1869.

[177]The Supreme Court subsequently affirmed the judgment of the Seventh District Court, which sustained Delassize. 21 La. Ann., 710-12.

[178]Ann. Cyclop., 1869, 398.

[179]“We do not propose to inquire into the legality of the action of the Governor in ejecting Mr. Wickliffe from his office and appointing a person to supply his place, because we consider it too clear for dispute that Mr. Warmoth has no such power, and that his proceeding is a naked trespass.... The white population of Louisiana are entirely callous to the result, and don’t care whether ‘Mossup whip Barry’ or ‘Barry whip Mossup.’ They are in the situation of the onlookers at the fight of the Kilkenny cats, and would have no cause to weep if the combatants scratched each other’s eyes out.”Bee, Mar. 27, 1869.TheBulletinand thePicayunetook the same side more conservatively. SeeBulletin, Mar. 27.

TheBulletinand thePicayunetook the same side more conservatively. SeeBulletin, Mar. 27.

[180]Sen. Jour., 1870, 138 (rear of book).

[181]Sen. Deb., 1870, 51.

[182]House Jour., 1870, 7.

[183]“He has extorted sums of money from the creditors of the state as a condition precedent to the issuance to them of the certificates of indebtedness or warrants to which they were entitled by law.”Ibid., 1870, 11-12.

[184]Ibid., 1870, 141.

[185]Ibid., 1870, 141, Sen. Jour., 130.

[186]House Jour., 1870, 152-5.

[187]“After a lengthy and thorough examination of all the witnesses whose attendance your committee has been able to procure, they have been able to find from the testimony elicited no foundation whatever, for any one of the charges preferred by George Wickliffe against his Excellency.”Ibid., 1870, 310.

[188]See Sen. Jour., 1870, 2-7 (rear) for articles in full.

[189]Ibid., 1870, rear, 191. For full account of the trial see Impeachment Proceedings in rear ofIbid., 1870.

[190]Ibid., 1870, rear, 176, March 3.

[191]On the authority of Herbert,Why the Solid South, 410.

[192]“I found that the books were not written up to date, or those that were written up, the columns were not footed up; addition had not been made. A great many appropriations had been overdrawn.” Sen. Jour., 1870, 66.

[193]House Jour., 9.

[194]For the full text of the message, see House Jour., 1870, 9 ff.

[195]House Journal, 1870, 9.

[196]They were very generous with the fees for postage, lavish to their officers and employees, made a specialty of special committees, passed a most liberal and loose pension act for the veterans of 1814-15, and took active steps for the erection of a new state house. They had learned nothing from the deficiency in the revenue of the preceding year but proceeded to quibble about levying a tax of four or five mills though Federal investigation would show that agricultural property could easily bear a heavier tax. Sen. Jour., 1870, 41, 57; House Deb., 1870, 238; Sen. Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 41, Pt. i., 203.

[197]“But I say, take up the city charter bill, and if you do not, I assure you that you will not make much progress on the school bill.” Sen. Deb., 1870, 783. Also House Deb., 200.

[198]“I now make a fair, honest proposition to the friends of the bill. If they will give me time—say till to-morrow, to read this bill, to examine it—I promise then, upon my word and sacred honor, that I will not oppose its passage by resorting to those parliamentary tactics commonly known as filibustering.” House Deb., 1870, 74.

[199]Jan. 21,Ibid., 48-57; Jan. 24.

[200]Sen. Jour., 1870, 12, 13.

[201]Ibid., 216-22.

[202]The militia, registration, and New Orleans charter bills had run the gauntlet of the Senate but were still pending in the House.

[203]The House had already consulted the attorney-general about the constitutionality of prolonging the session. House Jour., 1870, 97.

[204]House Deb., 1870, 295.

[205]Laws of Louisiana, Extra Session, 1870, No. 70.

[206]Sen. Reports, 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 41, 279.

[207]McMillan charged ineffectiveness of the law. “There is not in my whole parish, as far as I know, a single schoolhouse, no sirs, not even a shed devoted to educational purposes. There has not been a cent of the taxes raised for educational purposes expended in Carroll Parish since the war. We have a statute providing for a system of common school education, and under that superintendents have been appointed. The salary set apart for such officers has been punctually drawn.” House Deb., 1870, 115-16.

[208]“Under the law of 1869 we find that the sum of $262,000 would be required for the salaries of officers, leaving nothing with which to pay teachers, or build or rent schoolhouses.” New OrleansRepublican, Jan. 25, 1870.

[209]Governor’s Annual Message, House Jour., 1870, 10.

[210]House Deb., 1870, 188. House Jour., 220. On this question and the social status the negro could wax eloquent.

[211]Sen. Jour., 1870, 267.

[212]Session Laws, Extra Session, 1870, No. 6.

[213]Ibid., No. 2.

[214]The writer noted twenty-six such bills reaching various stages of progress, besides the fourteen bills which succeeded in becoming law. There were doubtless many more which were never reported from committee.

[215]Session Laws, Extra Session, 1870, No. 59.

[216]Ibid., No. 31.

[217]Ibid., No. 84. This bill became law without the governor’s signature by lapse of the time limit.

[218]The writer counted seven.

[219]It appears almost incredible that this most personal measure of all passed both houses with almost no opposition. The explanation may lie in the bribery later charged. House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 272-73.

[220]“In this spirit (of forgiveness) I recommend the abrogation of the 99th Article of our Constitution, and believe, if an amendment should be submitted to the people at the next general election, it would receive their almost unanimous approval. I regretted its insertion in the constitution, favored the proposition to abrogate it at the last session, and now officially recommend it.”Cyclopedia, 1869, 394.

[221]Senate Deb., 1870, 61.

[222]Sen. Jour., 1871, 37; House Jour., 146-47.The House Committee reported it as a “partial proscriptive measure in direct conflict with the spirit of the age and unnecessary.” House Jour., 1870, 146.

[222]Sen. Jour., 1871, 37; House Jour., 146-47.

The House Committee reported it as a “partial proscriptive measure in direct conflict with the spirit of the age and unnecessary.” House Jour., 1870, 146.

[223]House Deb., 1871, 42. Only one voice was raised in opposition.

[224]No person who had been a collector or had been otherwise intrusted with public money was eligible to any office of trust until he had obtained a discharge for the amount with which he had been intrusted. Session Laws, 1870, No. 21, Regular Session.

[225]Session Laws, 1870, Extra Session, No. 12.

[226]“Although I would have the greatest confidence in whatever he reported.” Senate Deb., 1870, 118.“I do not say the present governor would abuse these powers,” says even a Democrat, 744.

[226]“Although I would have the greatest confidence in whatever he reported.” Senate Deb., 1870, 118.

“I do not say the present governor would abuse these powers,” says even a Democrat, 744.

[227]Ibid., 120.

[228]Two minority reports came in, in one of which Packard urged that a new apportionment must precede any election law.Ibid., 143.

[229]Ibid., 147.

[230]Senate Deb., 1870, 155-56.

[231]“I believe the object of the bill, as it stands, is to perpetuate the power of a certain political party—the Republican party.”Ibid., 149.

[232]Ibid., 1870, 168.

[233]Ibid., 164-65.

[234]Ibid., 180.

[235]Sen. Deb., 150.

[236]Ibid., 187.

[237]“If any gentleman can show me where we can repose the execution of this law outside of the Executive of the State, I would be glad to hear it; but we must have some protection, sir.”Ibid., 172.

[238]Ibid., 190.

[239]Ibid., 347, Sen. Jour., 110.

[240]House Deb., 1870, 213.

[241]Ibid., 207.

[242]House Deb., 217.

[243]These thirteen sections had been read February 15 and on February 18, immediately after prayer, a motion was made to suspend the rules in order to put it upon its third reading and final passage at that time. No vote was taken, but the speaker asked if there were any objection to the suspension of the rules, and immediately announced that there was none, notwithstanding the fact that Dr. Wren and many other members did object, but they were unheeded by the chair. According to the protest of the Democrats. House Jour., 254.

[244]Ibid., 236, 254. Vote was 247 to 26.

[245]Sen. Jour., 1870, 188.

[246]On the final suspension of the rules on the registration bill, a Senator remarked briefly: “I object to the suspension of the rules because I wish to give the senate as much time as possible to repent.” Sen. Deb., 470.

[247]Sen. Jour., 150.

[248]Sen. Jour., 245.

[249]House Deb., 1870, 343. McMillan was refused permission to record his protest. House Jour., 360.

[250]Laws of Louisiana, 1870, No. 99.

[251]Laws of Louisiana, 1870, No. 100. The power to reject votes for fraud or violence was capable of abuse and yet was held by Republicans inadequate as a remedy, as it did not add the Republican ballots which would have been polled.

[252]Laws of Louisiana, 1870, No. 74.

[253]Ibid., Extra Session, No. 75.

[254]Ibid., No. 40.

[255]Session Laws, 1870, No. 55.

[256]My authority for this is the statement of a Senator in debate. Senate Deb., 1870, 618. But names were printed in the papers on important bills so that it is probably true.

[257]“Let us have a united meeting and prompt action to bring our lawmakers to their just responsibility to an outraged community.”Beeof Jan. 30.

[258]“We then protest against this bill on constitutional grounds,” declared theTrue Republican, “for by this bill Warmoth actually fills three offices. Now, we know that this is a moderate demand for him, who wants to be the political Brigham Young of this State. We, Gentiles, are naturally satisfied with one office, but this political Mormon wants them all.” Quoted Sen. Deb., 1870, 537.

[259]The writer has come across no clue to the meaning of these letters. The first are, doubtless, Knights of the White Camelia.

[260]The movement for concerted action against bad legislation had begun in 1869 when the Taxpayers’ Organization had been created in a mass meeting, Oct. 23.Commercial Bulletin, Oct. 25, 1869.

[261]Pic., Feb. 1.

[262]For the resolves in full see House Jour., 148-9.

[263]Cyclopedia, 1870, 455. One of his charges was against the leading brokers, who subsequently denied the charge against them; and other persons indicated by the governor, while admitting their attempts to bribe him, alleged that he was interested against them, or that he was not satisfied with the prices offered. Sen. Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 41, 202.

[264]Senate Deb., 360-1.

[265]A very pointed hint is given: “But all the Senate can do in self-respect is to intimate to this body of citizens the rules of the Senate, and their own sense of propriety should dictate to them what to do.” Senate Deb., 358.

[266]“I looked upon that as an act of the grossest incivility and abuse; and sir, as a matter of self-respect and vindication of the privileges of the House, I deem it right that a rebuke be administered.”

[267]House Jour., 184.

[268]Annual Cyclopedia, 1870, 457.

[269]The Governor called it “the most quiet, peaceable, and orderly election the State has witnessed for many years.” Sen. Jour., 1871, 23.

[270]House Misc. Doc., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 211, 121.

[271]House Reports, 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 92, 4.The attempt to control the negro vote made by the Democrats in 1868 seems to have been abandoned. See Nordhoff’s story of how a prominent citizen dismissed a personal servant for voting against him and then restored him with the resolution never again to try to control a black man’s vote.

[271]House Reports, 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 92, 4.

The attempt to control the negro vote made by the Democrats in 1868 seems to have been abandoned. See Nordhoff’s story of how a prominent citizen dismissed a personal servant for voting against him and then restored him with the resolution never again to try to control a black man’s vote.

[272]Packard states that the registrar in West Feliciana made a contract with the Democrats whereby he agreed to give a certain vote to the Democratic parish officers in return for Democratic help in electing a Republican Senator. House Misc. Doc., No. 211, 143.

[273]Ibid., 18, 438, 439. A part of Caddo Parish where eight hundred voters lived was cut off by water and so no registrar went to that section at all, 50.

[274]Senate Reports, 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 457, 718.

[275]According to Bovee fifteen or twenty registrars were returned. House Misc. Doc., No. 211, 245.

[276]He was put on the ticket by the Parish Committee as the man named by the convention said he could not leave. Part of the tickets bore his name, part the name of the former nominee, so that the friends of the latter who could not read were tricked into voting for Carr.Ibid., 224-25.

[277]Bovee stated: “I think there was a regular system of fraud entered into with a view of electing certain men.... As far as I can learn, all were perpetrated in the governor’s interest.”Ibid., 243.

[278]Sen. Jour., 1871, 32.

[279]Ibid., 1871, 24.

[280]See the table which illustrates this shifting in Sen. Repts., 42 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 41, 250.

[281]United States Statutes at Large, XVI., 140-6.

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