CHAPTER III.The Campaign in Western Virginia.
Picturesque dreams of mighty conflicts and fields of glory disturbed the slumbers of those in Camp Putnam during the night of May 27th. Nor were they far out of the way, for before another sunset, part of the artillery would be en route for “the front.” Early on the morning of the 28th a telegraph messenger handed to Colonel Barnett a dispatch which read as follows:
Parkersburg Va., May 28, 1861.To Col. Barnett:Send immediately to this place two companies of artillery, with their pieces, horses, and three hundred rounds of ammunition.JAMES B. STEADMAN,Colonel Fourteenth Reg’t, O. V. M.
Parkersburg Va., May 28, 1861.
To Col. Barnett:
Send immediately to this place two companies of artillery, with their pieces, horses, and three hundred rounds of ammunition.
JAMES B. STEADMAN,Colonel Fourteenth Reg’t, O. V. M.
Colonel Barnett answered this telegram, informing Colonel Steadman that the battery was entirely destitute of ammunition for field service. A supply was hourly expected and upon its arrival the detachment would be sent forward with all possible dispatch. In the afternoon Colonel Steadman replied as follows:
Parkersburg. Va., May 28. 1861.To Col. Barnett:If you can send two of your companies with their pieces do so at once. The presence of the men and guns will have a good effect. Send forward as many of the Eighteenth Ohio Infantry as are armed and equipped. I want them to garrison this place. These are General McClellan’s instructions.JAMES B. STEADMAN,Col. Com’d Fourteenth Ohio.
Parkersburg. Va., May 28. 1861.
To Col. Barnett:
If you can send two of your companies with their pieces do so at once. The presence of the men and guns will have a good effect. Send forward as many of the Eighteenth Ohio Infantry as are armed and equipped. I want them to garrison this place. These are General McClellan’s instructions.
JAMES B. STEADMAN,Col. Com’d Fourteenth Ohio.
During this day there was a fusillade of telegrams from all sources, among which were the following:
Cincinnati, Ohio, May 28, 1861.To Col. Barnett:Two hundred rounds of solid shot and one hundredrounds of canister will be shipped to you from Columbus this evening. As soon as you receive it detach two pieces with an officer and complement of men with ammunition to go forward and report to Col. Steadman at the burned bridge on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad beyond Parkersburg.G. B. McCLELLAN,Major General.
Cincinnati, Ohio, May 28, 1861.
To Col. Barnett:
Two hundred rounds of solid shot and one hundredrounds of canister will be shipped to you from Columbus this evening. As soon as you receive it detach two pieces with an officer and complement of men with ammunition to go forward and report to Col. Steadman at the burned bridge on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad beyond Parkersburg.
G. B. McCLELLAN,Major General.
Columbus, Ohio, May 28, 1861.To Col. Barnett:Obey implicitly every order from General McClellan. Telegraph me when you move a company. Keep me advised of all your movements. Clothing and supplies go by your Quartermaster.H. B. CARRINGTON,Adjutant General.
Columbus, Ohio, May 28, 1861.
To Col. Barnett:
Obey implicitly every order from General McClellan. Telegraph me when you move a company. Keep me advised of all your movements. Clothing and supplies go by your Quartermaster.
H. B. CARRINGTON,Adjutant General.
These telegrams kept the members of the Battery in a continual fever of excitement, which grew hotter every hour. In reply to Colonel Steadman’s second dispatch Colonel Barnett telegraphed him the substance of General McClellan’s dispatch, and informed him that the two companies would go forward the next day. Camp Putnam was greatly disturbed by the question as to which two of the six companies should constitute this detachment. All were eager to go, apparently saddened by the thought that this, their first, might be their last, and only chance to get an experimental knowledge of what war was. The military career of the four companies which stayed behind would terminate in an inglorious journey home, the war over and no laurels crowning their brows. Colonel Barnett selected Companies D, Captain Rice, and F, Captain Kenny, as the fortunate ones. They were ordered to be ready to embark early on the following day. The detachment was placed in command of Lieutenant-Colonel Sturges.
The ammunition arrived early next morning. Companies D and F, with their guns, horses, and equipments complete, were soon on board a special steamboat and left in high spirits, replying with great gusts to the partingcheers of their chopfallen comrades who remained. On reaching Parkersburg, May 29—11 p. m., about twelve miles down the river from Marietta, it was found that Colonel Steadman, to whom Lieutenant-Colonel Sturges had been ordered to report with the detachment, had advanced some distance beyond that place on the line of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, where his command was engaged in repairing bridges which the retreating enemy had destroyed. The artillery detachment pushed on promptly and joined him May 30—12 M. At last they were on the “sacred soil” of a seceded state, ready to send the echoes of their guns reverberating among the Virginia hills. The Fourteenth Ohio boys gave the artillerymen a rousing reception, greeting them with loud and oft-repeated cheers.
At this time Colonel George A. Porterfield was in command of the rebel forces in that part of Virginia, with his headquarters at Grafton. The loyal sentiment in Western Virginia was very strong. Those who favored secession were in a decided minority. It was deemed of the highest importance to the Union cause to occupy the territory as fast and as securely as possible, thus affording encouragement and protection to the loyal people and holding that section from being dragged into the vortex of rebellion, clearly against the will of the great majority of the people.
The Confederate authorities were equally anxious to retain possession to recruit their armies, secure the supplies which the country afforded, and bring every possible influence to bear upon the people to induce them to cast their fortunes with the South. To this end Colonel Porterfield, upon assuming command a few days prior to Steadman’s occupation of Parkersburg, had issued a high-flown proclamation to the people of Western Virginia. In sounding phrase he called upon them to stand by their state and urged them to fill up the Confederate ranks and assist in protecting their firesides from the ravage of the invader. He assured them that not a footof Virginia soil should be surrendered to the hated “Yankees,” though it took every drop of blood in his veins. A few days later he and such of his soldiers as were not killed or captured were leaving tracks behind them with the utmost diligence, in their efforts to escape from their blue-coated pursuers.
General McClellan was in command of all the Union forces in that department. He planned the campaign and directed the movements that were so successful during the early days of the war. The services rendered by the three months’ men in Western Virginia were of inestimable value to the government, even though the amount of blood actually shed on either side was not large when compared with the copious streams that reddened the earth before the war was finished. The “battles” of those days would have ranked only as skirmishes when the great conflict was at its height, when mighty armies met and thousands upon thousands were slain or wounded in a single day. But history has justly given an enduring fame to those who sprang to arms at the first call, and by their promptness and gallantry saved Western Virginia to the Union. In this campaign the Cleveland Light Artillery bore a most honorable part and deserved the high praise which was so freely accorded to it.
The force under Colonel Steadman, including the detachment of the Cleveland Light Artillery, advanced rapidly along the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, moving by train with occasional stops for the repair of bridges and culverts. With such celerity was this accomplished that on June 1—4 a. m., Clarksburg was reached, about eighty miles east of Parkersburg. There was occasional skirmishing on the way, and a few prisoners were picked up, but no action of moment took place. The enemy retreated at all points before the advance of the Union force. On May 30th Grafton was occupied, without loss of life, by a force under Colonel B. F. Kelley, First Virginia (Union) Volunteers, which made a rapidmovement from Wheeling and secured a safe lodgment at this important point. The rebels evacuated in mad haste upon its approach.
The rebel forces which had been driven out of Clarksburg and Grafton fell back to Philippi, some thirty miles south of Grafton. Here they made a stand and announced their determination to fight. It was at once decided to give them an opportunity to do so. An immediate advance of the Union forces upon that place was ordered. It was desirable to again strike the enemy before he should have time to fortify and otherwise strengthen his position. The rebel commander was calling loudly for reinforcements and it was deemed of the utmost importance to keep him on the run before his force should be so augmented as to outnumber the Union troops. The greatest energy was displayed in the movement on Philippi. Steadman, with five companies of the Fourteenth Ohio Infantry and Companies D and F of the Cleveland Artillery, was ordered by rail to Webster, within 12 miles of Grafton, and the nearest point to Philippi. To reach the latter, a rapid march of fifteen miles was to be made. Steadman’s command moved from Clarksburg to Webster on the 2nd of June. Artillery in command of Lieutenant-Colonel S. B. Sturges. At the same time another column was advancing on Philippi from Grafton, under Colonel Kelley. The whole expedition was in command of Brigadier-General T. A. Morris, Colonel Lamb acting as staff officer for General McClellan.
It is now necessary to go back to Marietta and see what has become of the four companies of the artillery which remained grumbling in Camp Putnam when Lieutenant-Colonel Sturges went with the detachment to join Steadman. The impatient patriots did not have long to wait. One more night in camp, and then came a summons that electrified them. The four companies, with all the goods, chattels and other appurtenances thereto belonging, embarked on a steamboat and went with all speedto Benwood, on the Virginia side of the river opposite Bellaire, and not far from Wheeling. The trip of sixty-five miles was made in a few hours and the happy Clevelanders set their feet for the first time within the confines of Dixie’s Land. Barnett reported to General Morris and was directed to move his command at once by rail to Grafton, where the four guns were attached to the column to be led by Kelley in the advance upon Philippi. The infantry force consisted of portions of Kelley’s regiment, the First Virginia, the North Indiana, Colonel Milroy, and the Sixteenth Ohio, Colonel Irvine. This column was ordered by rail to Thornton, a few miles east of Grafton, from which point the march to Philippi was to be made. The route was four or five miles longer than that to be traversed by the co-operating force to advance from Webster.
General Morris said in his order to Colonel Kelley prescribing the details of the movement, dated Grafton, June 2d, 1861: You must regulate your march according to your own discretion, and your bivouac or rest at night in such manner that you are sure of coming before the town of Philippi as near 4 o’clock tomorrow morning as possible. Should you this evening receive certain information that the rebels have retreated eastward from Philippi, you will make the resting time of your troops as short as possible, in order to follow them up with all the speed the strength of your troops will allow.
The right attacking column was under the command of Colonel Dumont, Seventh Indiana Volunteers, to which the force of Steadman had been joined, with part of the Sixth Indiana, Colonel Crittenden. The following is the order of General Morris to Colonel Dumont:
Headquarters U. S. Volunteers,Grafton, W. Va., June 2, 1861.Colonel Dumont,Comdg. Seventh Reg’t Indiana Vols., near Grafton,Va.:Colonel: You will proceed by railroad this eveningat 8:30 o’clock to Webster with eight companies of your regiment. At Webster you will be Joined by Colonel Steadman with five companies of his regiment and two field pieces of Ohio artillery, also by Colonel Crittenden with six companies of his regiment. From Webster you will, with this command, march on Philippi, using your own discretion in the conduct of the march, keeping in view that you should arrive in front of the town at 4 o’clock precisely tomorrow morning.Information is received that the rebels are in some force at Philippi. The object of your column will be to divert attention until the attack is made by Colonel Kelley, and should resistance be offered you are to aid him to the extent of your ability. In the conduct of your column you must use your discretion, being governed by such circumstances as may occur. When joined by Colonel Kelley the whole force will be under his command.The companies of your command will take two full days’ rations. Should you receive instructions from Colonel Kelley that the rebels have retreated, you will join him at once and act under his command.By command of Brigadier-General T. A. Morris:JOHN A. STEIN.Acting Assistant Adjutant General.
Headquarters U. S. Volunteers,
Grafton, W. Va., June 2, 1861.
Colonel Dumont,
Comdg. Seventh Reg’t Indiana Vols., near Grafton,Va.:
Colonel: You will proceed by railroad this eveningat 8:30 o’clock to Webster with eight companies of your regiment. At Webster you will be Joined by Colonel Steadman with five companies of his regiment and two field pieces of Ohio artillery, also by Colonel Crittenden with six companies of his regiment. From Webster you will, with this command, march on Philippi, using your own discretion in the conduct of the march, keeping in view that you should arrive in front of the town at 4 o’clock precisely tomorrow morning.
Information is received that the rebels are in some force at Philippi. The object of your column will be to divert attention until the attack is made by Colonel Kelley, and should resistance be offered you are to aid him to the extent of your ability. In the conduct of your column you must use your discretion, being governed by such circumstances as may occur. When joined by Colonel Kelley the whole force will be under his command.
The companies of your command will take two full days’ rations. Should you receive instructions from Colonel Kelley that the rebels have retreated, you will join him at once and act under his command.
By command of Brigadier-General T. A. Morris:
JOHN A. STEIN.Acting Assistant Adjutant General.
The intention was to surprise the rebels and the movement was admirably planned and carried out to effect this result. This force, leaving after dark, had reasonable assurance of reaching the enemy in advance of any information from their friends and, as events proved, did so. The advance was favored by the extreme darkness of the night and a continuous fall of rain. These circumstances contributed in no small degree to the complete success of the expedition, but they were rough enough on the raw soldiers who made their first march under such dismal conditions.
All night, through the darkness and drenching rain, the two columns pushed on, over roads so rough and muddy that they were in some places almost impassable to artillery. It was only by the aid of the men who swarmed around the carriages and put their hands to the wheels, that the panting horses were able to drag gunsand caissons. To the volunteers, that night was a baptism indeed. They tried bravely to keep up their spirits as they trudged along through mud and water and stumbled over the roots and stumps and stones that lay in their pathway. It was so dark that a man could scarcely see his file leader. That nocturnal experience knocked the poetry and romance out of “soldiering” with a suddenness and completeness that was paralyzing. Most of these men “followed the flag” during the long years of war. They passed through many such unspeakably wretched nights and days, but nothing afterward seemed to equal in misery those weary hours of floundering through the mire, with benumbed limbs and soaked and dripping garments during that night march to Philippi.
There was no postponement of the engagement on account of the weather, and promptly at the appointed hour, 4 a. m., the two columns were in communication before the town. Like most of the so-called “towns” in the South in those days, it wasn’t much of a place, though the county seat of Barbour county. It had a shabby courthouse, a still more shabby hotel, a few houses in which the Philippians lived, and a name—that was all.
The necessary dispositions for an attack were promptly and carefully made, with the object of capturing the entire rebel force, whatever it might be. At daylight the troops, which had nearly surrounded the town in order to “let no guilty man escape,” closed in from different directions to spring the trap that had been set. The early morning visitation was a complete surprise to the rebels. There were a few sleepy pickets posted at isolated points, several of which were taken in before they had fairly got their eyes open. At length a few of them sufficiently collected their scattered wits to fire off their guns and then break for the town. This alarmed the main body of the Confederate forces and in an instant the direst confusion prevailed. Colonel Porterfield and his staff had their headquarters at the hotel andwere yet asleep when the alarm was given. Hastily throwing on their clothes they quickly mounted their horses and dashed around endeavoring to learn what the trouble was all about.
The Union forces pressed rapidly forward on the heels of the retreating pickets. The whistling of bullets told the rebels that they must fight or run and that the decision must be made at once. In the light of subsequent evidence it may be considered likely that Colonel Porterfield was willing to fight, but the Confederate soldiers deemed it best to run, and they did. They stood not upon the order of their going but went at once and with the utmost precipitation. It was a regular “skedaddle,” to use a word that was current in war times.
The Cleveland artillerymen had an opportunity to use their guns and they made the most of it, to the extent of sixteen rounds. Although sharing fully in the wild excitement of the first meeting with the enemy they served their pieces with a coolness and skill that elicited from those in command words of the highest praise. (It is a matter of record that their missiles took off the leg of one soldier, the first casualty by artillery fire in the field done by the Union forces, but it is undeniably true that the roar of their guns and the plunging shot greatly aided in demoralizing the rebels and accelerating the speed with which they sought a safe place far in the rear.)
The rebels fled in wild dismay, utterly heedless of the efforts of their officers to stem the tide of disaster. They had barely time to get away, and left behind them a large quantity of supplies and material of war which had been collected. The rear end of the disorganized rebel procession had not disappeared when Colonel Kelley’s column came in sight. His advance dashed after the enemy, himself at the head, and there was a brisk skirmish. It did not last long, however, as the rebels fled out of range at the earliest possible moment. None of the Union soldiers were killed. A few were wounded,and among them the gallant Colonel Kelley, who received a pistol shot in the breast, which incapacitated him from duty for some weeks. Prolonged pursuit of the fleeing foe was impossible, owing to the extremely exhausted condition of the men after their all-night march in the storm, while the rebels were fresh and able to get off at a speed that defied successful competition. The command of the Union forces devolved upon Colonel Dumont.
The Confederate Colonel Porterfield and his staff had been living in fine style at the village “tavern.” A good breakfast had been prepared for them by “mine host,” but the latter suddenly found himself entertaining unbidden and wholly unexpected guests. The inordinate haste with which the rebel commander and his official family evacuated the town would not permit them to partake of that breakfast, and it was eaten, with profoundly thankful hearts—and stomachs—by a company of Union officers.
The following is an extract from the official report of the affair, made to General McClellan by General Morris:
“The enemy was entirely off his guard and was completely surprised, as the reports of those engaged in the attack attest. The failure to capture the entire rebel force can only be attributed to the storm during the night. This unforeseen misfortune served to call forth an endurance seldom exhibited, and I feel that the heroism of officers and men was as truly displayed in a march of fifteen miles in pitchy darkness, drenching rain, and over a mountainous country as in the irresistible attack and hot pursuit of the discomfited enemy. The last five miles of Colonel Dumont’s column was made in one hour and a quarter. Many men fainted and were left on the road. Others threw away their haversacks and provisions to keep up, rushing forward with a determination that showed what spirit animated the command. I regard it as remarkable that under such circumstancesthe two columns were but fifteen minutes apart at the time assigned for their meeting. An able reconnoissance in advance of Colonel Dumont’s column was made by Colonel F. W. Lauder, whose voluntary aid I gladly accepted, and to whose advice and assistance I am greatly indebted. The immediate direction of the artillery was confided to him. After the bridge was taken he pressed forward and joined Colonel Kelley, rode into the enemy’s ranks and captured the prisoner reported to have shot Colonel Kelley. He had great difficulty in restraining the Virginia volunteers from summarily dispatching the man, who was a noted secessionist and a quartermaster of the rebel forces.
“From the reports of Colonel Dumont (who, by reason of the fall of Colonel Kelley, had command), you will perceive there is much difficulty in making an accurate statement of the enemy’s losses. The killed are estimated at from fifteen to forty, which were carried off it is supposed by friends, during the confusion incident to the pursuit of the enemy. A large amount of camp equipage, provisions, arms, wagons, horses and medical stores were captured, an inventory of which will be made as soon as possible.”
When the tidings reached Cleveland of the “battle” and the creditable manner in which the “boys” had acquitted themselves, they were regarded as the heroes of the hour—warriors of the first magnitude. It was Cleveland’s first record under fire and the citizens felt a justifiable pride in the honorable part borne by their representatives in almost the first engagement of the war.
That the action at Philippi was not more sanguinary was not the fault of the Union soldiers. If the rebels had stayed no doubt there would have been a warm engagement. It takes two parties to get up a fight, and when one of them “runs away” in order that he may “live to fight another day,” there is no alternative but to postpone the battle until that day comes around. Butit was a clear and unquestionable victory, if it wasn’t a very big one. It was memorable as being the first field guns fired on the Union side in the Civil War. It was hailed through the North with loud acclaim. The newspapers teemed with praise of the gallant men who won it, and the mails were burdened with letters of congratulation and compliment from friends at home. It showed that the raw volunteers from the North had that endurance and pluck of which soldiers are made; it did much to prick the bubble of idle boasting that one Southern man could whip five “Yankees.” Indeed, it rather looked as though it was the Southern soldiers who would not fight, and some people believed, after Philippi, that the war was about over. Some of the victorious blue-coats thought so and they felt an exceeding great joy that they had been permitted to participate in the action that was the death-blow to the rebellion.
The satisfaction that filled loyal hearts everywhere was only equaled by the apprehension and alarm in the South that were caused by even so trifling a defeat as this. Especially was this true of the Confederate forces in Western Virginia, which were for a time in an almost hopeless state of demoralization. One point after another was being seized and held by the Union troops; regiments from Ohio and Indiana were hurrying forward to reinforce them, and there seemed little hope of being able to dislodge them from that part of the state. After the disaster at Philippi frantic dispatches were sent to the civil and military authorities at Richmond, representing the Confederate cause in that section to be in a desperate condition, and urging immediate and decisive steps to reorganize and reinforce the army, unless Western Virginia was to be abandoned to the enemy. It will not be out of place here to give one or two extracts from the correspondence which took place at this time between rebel officials in Western Virginia and at Richmond. Under date of June 6th, 1861, Major M. G. Harman,commanding at Staunton, wrote to General Robert E. Lee:
“From all the information that I have received I am pained to have to express my conviction that Colonel Porterfield is entirely unequal to the position which he occupies. The affair at Philippi was a disgraceful surprise, occurring about daylight, there being no picket or guard of any kind on duty. The only wonder is that our men were not cut to pieces. They were all asleep and were only aroused by the firing of the enemy. The safety of the Northwest and of our inexperienced soldiers depends upon an immediate change of commanders, and giving the command to a bold and experienced leader. * * * * * I would again urge rapid reinforcements to regain possession of the Northwest, and that I may receive from you authority to call out and arm the companies from all the valley counties and send them to that quarter instead of their going, as heretofore directed, to their different rendezvous. Send up five thousand flint-lock muskets from Richmond and I will have them overhauled and put in order for use.”
On the same day Major Harman sent a communication to Colonel Porterfield in which he said:
“Tomorrow I shall send you a field battery, accompanied by cavalry and infantry, which will be joined by other troops on the way and the whole force will report to you at Beverly. On the day following from two to three thousand troops will be sent to you by President Davis from Richmond. I have received a telegraphic dispatch from the Commander-in-Chief of our army, saying: “Send a messenger to tell Colonel Porterfield to be valiant and maintain his ground until relief reaches him. Send him supplies if he wants them.” Having received no official communication from you, but learning from private sources, since the disaster to our arms at Philippi, that you are almost without ammunition, I have determined to send you a supply by express.”
When Porterfield and his men left Philippi they didnot stop running until they reached Huttonsville, nearly forty miles southward, and near Beverly, in Randolph county. From his headquarters there Porterfield wrote on June 9th to Colonel R. S. Garnett, Adjutant General of the Virginia forces at Richmond:
“My force is not only deficient in drill but ignorant, both officers and men, of the most ordinary duties of the soldier. With efficient drill officers they might be made effective; but I have to complain that the field officers sent to command these men are of no assistance to me, and are, for the most part, as ignorant of their duties as the company officers, and they as ignorant as the men. I hope, if I am continued in command, that good staff officers may be sent me to aid in organizing this raw force, than which there is none more so now in the service. * * * It is necessary that at least five thousand well-drilled men should be sent at once, as the enemy’s army is being daily reinforced; and if aid is not soon sent it will be impossible to keep the open field, even as a mere corps of observation, but we will have to retire to the mountains, where it will be most difficult, if not impossible, to provision even this small force.”
On June 11th Porterfield again wrote to Colonel Garnett and asked for a chance to redeem himself:
“The enemy remains at Philippi where they are reported to have about five thousand men and are fortifying themselves. The same number are said to be at Grafton. From five hundred to one thousand are said to be at Cheat River Bridge and other forces are stationed at different points on the railroads. * * * A regiment from Tennessee is expected here tomorrow, having in charge, as I am informed, some pieces of heavy artillery. No pieces heavier than 6-pounders should be sent to this country until some position is selected to be fortified and a strong and reliable infantry force is sent to support it. * * * The percussion caps sent have nearly all been of small size, forshot-guns, and not large enough for muskets. As reinforcements are now expected, and we shall have active service in this part of the state, I desire to be continued on duty here. It was not until after repeated calls for aid, and when left with a small militia force entirely unprepared for the field, that I asked for duty elsewhere.”
But the Confederate authorities did not intend to have any more Philippis if they could avoid it by a change of commanders. On June 13th General Lee wrote from Richmond to Porterfield, informing him that Garnett had been promoted to Brigadier General and had been sent to take command in Northwestern Virginia.
A court of inquiry was created to inquire into the conduct of Porterfield at Philippi and the causes which led to the inglorious defeat and rout of the Confederate force. The court made an exhaustive investigation and submitted, on May 4, 1861, a lengthy report thereupon. A few extracts from this document will be read with interest by those who had a hand in the game:
“* * * On the morning of the day just indicated, at between daybreak and sunrise, this command was attacked and taken by surprise; no alarm or intimation of the enemy’s approach having been given by the guard or infantry pickets until the enemy was within some four hundred yards of the place, and had commenced the fire from his artillery. It is shown that a main and picket guard, as strong as was consistent with the effective infantry force present, was regularly detailed and posted at distances sufficiently far out to accomplish the object in view, provided they knew and did their duty, which latter is strongly to be suspected, from the fact that, although in advance, they failed to give any intimation of the enemy’s approach—a conclusion which is strengthened by the report of the mounted officers out with the scouting parties on the night of June 2nd, that they had neither seen an infantry picket nor been challenged by its sentinels, going from or returningto the town that night. It appears that immediately upon the arrival of the command at Philippi the officer in command, Colonel Porterfield, took measures to place his force, which was raw and new in service, under a course of instruction, and to select those in his opinion best fitted to instruct the sentinels and guards in their duties. The testimony shows that, while there was a certain degree of confusion in some quarters, a portion of the command moved from the town in good order, and that the whole force, nearly, after passing some distance, was reformed and proceeded in order.
“It is shown in the evidence that an expectation of attack or movement on Philippi, shortly to be made, was generally entertained among the officers and others of the command, and that intelligence (how well founded is not known) was brought from time to time of the strength and supposed intent of the enemy.
“The testimony sets forth that this had so far produced its effect as to induce the officer in command to call a meeting of his officers; that the result of their consultations and deliberations was an almost if not entirely unanimous decision in favor of immediate retreat; that when Colonel Porterfield returned to the room (from which he had been absent a short time), their opinion was conveyed to him, to which he seemed loath to accede; yet, determined to make a further examination of the ammunition on hand, and to prepare the baggage and train for removal at a moment’s notice.”
Here follow several points in which, according to the judgment of this court, the commanding officer “erred.” General R. E. Lee, in reviewing the case, approved the finding of the court and said:
“The commanding general remarks with pleasure upon the coolness, self-possession, courage and energy displayed by Colonel Porterfield at the moment of attack; but he cannot exonerate him from blame in not taking proper precautionary measures beforehand. Yet, inconsideration of all the circumstances of the case, he does not think it necessary to do more than to express the opinion of the court, in the hope that the sad effects produced by the want of forethought and vigilance, exhibited in this case, will be a lesson to be remembered by the army throughout the war.”
After the action at Philippi came a season of inaction. The available Union force was not deemed sufficient to make a further advance without too great risk of defeat, which would put in imminent jeopardy all the advantage that had been gained. For a month the troops lay quietly at Philippi, detachments being stationed to guard the bridges on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. The headquarters of the Cleveland Artillery were at Philippi, but the companies were scattered, some of them, with their guns, doing duty with the bridge guards. There were constant rumors of active service ahead and of impending attacks by the enemy, but none of them appeared to have any foundation in fact, for the weeks passed without any of “war’s alarms” of a serious nature.
During the latter part of June General Henry A. Wise became a prominent factor in Confederate operations in Western Virginia. At the head of a considerable force he threatened an attack upon Philippi. As the Fourth of July drew near a report came to be currently believed that on that day he would attempt to retake the place. All arrangements possible for defense were made. Neither officers nor soldiers had yet learned much about fortifying, in the art of which they became so skilled at a later day, but some rude works had been thrown up which promised to be serviceable and “handy” in case of attack. Part of the guns of the Cleveland Artillery were kept in position where it was thought they might do the most good if there came a rebel visitation. A strong and vigilant picket guard was maintained to prevent anything in the nature of a surprise.
Most of the soldiers were in a sad plight as to clothing. Especially was this true of the members of theCleveland Artillery. Much of the wretchedly poor, shoddy clothing received by them at Camp Putnam had literally fallen to pieces. The men were actually in rags. Some of them went around during those warm July days with only drawers to cover the nakedness of their nether limbs. They looked more like a congregation of beggars than patriotic American citizens engaged in the work of saving the country. That pestilent insect, the “grayback,” made its appearance and was soon on terms of the closest intimacy with them. Probably not one in twenty of these innocent young men had ever seen one of these things before. Most of them did not even know that this carnivorous bug had an existence in the wide and variegated realm of animated nature. But it did not take them long to become extensively acquainted with him.
Patriotic emotions were active as the “Glorious Fourth” drew near, and although the American Eagle seemed to be in a bad way just then, it was determined to have a fitting celebration of the day, whether or not Wise kept his reputed engagement. Notwithstanding their dilapidated condition the members of the artillery entered into the matter with great gusto. The arrangements were made by a committee consisting of Colonels Dumont, Sixth Indiana, Milroy, Ninth Indiana, Lieutenant Colonel Dickey, Fifteenth Ohio, “Bob” McCook, Ninth Ohio, Barnett, Cleveland Light Artillery, and others. During the month previous the Union forces had been augmented by several additional regiments, as designated above.
An elaborate program was made out, which included speeches, music, both vocal and instrumental, and, of course, the reading of that patriotic but somewhat musty and dusty old document, the Declaration of Independence. This always has been, and probably always will be, considered an essential factor in a Fourth of July celebration, under any and all circumstances, although nobody ever listens to it, or can remember, five minutesafter a single word of what it contains. In casting about for a person who could read this ponderous paper with fitting dignity and impressiveness the committee decided upon Warren P. Edgarton, then a private of Company D, Cleveland Light Artillery, who had won some reputation as an elocutionist, and he was promptly detailed for this duty.
Edgarton was in sore distress of mind over the condition of his wardrobe. He hadn’t any clothes to speak of, and half the time was running around camp with only a ragged shirt and a pair of drawers. He had a fine physique and would tip the beam at about a hundred and eighty. He had a sort of artillery jacket but it was three sizes too small, and when he crowded himself into it he looked and felt like a woman wearing a tightly laced corset; so that he didn’t put it on except on state occasions, when his usualnegligeeuniform would be considered a gross and violent breach of army regulations. He had a pair of shoes that were three sizes too large for even his substantial and well-developed feet, in which he would go sloshing around camp. At night he used to “park” his shoes outside, as there wasn’t room for them in the tent, without crowding everybody out. He wore on his head a little cap which, never within an inch of his size, had so shrunk and shriveled under the demoralizing influence of sun and storm that it only lay upon the top of his head, looking not much bigger than a postage stamp. All in all he was a startling and picturesque object to stand before a crowd of raging patriots and read the Declaration of Independence.
Something had to be done to get him into presentable shape for the occasion. The honor and credit of the Artillery were at stake. It would be an insult to the “Spirit of Seventy-six” for such a half-naked tatterdemalion to get up and pronounce the thundering sentences of Thomas Jefferson. So Colonel Barnett, Captain Rice and others whose pride was stirred began to foragethrough the town for some clothes that would adorn Edgarton’s shapely form and redound to the credit of the Battery. A black claw-hammer dress coat was found after a long search and the owner consented to loan it for the occasion. This was supplemented by broadcloth trousers, a hat belonging to one of the officers and a pair of fancy, high-heeled boots. The latter one of the boys had brought along from home, with a vague idea that they would be useful to him in putting down the rebellion. They were not large enough for Edgarton’s feet, but he contrived to squeeze into them at the last moment and to endure their pinching while he was doing his part in “letting the eagle scream.”
There had been considerable difficulty in finding a copy of the Declaration. The Philippians of Western Virginia were not a literary folk, and few of them appeared ever to have heard of it. At length a copy was found, in a musty law book at the courthouse.
Edgarton was greeted with hearty applause as he mounted the platform. This was followed by general laughter at his unique appearance. Such another “makeup” was never seen in the army, before nor since, in this or any other country. But he read the Declaration of Independence in fine style and was tremendously cheered. Lieutenant Colonel Geo. B. Este, of the Fourteenth Ohio, followed with an admirable address; the bands almost blew their heads off; patriotic songs were sung; and the celebration was a great success. The rebel General Wise failed to show up and nothing interfered with the carrying out of the program.
No sooner had the “Glorious Fourth” been fittingly and satisfactorily celebrated than the troops were directed to prepare at once for another campaign. On July 6th General Morris, commanding at Philippi, received orders to advance early the following day, occupy Belington, fifteen miles southward, and menace the enemy, who was in strong position at Laurel Hill, near that place. The movement was made promptly, accordingto the plan. The writer has before him a yellow, ink-stained paper, a memento of the advance from Philippi. It is endorsed “Programme, march to Laurel Hill,” and announces the following order of the procession, the words in brackets being supplied for explanatory purposes:
First Virginia, four companies.Milroy [Ninth Indiana].Steadman, First Battalion [Fourteenth Ohio].Barnett, four pieces [Cleveland Light Artillery].Steadman, Second Battalion [Fourteenth Ohio].Barnett, two pieces [Cleveland Light Artillery]First Virginia, two companies.Dumont [Seventh Indiana].HeadquartersFultonDickey [Fifteenth Ohio].Crittenden [Sixth Indiana].Ammunition wagons.Band.Four caissons, two guns [Cleveland Light Artillery].
It will be observed that both front and rear were well protected by artillery. The commanding general prudently sandwiched his headquarters in the center of the column. We must also admire the tender solicitude for the safety of the band, as shown by its position as far as possible from the front and flanked by two guns and four caissons of Barnett’s artillery.
The march was begun about midnight. The movement was rapid and at daylight the skirmishers struck the rebel pickets near Belington. A section of the artillery was immediately ordered to the front and a few shells were tossed among the enemy’s outposts, with most demoralizing effect. The Union skirmishes, well supported, quickly pushed the pickets back to the main line, which was strongly fortified. Some of the pickets showed fight at first and there was a brisk skirmish, in which the Cleveland Artillery suffered its first casualty. George W. Tillotson, of Company D, caught a musket ball in the groin. He received every possible attentionand as soon as circumstances would permit was sent to the rear. He finally reached his home in Cleveland but never fully recovered, dying from the effects of his wound, a few years later. He was the first man from Cleveland to shed his blood in the Union cause.
When the artillery was ordered to move there was the greatest activity in preparing for the impending campaign. The men were exceedingly anxious to acquit themselves with credit, and spared no pains to make the battery as effective as possible. The ammunition was carefully inspected and put in order, and the guns were polished until they shone like mirrors. The men were “hard up” for clothing, the supply having been exceedingly limited—scanty in quantity and poor in quality. Every effort had been made to procure better supplies but without success. The state authorities and the United States government appeared to be about equally neglectful of the needs of the soldiers. Rations were generally good and sufficient, and there was little cause for complaint on that score.
Whenever occasion offered the artillery served with excellent effect. The years of instruction and drill at home proved a most valuable school. The skill of the gunners in training their pieces and timing shells was such as to win for them the warmest commendations. The members of the infantry regiment formed a strong attachment for the artillerymen. They had an abiding faith in the efficacy of Barnett’s cannon, and when engaged in any movement seemed to be doubly confident if accompanied by a section or two of the artillery.
The order from General McClellan to General Morris was to avoid delivering battle at Laurel Hill if possible, but to firmly press the enemy at all points and hold him in his works, until the co-operating column under General Rosecrans should come up and attack in flank and rear. Rosecrans struck the rebels at Rich Mountain and after a hot fight completely routed them, capturing many prisoners and a large quantity of material of war.The confederate defeat at Rich Mountain and the prompt advance of General Rosecrans rendered the rebel position at Laurel Hill untenable. The enemy abandoned it in great haste.
During the few days that the troops under General Morris lay at Belington there was constant skirmishing with the enemy. Day and night all were kept on the alert, and the whistle of bullets began to be a familiar sound. The guns of the Cleveland Artillery were advantageously posted and were brought into occasional use. The men were constantly at their posts. Now and then a shell or a solid shot would be sent over to the rebels, just to let them know that the “Yankees” were still there and wide awake. In an official report dated “Headquarters near Belington, Va., July 9, 1861,” General Morris says:
“The instructions of the commanding general will be carried out, although it is difficult to restrain our men from advancing. I hardly know in what terms to convey to you their enthusiasm. Their coolness under such fire as we have been subjected to (incessant since our arrival), is most creditable to them, and establishes beyond all question, if proof were needed, that they can be relied upon in any emergency. The regiments in advance are Milroy’s Ninth Indiana, Barnett’s Artillery, Steadman’s Fourteenth Ohio, and Dumont’s Seventh Indiana, all of which deserve special mention.”
On July 12th the rebels, having retreated from Belington and Laurel Hill during the day and night previous, General Morris moved in pursuit. The following is an extract from a report made by him dated “Carrick’s Ford, Va., July 14, 1861:
“I reported yesterday morning the progress of the forces of my command in pursuit of the enemy retreating from Laurel Hill. The pursuit was continued through the day in the same order as stated in my report of yesterday morning, viz.: Steadman’s Fourteenth Ohio in advance with two sections of Barnett’s artillery,next Dumont’s Seventh Indiana and Milroy’s Ninth Indiana. These regiments started in pursuit from our resting place near Leadsville at about 4 o’clock in the morning. The remainder of the troops were on the march by 5 o’clock a. m. A drizzling rain commenced about 6 o’clock, which by 9 became quite heavy. The enemy left the main turnpike and turned towards Cheat river, crossing two branches of the Laurel mountain over a narrow and rough road. Owing to the heavy rain the roads were rendered very difficult for the men and the few wagons of ammunition and provisions. By 11 o’clock the rain became a drenching storm and so continued for several hours, the roads in the mountains becoming almost impassable. At 2 o’clock the whole command was up in the position we now occupy.
“The attention of the commanding general is particularly called to the gallant bearing of the infantry and artillery which led the advance. I would also call attention to the fact that the entire command commenced the pursuit on a few minutes’ notice, without time to prepare even a day’s rations for the haversacks. I ordered four wagons to be loaded with hard bread and pork to follow the command. These four wagons, with the little additional rations put in with the ammunition, are all the provisions the command has had since leaving Belington, except some beeves procured in this vicinity.
“The march of yesterday was from eighteen to twenty miles. When it is considered that we have put to flight a force equal to our own, and have pursued the rebels night and day for thirty hours, almost without provisions, over a mountainous and difficult road, and part of the time through a drenching storm, we may feel sure that our cause must be successfully maintained by men who show such gallant bearing and soldierly endurance.”
Then came the brilliant attack upon the enemy at Carrick’s Ford, which resulted in the utter defeat and rout of the rebels. Their commander, General Garnett,was among the killed. The story of this important engagement cannot be more concisely told than by giving almost entire the official report of General H. W. Benham, who was in immediate command of the Union force. The report was made to General Morris:
“In accordance with your directions, I this morning took command of the advance guard of your column, consisting of the Fourteenth Ohio, Colonel Steadman, with one section of Barnett’s Artillery, the Seventh Indiana, Colonel Dumont, and the Ninth Indiana, Colonel Milroy, in all about 1,800 men. With this force, as instructed, I started from Leadsville at about 4 o’clock a. m. to pursue the army of General Garnett, which, consisting, as we learned, of 4,000 to 5,000 men and four to six cannon, had retreated from the north side of Laurel mountain near Belington the day before yesterday. It being ascertained that the enemy had retired toward the village of New Interest and thence, as was supposed, over a mountain road leading to the Shafer Fork, or main branch, of the Cheat river, to Saint George. The troops were brought rapidly forward on their route, so as to reach the entrance of the mountain road—about seven miles march—at 6 o’clock. A short distance after entering this path the passage was found to be obstructed by large trees, recently felled, in about twelve to fifteen places, and in nearly every defile for three or four miles. Information was from time to time received that this force, which had some fifteen hours the start of us from Belington, was now only four to five miles in advance. This encouraged our efforts, and though for nearly the whole time the rain was pouring in torrents and the clayey roads were in many places almost impassable, the spirit of the troops, without exception, as it came under my eye, was such as to bear them most rapidly onward under all these trials, super-added to that of hunger, with which the greater part of them had suffered for the previous fifteen or twenty hours.
At about noon we reached Kaler’s, the first ford of theShafer Branch or main fork of Cheat river, having within the previous two or three miles fired at and driven in several pickets of the enemy protecting those who were forming the barricades, and at one place we broke up a camp where the meals were being cooked. At the ford near Kaler’s, and at about half the distance to another ford, which we afterward met with one mile farther on, we saw the baggage train of the enemy, apparently at rest. This I proposed to attack as soon as strengthened by the arrival of Steadman’s second battalion, with Dumont’s regiment, when the thoughtless firing of a musket at our ford set the train rapidly in motion, and long lines of infantry were formed in order of battle to protect it. In a few minutes, however, the arrival of Barnett’s artillery, with Dumont close upon it, enabled the command to push forward in its original order, but the train and its guard had retired, leaving only a few skirmishers to meet us at the second ford, where, however, quite a rapid firing was kept up by the advance regiment, and Barnett’s artillery opened for some minutes to more completely clear the adjacent woods of the enemy.
“We then continued our march rapidly to the ford, and as we approached it we came upon the enemy’s train, the last half of it just crossing, in the river. The enemy was found to have taken a strong position, with his infantry and artillery, upon a precipitous bank fifty to eighty feet in height, upon the opposite side of the river, while our own position was upon the low land, nearly level with the river. Steadman’s regiment, in the advance, opened fire most gallantly upon them, which was immediately returned by their strong force of infantry and by their cannon, upon which Barnett’s artillery was ordered up and opened upon them with excellent effect.
As I soon perceived a position by which their left could be turned, six companies of Colonel Dumont’s regiment were ordered to cross the river about three hundred yards above them, to pass up the hill obliquelyfrom our right to their left, and take them in rear. Owing to some mistake, possibly in the transmission of the order, this command crossed about double the distance intended and turned at first to their right, which delayed the effect of the movement. After some fifteen minutes, however, this error was rectified, and, the hill being reported as impracticable, this command, now increased to the entire regiment, was ordered down to the ford, there to take the enemy directly in front at the road.
“The firing of Steadman’s regiment and of Milroy’s, now well up and in action, with repeated and rapid discharges from Barnett’s artillery during this movement, decided the action at once. As Dumont reached the road, having passed along and under their whole front, the firing ceased and the enemy fled in great confusion. Dumont’s regiment pursued them for about one mile farther, having brisk skirmishing with their rear for the first half of that distance, during which General Garnett was killed. The enemy would still have been followed up most closely, and probably to the capture of a large portion of their scattered army, but this was absolutely impossible with our fatigued and exhausted troops, who had already marched eighteen miles or more, in an almost incessant, violent rain, the greater part of them without food since the evening and a portion of them even from the noon of yesterday, so warm had been the pursuit of the enemy on their hasty retreat from Laurel Mountain, twenty-six miles distant. The troops were, therefore, halted for food and rest at about 2 p. m.
“The result of the action proves to be the capture of about forty loaded wagons and teams, being nearly all the enemy’s baggage train, as we learn, and including a large portion of new clothing, camp equipage and other stores; their headquarter papers and military chest; also two stands of colors and one fine rifled piece of artillery; while the commanding general, Robert S.Garnett, is killed, his body being now cared for by us, and fifteen or twenty more of the enemy are killed and nearly fifty prisoners taken. Our own loss is two killed and six or seven wounded—one dangerously.
“In concluding this report I feel it my duty to state that just as the action was closing, the head regiment of the body of troops under yourself, though starting as I learn three hours later, the Sixth Indiana, under Colonel Crittenden, came upon the field in excellent order, but, unfortunately, too late to aid us in the battle.
“The conduct of those gallant officers, Colonels Barnett, Steadman, Dumont and Milroy, with the steady perseverance of their officers and men in their long and arduous march, suffering from hunger, rain and cold, with their gallantry in action, was most heroic and beyond all praise of mine. Their country only can fully appreciate and reward their services.”
This was the most important victory that had yet been achieved by the Union forces anywhere. It is true that very small figures expressed the losses on either side, but loyal people everywhere were anxiously watching for successes, and the “battle” of Carrick’s Ford threw the whole North into a spasm of tempestuous rejoicing. The pluck and heroism of the volunteers was lauded to the skies—and it may fairly be said that they deserved it. The members of the Ohio artillery, with whom this chronicle has particularly to do, had added fresh laurels to those gained at Philippi and Laurel Hill, and the people of Cleveland regarded them in the same light in which the world looks upon the Six Hundred who made the historic charge at Balaklava. So conspicuous were their services and so gallant their bearing that they were awarded the cannon captured from the enemy at Carrick’s Ford. At the close of the three months’ service they took this trophy back with them to Cleveland. It was placed in the Public Square, where it remaineth unto this day, with an inscription upon it thathe who runs may read. This inscription, by the way, was at first fearfully and wonderfully made. A geographical student would be impressed with the fact that unless the people of Cleveland could fight better than they could spell they wouldn’t capture many cannon in that or any other war. The inscription, which was put on by somebody who was not within three hundred miles of the battle, informed the wayfarer that the gun was captured at “Corricke’s Forde.” The atrocious orthography greeted the public eye for nearly twenty years, when it was corrected, to the great satisfaction of the old survivors of the artillery.
The writer has before him the official reports of a number of Confederate officers who participated in the action at Carrick’s Ford. Naturally they magnify the Union force and losses, and in a measure that is ridiculous. They place the Union strength at from ten to fifteen thousand, their own being but a tenth of that number. The “Yankees” are estimated to have had on their hands after this action material for one hundred and fifty funerals, with one additional loss of from two to four hundred wounded. It will be remembered that General Benham, in his official report to General Morris, states that the Union loss was “two killed and six or seven wounded.”
It is interesting to note the extreme caution shown at that time by officers and others on the Union side in communicating with the rebels. There was an evident desire to avoid the slightest word that would appear to be a recognition of any official authority, civil or military, among the insurgents. It was considered that if a rebel general or colonel was addressed as such it was a virtual recognition of the power that conferred such rank upon him. So, on July 15, General McClellan addressed a communication “To the Officer Commanding the Forces Commanded by the late Robert S. Garnett, Esq., styling himself Brigadier-General Confederate States Army.”
The battle of Carrick’s Ford ended the fighting of the Cleveland Artillery in the three months’ service. The command moved back to Belington and the artillery was ordered to report to General McClellan, who had planned an expedition up the Kanawha Valley after the rebel General Wise. He warmly complimented Colonel Barnett and his men for their valuable services in the campaign under General Morris, and expressed an earnest wish that they might accompany him up the Kanawha. As a matter of fact they had not as yet even been mustered into the United States service, and the three months for which they were called out had expired. But, pursuant to orders, Colonel Barnett reported with his command to McClellan at Beverly, where the General made a personal appeal to the men to accompany his expedition, and nearly all of them expressed a willingness to do so. A few days later, before McClellan was ready for the Kanawha campaign, came the first real battle of the war—that of Bull Run, in Virginia, which resulted in the rout of the Union army under McDowell and brought to the people of the North an actual realization of the fact that they had a war on their hands. In the wild excitement that followed this battle General McClellan was summoned to Washington to take command of the Army of the Potomac and his plans for further offensive operations in Western Virginia were for the time abandoned.
A week later Colonel Barnett and his “regiment” of artillery were ordered to be discharged and started at once for Columbus. It should be stated here, to their credit, that the citizens of Cleveland had done all in their power to contribute to the comfort and wellbeing of the command during its service in the field. It has already been said that the men were but poorly supplied with clothing by the state and national governments, for which apparent neglect there was much good reason. The three months’ men were called out suddenly and pushed to the front to meet a great and pressing emergency.Their services and sacrifices were of inestimable value to the country. They secured a permanent lodgment at many points beyond the border, and held the enemy at bay while the government was getting ready for the mighty struggle which followed. The echoes of Sumter found the nation totally unprepared for such a crisis, and it is not a matter of wonder that the early volunteers who, with magnificent patriotism, responded so promptly to the call, were but indifferently provided for. The people of Cleveland contributed liberally, and twice Mr. David Price came to the camp of the artillerymen with quantities of clothing, food and delicacies for the sick. But for this most highly appreciated kindness the boys in the field would have had scarcely so much as fig-leaves to cover their nakedness. It is true there wasn’t much “uniform” about the garments and they were a grotesque appearing lot of men for soldiers, but it gave them a comparative degree of comfort and they “got there just the same” as if they had been arrayed in all the gorgeous trappings of martial splendor. All the greater honor was theirs because they served so faithfully and well and bore without complaint the discomforts and privations inseparable from a campaign in such a country and under such circumstances.
In due time, with little delayen route, the artillery reached Columbus, homeward bound. The tanned and ragged volunteers, fresh from fields of glory, were welcomed with great enthusiasm at the state capital. They had done well their part and their fame had gone before them, losing nothing in its travels. They were looked upon as the saviors of their country and people of every grade and rank were proud to do them honor.
It may well be imagined that the boys were in a hurry to get home, and the formalities necessary to their release were hurried as fast as possible. The officers and men were paraded for muster and were mustered in and out of the United States service at the same time. Then all were paid off in gold. The amount received did not,it is true, raise them at once to a condition of opulence. Less than fifty dollars apiece didn’t look very large for more than three months of such toil, hardship and danger, but for the time, with the gold chinking in his pocket, each man felt as if he owned a bank. Their financial condition was in marked contrast to the state of chronic insolvency in which they had been so long, for they had had no funds with which to patronize the sutler except such as was sent them at irregular intervals by friends at home. Whenever one of them got ten dollars he was looked upon as a Rothschild or a Vanderbilt and loans were negotiated with a rapidity that soon exhausted his wealth. As a general thing when a man got any money it was quickly absorbed by the liquidation of his debts. After the interview with the paymaster at Columbus there was a universal squaring of accounts.
The horses and other property belonging to the state were turned over to the authorities, and the “regiment” was soon ready to start for Cleveland. The men had been permitted to bring with them from Western Virginia (as a recognition of their valor and conspicuous services), the piece of artillery captured at Carrick’s Ford, and four long-eared mules which the rebels had used as the propelling power of the cannon in their migratory wanderings. These trophies were guarded with zealous care, for the boys were proud of them, as they had a right to be. At Columbus they were objects of the greatest curiosity and interest. War, right at home, was then a new thing to the people of the country and anything of this nature was regarded as a nine-days’ wonder.
While at Columbus a telegram was received by Colonel Barnett from Amasa Stone, Esq., of Cleveland, inquiring at what time the artillery would arrive in Cleveland. The friends of the warriors as well as the citizens generally desired to know in order that they might give them a fitting reception. The dispatch was duly answeredas soon as the time of departure could be definitely fixed. At length all things were ready, and after midnight of July 28th the happy artillerymen, with their trophies of cannon and mules, left for Cleveland. How the boys shouted and yelled as the train “pulled out” of the depot and sped away toward “home, sweet home!” In fact they didn’t do much but yell all the way to Cleveland. Their coming had been heralded along the route and at every station crowds of people greeted them in the most tumultuous manner. If the boys could have charged dime museum price for looking at the gun and mules from rebeldom they would have made their fortunes.
Meanwhile elaborate preparations were going on in Cleveland to welcome the returning volunteers with open arms. They were expected to arrive during the forenoon and before 9 o’clock a great multitude of people thronged the railroad and its approaches. It was something like the crowd that, more than three months before, had assembled to bid them farewell and God speed. Shortly before the arrival of the train the city militia and the fire department marched down Champlain street and formed in line near the railroad.
At ten o’clock the train came in sight and as it drew up to the point of debarkation at the foot of Vineyard—now known as South Water—street a mighty volume of cheers went up from the assembled multitude—cheers for Colonel Barnett, cheers for the brave soldiers, and cheers for the cannon and mules that the boys had captured from the “seceshers.” As the men stepped from the cars they were clasped in the arms of loved ones, who wept tears of joy at the safe return of sons and brothers and husbands. Then came the hearty and effusive greetings of friends and acquaintances, amidst constant cheering and the music of brass bands. It was a glorious reception, creditable alike to the people of Cleveland and to those who so well merited the demonstration.
After the hand-shaking and words of welcome were over the returned soldiers formed in procession, a conspicuous object in the column being the rebel 6-pounder, to which were attached the mules lately in the Confederate service. Two of the soldiers served in the capacity of muleteers, each bestriding the “nigh” animal of one of the teams. The novel outfit was prodigiously cheered along the entire line of march.
Escorted by the city organizations, the fire department and an immense throng of people, the “veterans” marched up Superior street to the Public Square, General A. S. Sanford acting as marshal. The whole street was thronged with men, women and children, with smiles of greeting upon their faces and shouts upon their lips. The windows and balconies were filled with ladies, who waved their handkerchiefs in kindly welcome and clapped their hands as the “brown soldiers come back from the borders” went tramping by. Company D, Captain P. W. Rice, carried a rebel flag captured at Philippi which was loudly cheered—not because it was an emblem of treason but because it was captured by Cleveland volunteers.
Arrived at the Park the artillerymen were formed in a hollow square, surrounded by thousands of people, and were addressed as follows by Judge Samuel Starkweather, who had been chosen to extend a formal welcome home: