CHAPTER VI.

"Sleep, soldier! Still, in honored rest,Your truth and valor wearing:The bravest are the tenderestâ€”The loving are the daring."

"Sleep, soldier! Still, in honored rest,

Your truth and valor wearing:

The bravest are the tenderestâ€”

The loving are the daring."

On the 31st of May we folded our tents, made our preparations for a hasty adieu to North Carolina, and left Kinston for the seat of war in Virginia. We reached Richmond about one o'clock on the first of June. As we neared the city, we could hear distinctly the guns of the battle of Seven Pines, and as soon as we reached the depot, we were ordered to the battle-field. We were marched rapidly through Richmond, all anxious to take part in the battle now raging. Before we arrived on the field, the fight had been fought and won, and our services were not called for.

On the following day we were assigned to Gen. J. G. Walker's brigade, and ordered into camp at Drury's Bluff, where we remained, constructing fortifications, until the latter part of June. While in camp here, B. N. Smith substituted Paul Crutchfield. Dr. L. G. Hunt, acting surgeon of our company, was appointed assistant surgeon of the regiment. "Gwyn," with his amiable and handsome hospital steward, C. M. Parks, of the Orange Guards, continued to prescribe "them thar pills" until the war ended.

On the 27th of June, 1862, the memorable "Seven Days' Fight" around Richmond began. The Grays formed a portion of the reserve under Gen. Holmes, and were marched from battle-field to battle-field, receiving the shells of the enemy, and acting as targets for their sharp shooters. On the 29th, Gen. Holmes crossed from the south side of the James River, and on the 30th, being re-enforced by Gen. Wise's brigade, moved down the river road with a view to gain, near to Malvern Hill, a position which would command the supposed route of McClellan's retreating army. We were posted on this road at New Market, which was supposed to be the route McClellan would pursue in his retreat to the James. Our generals and their guides, being ignorant of the country, subsequently learned there was another road running by the Willis church which would better serve the purpose of the retreating foe, and we were moved to a position on this road. Here we remained under the fire of the enemy's gun-boats, whose huge, shrieking shells crashing through the trees and bursting in our midst, inspired a degree of terror not justified by their effectiveness. The dust created by our march gave the enemy a knowledge of our position, and caused the gun-boats to open this heavy fire upon us. Instead of finding the enemy a straggling mass, as had been reported, they were entrenched between West's house and Malvern Hill, commanding our position with an open field between us.

General Holmes' artillery opened fire upon the enemy's infantry, which immediately gave way, and simultaneously their batteries, of twenty-five or thirty guns, and their gun-boats made a cross-fire upon us. Their force, both in infantry and artillery, being vastly superior to ours, any attempt upon our part to make an assault being considered worse than useless, we were withdrawn at night-fall. The enemy kept up their cannonading until after dark.

On the 1st of July, late in the afternoon, line of battle was formed and orders were issued for a general advance at a given signal, and the bloody battle of Malvern Hill began. Several determined efforts were made to storm Crews Hill; "brigades advanced bravely across the open field raked by the fire of a hundred cannon and the muskets of large bodies of infantry. Some were broken and gave way; others approached close to the guns, driving back the infantry, compelling the advance batteries to retire to escape capture and mingling their dead with those of the enemy. For want of co-operation the assaults of the attacking columns were too weak to break the enemy's line, and after struggling gallantly, sustaining and inflicting great loss, they were compelled successively to retire. The firing continued until after 9 p.m., but no decided result was gained. At the cessation of firing several fragments of different commands were lying down and holding their ground within a short distance of the enemy's line, and as soon as the fighting ceased an informal truce was established by common consent. Parties from both armies, with lanterns and litters, wandered over the field seeking for the wounded, whose groans could not fail to move with pity the hearts of friends and foe." McClellan withdrew with his army during the night, and hastily retreated to Harrison's landing on the James.

Early on the next morning the rain began to fall in torrents, and continued for forty-eight hours, rendering the roads almost impassable. It was reported that the enemy were crossing the James, and we were ordered back to our camp near Drury's Bluff. About sun-down we commenced our weary and hard march. Our men were worn out by continuous marching and loss of sleep, still we plodded along, reaching our camp, 17 miles distant, about 3 o'clock in the morning thoroughly drenched. Col. Cooke had gone ahead of us, and having aroused the men left in charge of the camp, had great blazing fires in front of our tents awaiting our arrival.

On the 6th, we left Drury's Bluff and marched to Petersburg, spending a day there; on the morning of the 8th we were ordered to Fort Powhatan on the James below City Point. About daylight on the morning of the 11th we were placed in ambush on a high bluff on the river with instructions to fire into any vessel that might attempt to pass. We had not been long in our position when a transport called the "Daniel Webster" was spied approaching us. When she steamed up opposite us, the batteries which had accompanied us let loose the "dogs of war," and riddled her cabins and hull. She floated off down the river disabled, but we had no means of knowing what damage we had done to the crew. Very soon the gun-boats below opened fire upon us, and, for a mile below, the woods and banks of the river were alive with shot and shell. We withdrew our artillery and made a similar attempt the next day, but found no game.

We returned to Petersburg and remained in camp there until the 19th of August, picketing up and down the James River.

On the 31st of July we were sent down the river as support to the artillery which had been ordered to Coggins' Point to shell McClellan's camp. On the night of the 1st of August we had about fifty pieces of our artillery in position; we could not show ourselves in the daytime, as the enemy had their balloons up and could almost see the "promised land" around Richmond. About 2 o'clock in the morning we opened fire upon McClellan's camp on the opposite bank of the river. His camp fires and the lights from the shipping in the river formed a grand panorama. After a few shots from our artillery, these lights quickly disappeared. We kept up a constant fire for several hours, withdrew, and at daylight took up the line of march for Petersburg. After we had retired far out of reach of their guns, the enemy opened the valves of their ordnance and belched forth sounds infernal, but their gunpowder and iron was all wasted upon imaginary forces.

On the 20th of August we were ordered to Richmond, remaining there, at Camp Lee, until the 26th, when we boarded the train for Rapidan Station, on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad. We remained in camp at this point until the 1st of September.

Sergeant Geo. W. Howlett, being disabled for service in the field on account of his eyes, left us on the 23d of July. Private R. L. Coltrain was discharged by surgeon's certificate about the same time. Corporal John D. Collins, on detail as one of the color-guardâ€”and who, in the absence of the regular color-guard of the regiment, had carried our flag in the battles around Richmondâ€”died of typhoid fever, while we were encamped at Drury's Bluff. On the 8th of August, private W. C. Clapp died at his home, and private John H. Smith at the hospital in Petersburg. On the 17th, Hal Puryear substituted a most excellent soldier in the person of Louis Lineberry. About this time a regimental band was formed, and the Grays furnished as their quota: Ed. B. Higgins, Samuel Lipsicomb, and Thomas J. Sloan; each of whom became excellent "tooters."

After the series of engagements at Bull Run and on the Plains of Manassas, the condition of Maryland encouraged the belief that the presence of our army would excite some active demonstration upon the part of her people, and that a military success would regain Maryland. Under these considerations, it was decided by our leaders to cross the army of Northern Virginia into Western Maryland, and then, by threatening Pennsylvania, to induce the Federal army to withdraw from our territory to protect their own.

Gen. J. G. Walker, our brigadierâ€”now in command of the divisionâ€”ordered us from our camp at Rapidan Station, on the morning of September 1st, and we set out with the army of Northern Virginia on what is termed the "first Maryland campaign." Our first day's march halted us at Warrenton. On the 4th, we reached the battle-field of Manassas, finding many of the enemy's dead still unburied, from the engagement a few days previous. On the 5th, we passed through the villages of Haymarket and New Baltimore, and rested at Leesburg on the evening of the 6th. McClellan was ignorant of Lee's plans, and his army remained in close vicinity to the lines of fortifications around Washington, until the sixth. Early next morning (Sunday), we forded the Potomac at Noland's Ferry, and were occupying the shores of "My Maryland." Our band struck up the "tune," but the citizens we came in contact with did not seem disposed to "come." We had evidently crossed at the wrong ford. On the next day, the 8th, we arrived at a small place called Buckettown, where we rested until the morning of the ninth. About 10 o'clock, we reached Frederick city; here we found the main army, and our division was assigned to Gen. Longstreet's corps. In a skirmish with the enemy's cavalry, near the city, Jas. A. Orrell and Thos. R. Greeson were captured.

On the night of the 9th, we, in company with our division, were quietly marched to the mouth of the Monocacy river to destroy the aqueduct. We were tramping all night and accomplished nothing; the manÅ“uver, as it afterward appeared, was but a feint to draw the attention of the enemy away from the movements of "Stonewall's" corps, then marching on Harper's Ferry. About daylight next morning we found ourselves again in the vicinity of Buckettown; we proceeded some 5 miles further, where we formed a line of battle, and rested on our arms in this position all day in full view of the enemy, who were posted on the hills beyond us, and to the east of Buckettown. As soon as night came, we started off hurriedly in the direction of Frederick; having gone in this course some three miles we countermarched and took the road for Point of Rocks on the Potomac. Just as day was breaking, on the morning of the 12th, after a rapid march, we reached Point of Rocks and recrossed the Potomac. We were completely bewildered as to our course, and no one seemed to know what all this manÅ“uvering would lead to. During the day, we ascertained we were on the road leading to Harper's Ferry, but our course was so repeatedly changed that we had but this consolation, that "if we did not know where we were, or where we were going, the Yankees didn't, for the Devil himself could not keep track of us." At night we reached Hillsboro, in Loudon County. Va., and camped near there. On the 13th, we were in the vicinity of Harper's Ferry, and at night took possession of Loudon Heights, on the east side of the Shenandoah, and were in readiness to open fire upon Harper's Ferry. General McLaws had been ordered to seize Maryland Heights, on the north side of the Potomac, opposite Harper's Ferry. Finding them in possession of the enemy, he assailed their works and carried them; they retreated to Harper's Ferry, and on the 14th, its investment by our forces was complete. As soon as we gained our position, which was accomplished by a circuitous route up the steep and ragged mountain, the enemy in and around Harper's Ferry opened fire upon us from their batteries. Owing to the extreme elevation, most of their shells fell short; a few burst over us, but did no damage. The batteries attached to our division were carried by hand to the top of the Heights, and placed in position. Early on the morning of the 15th, the attack upon the garrison began. Stonewall Jackson's batteries opened fire from Bolivar Heights, in conjunction with ours and the artillery on Maryland Heights; in about two hours, "by the grace of God," as Jackson had foretold, the garrison, consisting of 11,000 men, surrendered. Seventy-three pieces of artillery, 13,000 small arms, and a large quantity of military stores fell into our hands.

On the night of the 15th we made our descent from the Heights, crossed the mountain and resumed our march. About midday of the 16th we reached Shepherdstown, crossed the Potomac and went into camp near Sharpsburg, Maryland.

On the morning of the 17th of September, just before day-break, we were aroused from our slumbers and moved to a position in line of battle on the extreme right of the Confederate lines. At early dawn the enemy opened their artillery from both sides of the Antietam, the heaviest fire being directed against our left. Under cover of this fire a large force of infantry attacked Gen. Jackson's division, and for some time the conflict raged with fury and alternate success. Gen. Early, in command of Ewell's division, was sent to their support, when Jackson's division was withdrawn, its ammunition being nearly exhausted. The battle was now renewed with great violence, and the troops of McLaws and J. G. Walker were brought from the right. With these re-enforcements Gen. Early attacked resolutely the large force opposed to him, and drove them back in some confusion beyond the position our troops had occupied at the beginning of the engagement. This attack upon our left was speedily followed by one in heavy force on the centre, and our regiment was double-quicked one and a half miles to near the centre, and placed in line about one mile to the left of the town of Sharpsburg.

The gallant and conspicuous part which the 27th regiment took in the fight, Capt. Graham, of the Orange Guards, describes graphically as follows:

"Forming in a corn-field we advanced under a heavy fire of grape and canister at a quick step up a little rise and halted at a rail fence, our right considerably advanced. After holding this position for half an hour or more our front was changed so as to be on a line with the other troops. In the meantime we had suffered heavily, and I think had inflicted equally as much damage. [On this first advance Capt. Adams was shot down.] About 1 o'clock the enemy having retired behind the hill upon which they were posted, and none appearing within range in our front, Col. Cooke ordered us to fall back some twenty steps in the corn and lie down so as to draw them on; he, in the meantime, regardless of personal danger from sharpshooters, remained at the fence beside a small tree. After remaining there some 20 minutes, the enemy attempted to sneak up a section of artillery to the little woods upon our left. Colonel Cooke, watching the movement, ordered the four left companies of our regiment up to the fence and directed them to fire upon this artillery. At the first fire, before they had gotten into position, nearly every horse and more than half the men fell, and the infantry line which had moved up to support them showed evident signs of wavering. Col. Cooke seeing this, and having received orders to charge if opportunity offered, immediately ordered a charge. Without waiting a second word of command we leaped the fence and 'made at them,' and soon we had captured three guns and had the troops opposed to us in full retreat. A battery posted near a little brick church upon a hill to our left was playing sad havoc with us, but supposing that would be taken by the troops upon our leftâ€”who we concluded were charging with usâ€”we still pursued the flying foe. Numbers of them surrendered to us and they were ordered to the rear. We pushed on and soon wheeled to the right, drove down their line, giving them all the while an enfilade fire, and succeeded in breaking six regiments who fled in confusion. After pushing on this way for a while we found ourselves opposed by a large body of troops behind a stone wall in a corn-field. Stopping to contend with these, we found that we were almost out of ammunition. Owing to this fact, and not being supported in our charge, we were ordered to fall back to our original position. This of course was done at double-quick. As we returned we experienced the perfidy of those who had previously surrendered to us, and whom we had not taken time to disarm. They, seeing that we were not supported, attempted to form a line in our rear, and in a few minutes would have done so. As it was we had to pass between two fires: a part of the troops having been thrown back to oppose our movement on their flank, and these supposed prisoners having formed on the other side. A bloody lane indeed it proved to us. Many a brave man lost his life in that retreat. At some points the lines were not sixty yards distant on either side. Arriving at our original position, we halted and reformed behind the rail fence. We opened fire with the few remaining cartridges we had left and soon checked the advance of the enemy, who did not come beyond the line which they occupied in the morning. In a short while all our ammunition was exhausted. Courier after courier was sent after ammunition, but none was received. Four or five times during the afternoon, couriers came from Gen. Longstreet, telling Col. Cooke to hold his position at all hazards, 'as it was the key to the whole line.' Cooke's reply was, 'tell Gen. Longstreet to send me some ammunition. I have not a cartridge in my command, but I will hold my position at the point of the bayonet.'"

Mr. Davis, in his history, says: "Col. Cooke, with the 27th North Carolina regiment, stood boldly in line without a cartridge."

"About 5 o'clock in the afternoon we were relieved, and moved to the rear about one mile. After resting half an hour and getting fresh ammunition, we were again marched to the front, and placed in line in the rear of the troops who had relieved us. Here we were subjected to a severe shelling, but had no chance to return the fire. After nightfall we rejoined our division on the left, and with them bivouaced upon the battle-field."

General R. E. Lee, in his report of this battle, makes complimentary mention of our regiment, and says, further, "this battle was fought by less than forty thousand men on our side, all of whom had undergone the greatest labors and hardships in the field and on the march. Nothing could surpass the determined valor with which they met the large army of the enemy, fully supplied and equipped, and the result reflected the highest credit on the officers and men engaged."

General McClellan, in his official report, states that he had in action in the battle 87,184 men of all arms. Lee's entire strength was 35,255. "These 35,000 Confederates were the very flower of the army of northern Virginia, who, with indomitable courage and inflexible tenacity, wrestled for the mastery in the ratio of one to three of their adversaries; at times it appeared as if disaster was inevitable, but succor never failed, and night found Lee's lines unbroken and his army still defiant. The drawn battle of Sharpsburg was as forcible an illustration of southern valor and determination as was furnished during the whole period of the war, when the great disparity in numbers between the two armies is considered.

The Grays went into this battle with 32 men, rank and file. Capt. William Adams, privates Jas. E. Edwards, A. F. Coble, James M. Edwards, R. Leyton Smith and Samuel Young were killed on the field. Privates Peter M. Brown, Benjamin Burnsides and Robert L. Donnell were badly wounded and fell into the hands of the enemy. R. L. Donnell died of his wounds at Chester, Pa., November 6th, 1862. Privates W. D. Archer, Walter D. McAdoo, J. E. McLean, Samuel F. McLean, L. L. Prather and W. W. Underwood were wounded and sent to the hospital. W. W. Underwood died of his wounds September 29th, 1862. Privates Paul Crutchfield, H. Rufus Forbis, Rufus B. Gibson, James M. Hardin, James L. Wilson and William McFarland were exchanged and returned to their company the following November, except McFarland, who was reported dead.

On account of the forced and continuous march from Rapidan, many of our men from sheer exhaustion and sickness were compelled to fall out of ranks, among them some of the best soldiers in the company.

Captain Adams, as before stated, fell early in the action. He was carried from the field and buried in the cemetery at Shepherdstown. His remains were afterwards removed and interred in the cemetery at Greensboro. He was a brave and gallant officer, and fell front-faced with his armor on. The other members of the company who were killed, wrapped in their martial garb, sleep in some unknown grave, on the spot where they fell, amid the carnage and gore of the battle-field:

"Whether unknown or known to fameâ€”Their cause and country still the sameâ€”They died, and wore the gray."

"Whether unknown or known to fameâ€”

Their cause and country still the sameâ€”

They died, and wore the gray."

On the 18th we occupied the position of the preceding day. Our ranks were increased during the day, and our general forces were augmented by the arrival of troops; but our army was in no condition to take the offensive, and the army of McClellan had been too severely handled to justify a renewal of the attack, consequently the day passed without any hostile demonstrations. During the night our army was withdrawn from Sharpsburg, and at day-break on the morning of the 19th we recrossed the Potomac at Shepherdstown. After fording the river, we halted a short distance on the hills near by, and were engaged in drying our clothing and making a breakfast from our scanty rations of pop-corn and hard tack, when a force of the enemy, (Porter's corps,) who had the temerity to cross the river in pursuit, made their appearance. Gen. A. P. Hill, in charge of the rear guard of the army, met them, made a charge upon them and drove them into the river. In his report of this engagement he says: "The broad surface of the Potomac was blue with the floating bodies of our foe. But few escaped to tell the tale. By their own account they lost three thousand men, killed and drowned. Some two hundred prisoners were taken."

The condition of our troops now demanding repose, we were ordered to the Occoquan, near Martinsburg. On our march another attempt to harass our rear was reported, and we were sent back to the vicinity of Shepherdstown; finding "all quiet on the Potomac," the march was again resumed at night, and on the 21st we went into camp near Martinsburg. After spending a few days here we were moved to the neighborhood of Bunker Hill and Winchester, and remained in camp until the 23d of October.

On the 22d of September, while in camp near Martinsburg, the Grays proceeded to fill the offices made vacant by the battle of the 17th. Lieut. J. A. Sloan was promoted to captain; 2d Lieut. McKnight to 1st Lieutenant; Frank A. Hanner to 2d Lieutenant; and Sergeant B. G. Graham to junior 2d Lieutenant. J. Harper Lindsay was appointed orderly sergeant. Corporals Wm. M. Paisley and A. C. Cheely were made Sergeants. Privates R. D. Weatherly, Thos. J. Rhodes and H. Rufus Forbis were appointed corporals.

On the 8th of September, private R. D. Brown died at the hospital in Petersburg, Va.; on the 12th, private R. L. Coble, at Frederick City, Md.; on the 19th, Hugh Hall in hospital at Richmond; and on the 24th, privates Wm. Seats and Wm. H. McLean died in hospital at Winchester, Va.

About the middle of October, McClellan moved his army across the Potomac, east of the Blue Ridge, and bent his course southward. Later in the month, he began to incline eastwardly from the mountains, and finally concentrated his forces in the neighborhood of Warrenton, Virginia. On the 7th of November he was relieved of the command of the army of the Potomac, and Gen. Burnside, "under Federal dispensation," became his successor. The indications were that Fredericksburg was again to be occupied. Gen. Lee, with his usual foresight, divining his purpose, promptly made such disposition as was necessary to forestall him. McLaw's and Ransom's divisions were ordered to proceed at once to that city.

On the morning of the 23d we broke up our camp at Winchester, and after a long but pleasant day's march, reached the vicinity of Millwood; from thence we journeyed on to Paris, in Loudon County. Our march through this Arcadia of Virginia, with its picturesque scenery, and along those splendid and wonderful turnpikes, as they stretched out before us, formed a panorama never to be forgotten. The giant hills stood around like sentinels wrapped in their everlasting silence; behind these, still bolder hills, and again behind these, the blueness of the distant mountains. The day was glad with the golden brightness of an October sun, and as I gazed upon these mountains, clothed in their autumnal beauty, and in their everlasting fixity of repose, I could but contrast this grandeur and silence with the too recent scenes of blood and tumult upon the hills of Antietam. How brief, how insignificant is man's existence! Encamped so high above the world filled us with a sense of exaltation and awe. Fires were soon lighted, and the men, weary with marching, wrapped in their blankets, stretched themselves upon the ground to sleep, perchance to dream of firesides in distant homes whereâ€”

"Belike sad eyes with tearful strain,Gazed northward very wistfullyFor him that ne'er would come again."

"Belike sad eyes with tearful strain,

Gazed northward very wistfully

For him that ne'er would come again."

The next morning broke cold and threatening. We resumed our march and had proceeded but a few miles when the rain began to fall. Later in the day it came down in torrents, and the wind was blowing gales. About dark, in the midst of this storm, we were halted in a large hickory grove on the side of the Blue Ridge, near the small village of Upperville. Our men comprehended the situation at once, and, though thoroughly drenched and chilled, soon had their axes ringing in the forest, and large log fires were ablaze over the camp. The storm continued with fury all night, to sleep was impossible, and we were forced to pass the most disagreeable night we had ever experienced.

On the 29th we retraced our steps to Paris. On the following morning, acting as an escort to a foraging party, we proceeded to Middleboro. At night we returned to camp, rich in wagon loads of corn and provender, also securing a large lot of fine beeves. On the next day, leaving Paris, we moved by way of Salem in the direction of Culpepper Court-House, which place we reached on the 2d of November, and remained there until the 4th. Sergeant Harper Lindsay, while here, accepted the position of adjutant of the 45th North Carolina regiment, and Sergeant Chas. Campbell was promoted to orderly sergeant in his stead.

On the night of the 4th, after a tiresome day's march, we went into camp on the top of Cedar Mountain. We were halted on a bleak and barren hill with no fuel within our reach. Col. Cooke, under the circumstances, suspended "special orders" in reference to destroying private property, and gave the men permission to burn the rails from the fences near by. For this necessary disobedience some spiteful person reported him and he was placed in arrest, from which he was released next day without a court martial. After our company had made its fires and were busy trying to make a supper from their scanty rations, I strolled over to Cooke's headquarters and found him sitting moodily overhisfire ofrails. We began to discuss the officers of the brigade, and while he was idly turning a splinter he held in his fingers, it fell from his hand and stuck upright in the ground. He turned quickly to me, slapped me on the back and laughingly said: "John, that is an omen of good luck." I surmised to what he had referenceâ€”a probability of his promotion had been whisperedâ€”and replied, I did not take much stock in splinters, but I hoped in this instance the omen might be realized. In a few moments, several men from the regiment, with their canteens, passed near us and one of them, a lank, lean soldier, inquired of Cooke if he could tell him where the spring of water was. With some irritability in his tone he replied, "No, go hunt for it." The thirsty questioner, possibly recognizing him, made no reply, but turned away thinking, no doubt, under other circumstances, he would have answered him differently. The soldier had gone but a short distance when Cooke called him back, apologized for his hasty speech and indifference, and informed him kindly where he could find the water.

Not many days afterwards the splinter omen was interpreted, and Col. John E. Cooke, of the 27th North Carolina regiment (though junior colonel of the brigade), was promoted for gallantry to brigadier general, and assigned to the command of Gen. J. G. Walker's brigade, who was transferred to the Mississippi department. I have introduced these incidents, merely to illustrate the noble traits of character of this gallant and courteous gentleman and soldier, who was acknowledged by Gen. Lee himself to bethebrigadier of his army. Of his services with his North Carolina brigade history already leaves him a record. He is a man of chivalric courage, and possesses that magnanimity of heart which ever wins the affections of a soldier. He was beloved by his entire command. A truer sword was not drawn in defence of the South and her cause, and a more untarnished blade never returned to its scabbard when the unhappy conflict was over.

Upon the promotion of Col. Cookeâ€”Lieut.-Col. Singletary having resigned on account of woundsâ€”Major John A. Gilmer was promoted to Colonel, Capt. George F. Whitefield, of Company C, to Lieutenant-Colonel, and Capt. Jos. C. Webb, of the Orange Guards, to Major. The brigades in our division were also changed, and under the reassignment of regiments, Cooke's command consisted entirely of North Carolina troops, and waswell knownin Lee's army as "Cooke's North Carolina Brigade."

On the 8th of November we were moved to Madison Court-House, where we remained until the 18th. About the 15th the army of the Potomac was reported in motion, and their gun-boats and transports had entered Aquia Creek in their "on to Fredericksburg." On the morning of the 18th, our division received marching orders, and we also set out for Fredericksburg. The weather was very cold, and our march was made through rain and sleet; the ground was frozen, and some of our men being barefooted, their feet cut by the ice, left their bloody tracks along the route. The men, under all these hardships and exposures, were in excellent spirits, and no one escaped their gibes and jokes. Every few miles, growing in the corner of the fences and in the old field, the persimmon tree ever dear to a North Carolinian's soul appeared, and immediately discipline was forgotten, ranks broken, and the tree besieged. Sam Hiatt once remarked that the green persimmon was invaluable to an ordinary soldier, as a few of them would always draw his stomach to the proportions suited to a Confederate ration. On long marches the brigades marched by turns to the front. On one occasion, while we were seated on both sides of the road waiting for the rear brigades to pass to the front, a young and clever officer of our command, who had assiduously cultivated his upper lip, and by the aid of various tonsorial applications made pretense of possessing a mustache, stepped out into the middle of the road and commenced, as is usual with beginners, to toy with his hairs; presently a rough specimen of a soldier came trotting along astride of a pack mule, and as he neared the officer he halted his steed with a loud and long "whoa!" Leaning forward, with a quizzical look, he politely but firmly requested the officer "to please remove that mustache from the main highway and allow him and his mule to pass." [The mustache wasraze-rdat Fredericksburg.]

On the 23d we reached the vicinity of Fredericksburg, and employed the intervalâ€”before the advance made by the enemy on the 11th of Decemberâ€”in strengthening our line, which reached from the Rappahannock, about one mile above Fredericksburg, along the hills in rear of that city to the Richmond & Fredericksburg Railroad.

About 11 o'clock on the morning of the 13th, Burnside, "whose turn it now was to wrestle with General Lee," massed his forces under cover of the houses of Fredericksburg and moved forward with his grand divisions to seize Marye's and Willis' Hillsâ€”

"With a hundred thousand menFor the Rebel slaughter-pen,And the blessed Union flag a-flying o'er him."

"With a hundred thousand men

For the Rebel slaughter-pen,

And the blessed Union flag a-flying o'er him."

At the foot of Marye's Hill ran the Telegraph Road along which, for some four hundred yards, is a stone revetment. On the crest of the hill, at intervals, in pits, were posted nine guns of the Washington artillery, under Col. Walton. Three regiments of Cobb's brigade and commanded by him, were in position behind this stone wall at the foot of the hill. Some two hundred yards in a ravine, and immediately behind the Washington artillery, lay our (Cooke's) brigade. About one o'clock all the guns on Stafford Heights were directed against our guns on Marye's Hill, endeavoring to draw their fire so as to cover the advance of their infantry. Our artillery, instead of replying, remained silent until their infantry had deployed, when they poured a storm of canister into them. French's division came first, and they were swept away before the deployment was completed. The battle now lulled for some twenty minutes, when the enemy "entered the ring" with Hancock to the front.

About this time our brigade was moved to the crest of the hill. The 46th, 48th and 15th regiments were halted on the hill on the line of the batteries, while our regiment (27th), in the midst of a terrific fire, passed rapidly through the Washington artillery, and double-quicked down the steep incline into the Telegraph Road and joined in the fire. During our advance Col. Gilmer was severely wounded in the leg, but succeeded in reaching the foot of the hill.

Hancock was repulsed with terrible slaughter. Gen. Cobb had been previously killed, and Gen. Kershaw now took command of the troops in the road. After we had reached our position behind the stone wall, Gen. Cooke received a severe wound in the head and was carried from the field. The command of the brigade now devolved upon Col. Hall of the 46th regiment, who moved his and the other regiments of the brigade into the Telegraph Road. The enemy now made his third effort, when Howard's and Sturgis' and Getty's divisions advanced bravely to the desperate work assigned them. We took heavy toll from their columns, and, like their predecessors, they fell back in confusion. Lastly came the sixth and final assault by Humphrey's division, of Hooker's corps, and charge it did, as game as death. They, too, had to bite the dust, and their broken and shattered columns fled in disorder to the city, leaving the field strewn with their slain.

About 9 o'clock we threw forward our pickets and, in the darkness, many of their raw recruits came into our lines, their guns and accoutrements perfectly new; some of them had not fired a shot and could scarcely tell their nativity.

We remained in line of battle during the night, expecting and hoping for a renewal of the assault on the next day. The 14th (Sunday) came, however, and went away without a renewal. On the 15th we were moved a few hundred yards farther to our left, and remained in this position until the morning of the 16th, when it was discovered that the enemy, availing himself of the darkness of the night, had recrossed the river.

"A river has always been considered a good line of defence by most writers on the art of war, provided certain principles be observed in defending. When Napoleon crossed the Danube, in 1809, in the presence of the Archduke Charles, who was a good general, he was forced to retreat to the islands of Lobau and Enzersdorf, after the bloody days of Essling. Had not the Archduke assumed the offensive sovigorously, the Emperor's loss would not have been so great, and he could have remained on the left bank." This later "Essling" army was fairly and terribly beaten, forced to recross the river, after great loss of life and labor, and was spared (thanks to his bridges and darkness of the night) utter annihilation.

Burnside testified, before the committee on the conduct of the war, that he had, in round numbers, one hundred thousand men, all of whom were engaged in this battle, and that he failed because it was found impossible to get the men up to the works; that the Confederates' fire was too hot for them. Of Lee's forces, only about twenty thousand men were actively engaged. The casualties in our company, owing to the protection afforded us by the stone wall behind which we were posted, were comparatively few. Private William D. Archer, a splendid specimen of a soldier, was killed; Privates James M. Hardin severely, and Frank G. Chilcutt slightly, wounded. On the 16th, we were removed to near Hamilton's Crossing, and remained in camp there until the 3d day of January, 1863. While here, some of our officers and men were in demand, and Lieut. B. G. Graham was detailed as brigade ordnance officer. Silas C. Dodson was appointed clerk in the commissary department under Major Hays, and David H. Edwards, quartermaster-sergeant. On the 4th of December, Private John W. Reid was transferred to the 48th North Carolina regiment, having been elected to the position of lieutenant in one of its companies. On the 17th, Corporal Will L. Bryan, having contracted a severe cold on the march from Madison Court-House, died in camp. Private Thos. J. Rhodes was appointed corporal in his stead.

The muster-roll of the Grays, in camp near Fredericksburg, numbered, on the 31st day of December, for duty, two commissioned officers, four sergeants, four corporals, and thirty-eight privates; on detached service, six privates; sick (present), three privates; sick and wounded (absent) twenty-three privates; total present and absent, rank and file, eighty-nine.

On the third of January, 1863, we were ordered to hold ourselves in readiness to march, and about 10 o'clock we were on the road leading towards Richmond. The first day's march found us encamped on the Telegraph Road, 15 miles from Fredericksburg. We arrived at Richmond on the 6th, passed through the city, and made camp on the Richmond & Petersburg turnpike. The following day we registered at Petersburg, camping just outside of the city limits, and remaining there until the 14th. Next morning (15th) we boarded the cars for North Carolina, and reached the city of Goldsboro on the evening cf the 16thâ€”being our first visit to the State since our summary expulsion from Newberne by Burnside.

The 19th found us on the outskirts of the straggling little village of Kenansville; thence onward, we marched through a sparsely-settled country to South Washington, where we remained until the 1st of February. From South Washington, we moved about 7 miles eastward to the scattered town of Burgaw, where we remained until the 20th.

It was here at Burgaw that our foot-sore and weary boys found realized those blissful dreams which sometimes hover over the hard couch of a soldier and lure him into the fable land of unknown joys from which he hears

"The horns of Elfland faintly blowing."

It was here that we found the sweet potato, the perfectly cultured sweet potato, as it only grows and ripens in that portion of eastern North Carolina. Imagine, if you can, the solid comfortâ€”after the many hardships and adventures of the bustling year of 1862â€”it would afford a native Carolina "Cornfed," to be able to sit down under his own pines

"An' hear among their furry boughsThe baskin' West wind purr contented,"

"An' hear among their furry boughs

The baskin' West wind purr contented,"

and occupy his leisure moments in roasting a genuine yam. There were no armed blue-coats here, like little Miss Muffet's spider, to frighten us away. We were in a land untouched as yet by the foot of war; no war-dog had bayed hereâ€”it was still the domain of ancient peace; and the little villages slept in the hollows of the pine-clad hills, or perched in security upon the uplands. It was also at that delightful season of the year when the women and children were no longer vexed with the cares of agricultural pursuits. The sweet potato crop had been dug, the virgin dip had been scooped out of the last box, and nothing now remained but to enjoy in peace the products of honest industry.

On the night of the 20th we left these plaintive pines, marched to Wilmington, and were soon aboard of the cars destined for Charleston, S.C. About mid-day of the 22dâ€”after slight detentions at Marion Court-House and Florenceâ€”we arrived at the depot in Charleston. While here awaiting ordersâ€”the men remaining upon the open flat carsâ€”several impudent and inquisitive idlers, necessary adjuncts to every depot, gathered around us. Among them happened to be a well-dressed, dapper fellow, in his home-guard-suit-of-gray and snow-white "b'iled" shirt. Being of an inquisitive nature, and seeking information, he had the rashness to address Jim Pearce, and inquire of him: "Whose command? Where are you stationed, sir?" Jim, who was sitting on the edge of the car, idly dangling his feet, seemed to "take him in" at once, and rising to the dignity of a full-fledged veteran, replied (very feelingly): "Stationed! Stationed, sir! Stationed, the Hâ€”l-fire!We have chased and been chased by the Yankees from beyond the shores of Maryland to this city, and we arestillon the wing!" As the cars moved off, Jim gave him a quizzical lookout of his left eye, smiled, and faintly whispered "stationed?"

It is a peculiar trait of the faculty of memory that it is very prone to gather up the "unconsidered trifles of life," and to let slip many of its apparently more important events. But my reader must remember that war is not all tragedy,â€”that there are smiles as well as tears in the drama.

The evening of the 23d found us at Pocataligo, a small railway station on the Charleston & Savannah Railroad. Remaining here a few days, we next located at Coosawhatchie, another depot, eight miles away, and about sixty miles from Charleston. Having an ample supply of tents, we laid out a regular camp; with no battle to fight, and very light picket duty to perform, we passed a quiet and pleasant time, until the 23d of April. The country around Coosawhatchie is low and marshy; the lakes and streams abound with alligators; the forests of live-oak, shrouded and festooned with a gray moss, present a weird and picturesque appearance; the products are rice, pinders, and grits; the pasturage is confined to a few lean, lank cattle, called by the natives "high-walk." We relied upon the markets of Charleston and Savannah for our commissary stores, and the morning train rarely failed to bring us fresh shad. Our provident surgeon had a good supply of wet groceries, which sustained oursick, and our stay in South Carolina wore pleasantly, having no special fighting to do.

While in camp at Coosawhatchie, the writer and a comrade (Maj. Webb) mounted our horses one bright Sunday morning to enjoy the charming beauty of the day, and the invigorating influences of the sea air. After riding for about two hours over the level country with its monotonous aspect, we came suddenly and unexpectedly upon one of those charming country seats, which were once the pride and delight of the landed proprietor. The mansion, situated upon a gentle elevation, was of old-time construction with the wide hall, large rooms and broad staircases, and colonade of immense pillars supporting the roof of the front porch. It was embowered in thick clusters of live oaks which stood round in a kind of outer park, while the inner park was composed of terraces covered with flowers and shrubbery, while thickets of rose gardens seemed to stretch in every direction. An aged negro was the only living being about the place. He told us that the place was called "Roseland;" that old massa was dead; that the two boys were in the army, and that Miss Minnie was at school in Raleigh, N.C.

"A merry place, 'tis said, in days of yore:But something ails it now."â€”

"A merry place, 'tis said, in days of yore:

But something ails it now."â€”

Vandal hands had done their accustomed work. The beautiful grounds were sadly disfigured; the shrubbery was broken down; the crops and forage had been gathered by alien hands, and only the poor ghost remained of this once peaceful and happy home.

During our encampment in South Carolina, we were notified of the death of private R. G. Boling, at hospital in Richmond. Jas. H. Gant died on the 18th of February; about the same time, Isaac F. Lane died at Leesburg, N.C.; his remains were carried to Guilford. On the 1st of March, James M. Lemons died at his home. On the 14th of April, Jas. S. Hall died in hospital at Hardyville, S.C., and was buried in the cemetery at Charleston.

Private Sam Smith, unfit for active service, substituted Jas. E. Lloyd, and private Jas. R. Wiley was discharged upon surgeon's certificate on the 7th of February.

On the 27th of March, corporal R. D. Weatherly was promoted to sergeant-major of the regiment, and private William C. Story was appointed corporal in his stead.

On the 23d of April, we received orders to return to North Carolina. We left Coosawhatchie the same day, arrived at Charleston, S.C., the following day, and on the 25th reached Wilmington, N.C. We remained in camp near Wilmington until the 5th of May, when we moved to Magnolia. Remaining here a few days, we were moved to Goldsboro; from here we were ordered to our old tramping-grounds near Kinston, where we arrived on the 16th. Meanwhile, a detachment of the enemy from Newberne, on a raiding expedition, had encountered General Ransom's brigade near Gum Swamp. General Ransom undertook to drive them within their lines, and made a feint upon Newberne. We formed a portion of the troops engaged in this expedition, and succeeded in driving the enemy within their lines, and destroying the block-houses they had made for their defence. We gained nothing by this tramping, except a few cases of malarial fever, occasioned by our swamp-wading. With the exception of an occasional skirmish with the enemy's cavalry on Batchelor's Creek, there is nothing worthy of mention during our encampment in the vicinity of Kinston. We remained here until the 5th of June, when once more we received orders to proceed to Virginia.

In the latter part of April, 1863, the Army of the Potomac, under the command of Major-General Hooker, occupied its position in front of Fredericksburg. Here he constructed a formidable line of earthworks; from which secure position, he purposed to move on General Lee's flank. With this view, he crossed the Rappahannock and took position at Chancellorsville.

Meanwhile, General Lee, watching him, was entrenched on the line of hills south of the Rappahannock, near Fredericksburg.

On the 2d of May, these two confronting armies met each other, and commenced the memorable engagements of Chancellorsville. "On this field the star of Confederate destiny reached its zenith, when the immortal Jackson fell wounded at the head of his victorious troops; it began to set on the 10th of May, when Jackson was no more."

General Lee, deeming the true policy now to take the aggressive, at once set to work to manÅ“uver so as to draw Hooker's army from Fredericksburg, and remove hostilities beyond the Potomac.

In pursuance of this design, our armyâ€”now reorganized into three corps, respectively commanded by Lieutenant-Generals Longstreet, Ewell, and A. P. Hillâ€”early in June moved northward, with the view of marching into Maryland and Pennsylvania. On our arrival at Richmond, on the 6th of June, we were assigned to Heth's division of A. P. Hill's corpsâ€”which corps still occupied the lines in front of Fredericksburg, the corps of Ewell and Longstreet having advanced as far as Culpepper Court-House. On the night of the 13th, Hooker retired from his position, and on the 14th the corps of A. P. Hill left for the valley. At the urgent request of General Elzey, in command at Richmond, our brigade (Cooke's) was retained there, and Davis' Mississippi brigade was assigned to Heth's division in our stead; through which circumstance, we failed to participate in the Pennsylvania campaign and to share in the fatal battle of Gettysburg.

On the 9th of June we were sent to the South Anna bridge, on the Virginia Central road, to repel a threatened attack from the enemy's cavalry. Remaining here until the 11th, we returned to Richmond, and were ordered to Chapin's Bluff, on the James. John F. McQuiston joined the company here. We remained at the Bluff only a few days, when we were again returned to Richmond, and camped in the vicinity until the 8th of July. On the 11th, we moved to Taylorsville, on the R. & F.R.R. Remaining here until the 1st of August, we moved to Fredericksburg, and picketed the various fords on the Rappahannock. On the 28th, we retraced our steps to Taylorsville, went into camp in pine forest near the railroad, and passed the time quietly until the 24th of September.

On the 13th of July, the shattered remnant of our army recrossed the Potomac into Virginia. General Meade, now in command of the Federal troops, advanced east of the mountains, and General Lee, so as to confront him, moved his army, and established a line of defence along the Rapidan River. In this position the two armies remained, in comparative quiet, about two months. Early in October, General Lee, with Ewell's and Hill's corps, crossed the Rapidan to attack Meade's flank, or force him to retire from his position.

The Grays, having been encamped at Gordonsville since the 24th of September, were ordered to rejoin their corps, and on the 9th of October we left Gordonsville, marchingviaMadison Court-House, where we camped on the 10th. On Sunday morning (11th), we reached Culpepper Court-House. Just before our arrival it was ascertained that Meade was on the farther side of the Rappahannock River, which would render it necessary for our troops to make another flank movement. On Monday, the 12th, therefore, we started for Warrenton. Passing near Salem, we camped that night at Amisville. The next day, passing Warrenton Springs, we reached Warrenton. On the morning of the 14th, we resumed our march, and about ten o'clock we came upon a little place called Grinage. Here we found the deserted camp of the enemy. Their camp-fires were still burning, many articles of camp equipage were lying around, everything showing that a panic had seized them and that their retreat was hasty and terrified. We hastened on in pursuit, at a rapid rate, capturing their stragglers at every turn. At the same time, we knew that Ewell was driving another corps of the enemy on our right up the Orange & Alexandria Railroad. Our men were in the highest spirits, confident not only of victory, but of destroying or capturing everything in front of us. We knew the river in their rear was swollen, and possibly the bridges gone, and there would be no outlet for them. Governor Vance's faithful ship, the "Advance," had come in "heavily laden," and we were proudly and splendidly dressed in some of the gray cloth of its cargo, which, but a few days before, we had received; our hopes were buoyant, our rations plentiful, and it is easy to imagine with what pace we kept up the pursuit. Reasonable expectations doomed to a speedy and bitter disappointment!

After keeping up the pursuit at this rapid rate for some three hours along the main road leading to Bristoe station, our brigade filed out into the woods upon our right when we arrived within a short distance of the station. Cooke's brigade formed the advance of the pursuing column, Kirkland's brigade followed, then came the remainder of A. P. Hill's corps. At the time we filed to our right in the woods, Kirkland's brigade moved up and filed off to the left of the road; the rest of our corps was halted andremainedin the road in the rear. Our brigade (Cooke's) was immediately thrown into line of battle, the 46th N.C. regiment on the extreme right, the 15th N.C. next, the 27th N.C. next, and the 48th N.C. next, with their left resting upon the main road. In this position we were ordered to move forward. Advancing some five hundred yards through a dense forest of pines, we were halted near a small stream in an open field. About 800 yards in our front and to our left upon a hill, we could see several brigades of the enemy; while in the road in their front a large wagon train was hurriedly moving off. About this time a battery of guns concealed in the woods opened a heavy fire upon our right flank, seemingly to cover the retreat of their wagon train. Just then a courier from Gen. Heth handed to Gen. Cooke orders from Gen. Hill to advance; in the meanwhile a message was received from Col. Hall, commanding our right flank, informing Gen. Cooke that the enemy had driven in his skirmishers and was pressing him on his flank. Thereupon Cooke sent Heth's courier back to him with the information that the enemy were in force upon his right, and before he could advance that his flank must be protected. The courier from Gen. Heth returned a second time with orders to advance, and while delivering the orders one of Gen. Lee's staff-officers rode up, and being informed of our situation, said to Cooke thathewould go to Gen. Hill for him. Before he had time to reach Gen. Hill, a courier arriveddirectfrom Hill to Gen. Cooke with orders toadvance at once. Cooke replied, "I will do so, and if I am flanked I will face about and cut my way out," and immediately gave the command "forward!" Advancing at a quick step up a slight elevation we came in full view of the enemy. Simultaneous with our advance five pieces of our artillery, posted in the main road upon our left, opened fire on the enemy in sight, who retired apparently in confusion.

About 800 yards in the valley in our front ran the track of the Orange & Alexandria Railroad. The road here formed an embankment from six to eight feet high, extending far enough to overlap our brigade and a portion of Kirkland's on our left. The space between us and the railroad was a barren, open field, descending with a gradual declivity to the railroad embankment. Across and beyond the railroad about 300 yards, upon a considerable elevation, were extensive woods and thickets; here the enemy had posted their artillery. In front of these woods, and on the face of the hill descending to the railroad embankment, was posted what we then supposed was the enemy's skirmish line, but which proved to be a decoy, for the troops which had retired at the firing of our artillery in the road, and a large body of those who had been retreating before Ewell, had stretched themselves behind the railroad embankment, forming their real line of battle, which consisted of the entire second corps and one division of the 5th corps of Meade's army.

We had advanced rapidly some 25 yards when our regiment, being slightly in advance, was halted until the regiments upon our right and left came up. Here we discovered for the first time the real position of the enemy behind the railroad embankment. We were going down the hill; they, secure behind the bank, had only to lie down on the slope, rest their muskets on the track of the railroad and sweep the open field as we attacked. The attack was made.

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