CHAPTER V

Perhaps the chief amongst the many obstacles which beset the path of Prince Charles in his task of raising Roumania from the depth to which it had sunk was the very serious state of the national finances. The effect of the previous drains upon the country's resources, and the expense of keeping an army prepared to meet any emergency, caused by the hostile attitude of Turkey, were thus summed up by the Prince in July 1866.

"The worst wound of the country is at present its finances. We have not a penny, in the literal sense of the word, and the Ministry, in order to restore the equilibrium of the Budget, has to adopt measures which will scarcely gain friends for us: the taxes have to be raised; 30 per cent. of salaries and pensions, which have not been paid for four months, have to be kept back. For my part, I have surrendered another 12,000 ducats of my Civil List. Only a loan can save us now;we are in communication with financiers, but their conditions are more than hard. With patience we shall yet escape from this calamity, but for the moment the situation is very difficult. Retrenchment must be made, wherever possible."

It is interesting to note that, whilst the receipts amounted to only 56,000,000 francs in the first year of the Prince's rule, they reached the total of 180,000,000 in 1891, being thus more than trebled in twenty-five years.

Though the financial situation was only slightly improved during 1867,[14]Prince Charles entered in the autumn of that year into negotiations with the Austrian financier, Herr von Ofenheim, for the construction of a railway from Suceava to Bucharest, passing through Jassy and Galatz. These negotiations, commenced as far back as 1862, had been allowed to drop; and Roumania had thus lost the favourable moment for appealing to the British money market, which, moreover, was never at any time favourable to the enterprise. However, Ofenheim's Syndicate, which included three Englishmen (amongst them Mr. T. Brassey), arranged for the construction of the line, which was to be built by sections, commencing with 110 miles from Suceava to Roman. How necessary railways were to the country is shown by the fact that only a quarter of the corn and wood intended forexport that year could be moved by ship to its destination. Eventually the Chamber confirmed the Ofenheim concession, voting 230,000 francs for the first section, and a subsidy of 40,000 francs per kilometer.

Ofenheim only undertook to carry out the northern half of the concession, and ceded the southern portion to a Prussian syndicate, of which the well-known financier, Strousberg, was Chairman. This syndicate was granted a concession by the Roumanian Chamber on October 2, 1868.

Unfortunately for the progress of the railways, the question soon gave rise to heated debates in the Chamber. For example, on June 11, 1869, a great commotion was caused there by a charge brought against the Syndicate that it had extended the line unduly by a ten-mile curve at Barboschi (payment, it will be remembered, was to be made according to the mileage). Nevertheless, in spite of all this petty opposition, the Prince had the satisfaction of seeing the first section of the Roumanian railways, connecting Bukowina and Moldavia, completed on December 15, 1869, whilst no less than 130 miles of much needed high roads were opened for traffic, chiefly on the western frontier of Roumania.

As the payment for the railways was to be governed by the completed mileage, the Finance Minister instructed the Roumanian Commissary in Berlin, Privy Councillor Ambronn, to controlhis payments by the certificates of the engineer, countersigned by the chief of the newly created Technical Bureau. This evoked an immediate protest from one of the concessionaries, Dr. Strousberg, who threatened to appeal to the law courts against so unjustifiable a check on the honesty of the contractors. Councillor Ambronn reported that he felt unable to refuse payment, although the engineers' certificates were not countersigned, and further, that the proceeds of the bonds were deposited, partly in cash, partly in stocks bearing interest, at the Berlin Kassenverein. This led to a Parliamentary inquiry into the state of the funds entrusted to Councillor Ambronn, and later on to a unanimous resolution by the Ministry relieving him of his duties. Prince Charles, however, was of the opinion that this measure would only damage the credit of the railways, and declared his willingness to accept the responsibility for the railway construction which was thus thrust upon him by the country.

However, a report from the special commissioner, Herr Steege, sent to Berlin in the autumn of 1870, placed the affair in a different light, as it was then discovered that the money realised by the sale of the railway bonds (35,000,000 francs) had been placed in the Joseph Jacques Bank without the consent of the Roumanian Government. This incorrect procedure on the part of the Commissary placed the Prince in a most unpleasant position; for,though he considered it in no way desirable that the money should be left lying idle, he had never intended that it should be invested in a private company, and so exposed to every fluctuation of the market. M. Steege was therefore appointed to relieve Councillor Ambronn of his duties in connection with the railway funds.

It seemed that the climax of the railway dispute must have been reached with December 18, when Strousberg informed the Government that he was neither able nor willing to pay the coupon due on January 1, and further maintained that this payment should be made by the State, though, as a matter of fact, he had paid the July coupon himself. The interest, it is true, was guaranteed by the State, but the terms of the concession provided that the interest should be paid by Strousbergwhilst the line was in course of construction.

The entire weight of the blow fell on Prince Charles; the railways were his pet idea, nay, even his consolation, as a passage in one of his letters to his father shows. "I have at least donesomethingfor my countryâ€”I have given it a railway!" But now even that comfort had been taken away.

Prince Charles, however anxious he was at that time to escape from his almost intolerable position in Roumania, felt that he could not quit his adopted country until he had procured justice forhis people, and removed the slur which appeared to rest upon their honesty.

Early in March 1871 M. Sturdza thus described the financial situation of the Principalities. The expenditure, but not the receipts, of the State had increased threefold during the last thirteen years; the public debt, which in Prussia amounted to 2 francs a head, reached a total of 7 francs in Roumania, whilst 34,000,000 out of the 84,000,000 francs received had to be devoted to the payment of interest, thus leaving only 50,000,000 available for expenditure. It was, therefore, scarcely a matter for surprise that the Chamber should openly testify to the general indignation felt by the nation, when the fresh burden of the interest on the railway bonds was thrust upon the resources of the country. In their wrath, however, the deputies forgot to be just, and threw the whole blame on Prince Charles. Not a single voice was raised to point out that the Prince himself suffered most from the painful situation to which dishonesty and carelessness had brought the railways. He could not be expected to know in detail all the requirements of such concessions. The only just reproach which could be made against him was the unconditional confidence which he, in his youthful enthusiasm, had placed in Strousberg and Ambronn, from a desire to procure the benefits of the railway for his country as soon as possible.

The attacks turned chiefly on the circumstance that Ambronn had been for a long time in the service of the Prince of Hohenzollern, though this was rather a reason for excusing the Prince, who was surely justified in employing a man whose honest administration had already gained the confidence of his father.

As a way out of the difficulty Prince Charles thought that the State should pay the January coupon and sue Strousberg for the amount, in accordance with paragraph 7 of the concession. Unfortunately the Treasury was empty, the Chamber would never consent to such a measure, and to raise a loan was out of the question.

To crown the disaster an official intimation was received from the Prussian Government that the coupon due must be paid by the Roumanian State, as the bonds were only placed on the market owing to the confidence inspired in the Roumanian State guarantee.

Pressure was brought to bear on Roumania by a Note maintaining the rights of the German bondholders, addressed by Prince Bismarck to the Sublime Porte as Suzerain of the Principalities. The Strousberg affair thus threatened to become more aquestion de forcethan aquestion de droit. It appeared, moreover, that a lawsuit against Strousberg was out of the question, as the bondholders, and not the Roumanian Government, were the injured parties. Needless to say, thisopinion of the Prussian law-officers evoked great indignation in Roumania.

Eventually, on January 2, 1872, the Chamber decided to offer the bondholders two alternatives:

(a) To take over the rights and obligations of the first concession, to complete the railways in three years with an annual grant of nine millions towards the coupons; the payment of the last year's interest, and the restitution of the deposit to be obtained from Strousberg.

(b) To transfer all their rights to the Roumanian State, which pledged itself to pay off the bonds (to be exchanged for State papers) in forty-nine years' time by an annual payment of eleven millions.

Three weeks later the Prince had the satisfaction of informing his father that the vexed question appeared to be solved at last.

"You can hardly imagine what I have lived through during the last weeks of the old year! Excitements, anxieties, and hopes changed with every day. Day after day passed without any result, or any hope of solving the unfortunate railway question: such a strain on the nerves might have caused the strongest man to give way. At first weeks passed before the matter reached the order of the day, then the preliminary debates lasted fully four days; the result was by no meanscertain the first two days, as the Opposition brought all its batteries into action. I breathed again on the evening of the fourth day, and the city also calmed down at once from its former feverish excitement. The agitators are afraid that the settlement of the railway question, which they had made a dynastic one, has robbed them of their last dangerous weapon...."The Opposition used Von Radowitz's declaration in Constantinopleâ€”that the Emperor was directly interested in an arrangementâ€”with much skill and perfidy, drawing the deduction that the House of Hohenzollern was mixed up in this dirty business. It is much too hackneyed and ridiculous to be even annoyed about!"

"The Opposition used Von Radowitz's declaration in Constantinopleâ€”that the Emperor was directly interested in an arrangementâ€”with much skill and perfidy, drawing the deduction that the House of Hohenzollern was mixed up in this dirty business. It is much too hackneyed and ridiculous to be even annoyed about!"

The expense of the many reforms initiated by the Prince also contributed to the chronic want of money. For instance, a report by M. Jepureanu on June 9, 1874, showed the existence of a floating debt of fifty-seven million francs, which was out of all proportion to the resources of an agricultural country, where a failure of the crops occurred about once in six years. It was further stated that of late years, in spite of all the new taxation, the expenditure had always exceeded the receipts.

"Only a few days ago I was confidently lookingto the immediate future, and hoped that the Roumanian railway system, which I had achieved for the country after such severe struggles, would soon be opened for traffic. I believed that this intolerable affair, which has cost me several years of my life, was finally settled, and looked forward to enjoying the fruits of my labour. But no! To-day the railways are again the disturbing element. After great effort I had achieved the stability and peace so necessary for the development of the country: domestic affairs had become consolidated, and abroad we enjoyed respect and confidence. All this may again be at stake.

"... The Berlin Company must raise a loan of seventy-five million francs to pay the debts incurred in construction; in so doing they want our support, and ask for a law giving this loan preferential rights in the annuities. This is, of course, out of the question, as the former creditors must always have the first claim.... We do not conceal the seriousness of the situation, the more so since the German Government urgently requests us to give way to the entreaties of the company, and so prevent a catastrophe which would principally be felt by the shareholders. In the event of our inability to regulate this affair the German Government would in future be compelled to withhold the exercise of its benevolent interest in Roumania!

"This threat is very serious, and we foresee its evil consequences."

"For several weeks we have been exclusively occupied with the difficulties which the new loan for the completion of our railway system causes both here and in Berlin. Animated with a lively wish to bring this important affair to a satisfactory conclusion, my Government has commissioned the Minister of Public Works, M. Th. Rosetti, to proceed to Berlin, and to place himself in personal communication with the railway company.

"I cannot conceal from your Serene Highness that the proposals of the company, which must be settled by constitutional methods, encounter no small difficulties, arising from the very nature of the affair. Nevertheless, my Government has every wish to prepare a solution which would be acceptable to both parties, and which could be successfully promoted in the Chamber here. If we may hope for the benevolent interest of your Highness in this delicate question, I do not doubt that it will soon be solved. M. Rosetti is able to give the necessary information should your Highness desire to enter more fully into the question."

"I return my humblest thanks to your Highnessfor the gracious letter which Minister Rosetti has handed to me. The knowledge and personal amiability of the latter has made a favourable impression on all circles here, and he has brought the negotiations to such a point that their conclusion may be expected, provided the result here gains the approbation of your Highness's Government. I myself entertain the hope that such may be the case, the more willingly since so large an amount of German capital is placed in no other foreign enterprise, and the solidly assured future of the railways must exert a decisive influence on the development of the rich resources with which Roumania is blessed by nature. The protection afforded to the enterprise by your Highness will contribute materially to maintain and further public interest in Germany for the welfare of Roumania."

Whilst these delicate negotiations were in progress, the question of the right of Roumania to enter into commercial treaties was brought to a close. The intimate relations of the Principalities to Austria-Hungary rendered it desirable that the first treaty should be concluded with that State, not without opposition in the Chamber, and it was actually voted on July 10, 1875. "This international act," the Prince wrote, "is of great importance, as it contains the germ of Roumanian independence."

The Budget of 1876, which announced a deficit of 30,000,000 francs, was received with a storm of indignation, and eventually led to the fall of the Catargiu Ministry.

"The excitement here is very great; there are rumours of conspiracies and revolutions; but all this cannot terrify me, for I go straight ahead and do my duty. The condition of our finances, and the serious situation in the East, does, however, make me anxious. The former is the consequence of the latter; for months no money has come into the country, and trade is completely at a standstill. All our securities have fallen, railway and customs returns have decreased, farmers cannot pay, and taxes are hard to collect. Nevertheless, the engine of State must not be allowed to stop, and we must pay the interest on our debts in order to maintain our credit! All this has materially affected our finances, which were in a satisfactory state."

"Neither the approach of the war, nor the probable passage of foreign troops makes me really anxious: I am troubled rather by the comfortless state of our finances, which have reached a stage impregnated with danger for the immediate future. The State can only maintain its creditat the greatest sacrifice, by paying the coupons of the foreign debt with the little money remaining in the country, and in addition it must raise sufficient to pay the army.

"Under these circumstances only a well-assured peace, or a war, can be of any assistance; a long extension of this uncertainty will be our ruin!"

"The money famine increases daily, and I cannot see how we are to be helped out of our difficulty. Only the most necessary payments are made. Even the Civil List has not been paid for months."

The longed-for war, bringing with it the independence of Roumania, arrived at last, and with it came perhaps the lowest point touched by Roumanian finance. All payments were stopped both at home and abroad, every tax was doubled, and 30,000,000 francs of paper money were issued on the security of the Crown lands, to be redeemed at 10 per cent. above par. Such were the sacrifices which the Roumanian nation offered at the shrine of patriotism and independence.

The first years of Prince Charles's rule were overcast by the shadow thrown by that source of constant trouble in Eastern Europe, the Jewish Question, and by the pro-Semitic agitation in the Western Press. The bulk of the Jewish population of Roumania was settled in the Province of Moldavia, where it held mortgages on the greater part of the estates. In addition to this, as "universal providers" they almost monopolised the trade in spirits, whilst the bulk of the retail trade also lay in their hands. In times of famine and scarcity they were always ready to lend money at exorbitant rates to the heedless landowner and ignorant peasant, and thus acquired a hold over them which could not be shaken off. The bitter hatred with which the Moldavian population regarded their oppressors, and the violence caused by that feeling, were powerless to prevent the constant immigration of Jews from Poland and Southern Russia, where they experienced a farharder lot than that which awaited them in Roumania. That the anti-Semitic feeling was not wholly unjustifiable is shown by the opinion of M. Desjardins, who had ample opportunity of learning the rights and wrongs of the case. The Frenchsavantdeclared that the Jews were not only aliens and strangers in Roumania by their language, religion, and customs, but that they actually desired to remain so. They refused to send their children to the Roumanian schools, though entitled to do so free of expense, and besides monopolising the whole retail trade of Moldavia, they exerted a most evil influence on the progress of the country by their usury. The peasant was forced to pay up to fifty per cent.per mensemon loans, as there were no other means of raising money in times of scarcity. The Moldavian Jew was dirty and utterly neglected, and could not from any point of view be considered a desirable acquisition to the State.

The Jews of Eastern Europe in general, and of Roumania in particular, have no intention, and, for the matter of that, no inclination to stoop to handicraft or manufacture. The quicker methods of getting money appeal to them more; and they are perfectly content to live on the needs and necessities of the original inhabitants of the land, though at the same time they bitterly resent the feeling with which they and their methods of money-making are regarded. The first outburstsof racial hatred during Prince Charles's reign proved too strong for the good intentions of the Government, nor was it to be expected that the Roumanian legislature would grant the alien race further rights or further liberty than Russia or even Austria felt inclined to do.

CrÃ©mieux, the well-known politician and founder of theAlliance IsraÃ©lite, interviewed the Prince on June 14, 1866, to try to obtain an alteration in the laws enabling Jews to hold land in Roumania, and, acting on the time-honoured maxim ofdo ut des, offered in return for this privilege a loan of Â£1,000,000 at a low rate of interest. The Prince informed him that the Government had already remembered the condition of the Jews in the draft of the Constitution, since the following paragraphs had been inserted: "Creed is no impediment to naturalisation in Roumania," and "So far as the Jews at present domiciled in Roumania are concerned, a special law will provide for their gradual admission as naturalised citizens." However, as soon as these proposals were laid before the Chamber, a wave of dissent swept over Moldavia, where the anti-dynastic party sought to create trouble by appealing to racial hatred. They succeeded only too well, for a riotous mob destroyed the recently completed synagogue at Bucharest in June 1866. The obnoxious paragraphs of the Constitution were withdrawn owing to the representations ofthe Jews themselves, who feared further excesses, if the Government persisted in them. The foreign Press eagerly seized the opportunity for spreading the report that, owing to the weakness of the Government, the paragraphs had been withdrawn in obedience to the wishes of the mob. The liberally minded Prince, to show his displeasure at the action of a section of the populace, and at the same time to prove his toleration in matters of religion, subscribed 6,000 ducats from his own purse for the restoration of the wrecked synagogue, but at the same time the Chamber, by passing the clause: "Only Christians can become Roumanian citizens," denied the Jews the possession of any political rights.

In April 1867 the Minister of the Interior, J. Bratianu, addressed a circular to all prefects, ordering them to proceed against all "vagabonds" in their districts; as, owing to the abolition of passes, the number of paupers had increased to such an extent as to add seriously to the already enormous difficulties of the Government in feeding the starving inhabitants. England, France, and Austria protested vigorously against this measure, which was chiefly directed against immigrant Jews, and the Emperor Napoleon addressed the following telegram to the Prince on this subject:

"I must not leave your Highness in ignorance of the public feeling created here by the persecutionsof which the Jews of Moldavia are said to be the victims. I cannot believe that the enlightened Government of your Highness authorises measures so opposed to humanity and civilisation."NAPOLEON."

"NAPOLEON."

To which the Prince replied at once:

"Your Majesty may rest assured that I am not less solicitous for the Jewish inhabitants than your Majesty. The measures which the Government has thought necessary to take are not exceptional, and are a matter of common law. I shall, moreover, institute a severe inquiry to ascertain whether the subaltern officials have exceeded their instructions. Those guilty will be punished with all the rigour of the law."CHARLES."

"CHARLES."

All the laws against the Jews which had been passed in Moldavia since 1804 were published in the officialMoniteuron May 28, 1867, to counteract the prejudice which the recent circular had created. It was thus made clear that Jews had always been prohibited from becoming tenants of farms, public-houses, and drinking-booths; and that the sole motive of the Ministerial Circular was to remind the prefects of the existence of these regulations, which had been allowed to fall somewhat into abeyance.

Sir Moses Montefiore, the well-known British merchant and philanthropist, who was touring through Roumania to investigate personally the condition of the Jews, was presented to the Prince by the British Consul on August 25, 1867. Sir Moses was able to inform his Highness that he could not trace any persecution of the Jews in Wallachia, and on his return to England declared, through the Press, that the situation of his brethren in Roumania had been painted in colours far too dark, and that there could be no question of their ill-treatment, as both the Prince and his Ministers were very tolerant, and had given him every assistance in eliciting the truth.

The Chamber, however, continued to persist in anti-Semitic legislation, and a "free and independent party" of thirty-three Moldavians introduced a measure on March 17, 1868, which contained the following provisions: "Jews may only settle in urban districts by permission of the town council, but on no condition, and for no length of time, in the rural districts.

"They are not allowed to possess real property in towns or in the country. Sales and purchases in their favour are null and void.

"They are also forbidden to become tenants of farms, vineyards, public-houses, hotels, kilns, bridges, &c., or to manage the same, and neither the State nor Communalities are to entrust themwith contracts.... They are not to sell food or liquor to Christians, but only to Jews." Bratianu, whom the foreign Semitic Press hounded down as a persecutor of the Jews, opposed this motion with the greatest vigour, and openly broke with its proposers. He was in consequence overwhelmed with contumely and reproaches, and was on one occasion stoned by anti-Semitic mobs in Moldavia.

The Jewish Question was ably summed up by Prince Charles Anthony in a letter to his son, received on May 21, 1868.

"The Jewish question has reached a stage which attracts the rapt attention of the whole of Europe. It is a most unfortunate episode in the otherwise peaceful development of Roumanian internal economy, and is at the same time a great danger to the dynasty. I have already pointed out that all Jewish affairs are a 'noli me tangere.' This fact is a symptom of European weakness; but, since it is a fact, it must be accepted; nothing can be done, as the whole Press of Europe is controlled by the Jewish financial powers. In one word, the moneyed Judaism is a Great Power, whose favour may have the most advantageous effect, but whose opposition is dangerous. From every side, from all corners and ends of the earth, a cry of horror arose in unison about the Bakau incident, and nothing, not even the officialdementia, could mitigate or alleviate the impression created by these incidents. It seems to me that Bratianu has not shown sufficient energy in this question, and is inclined to stake too much on one card!"..."Innumerable petitions have reached me from all parts imploring my support in this unfortunate Jewish affair, especially from theAlliance IsraÃ©lite(CrÃ©mieux); Paris has made the most noise about it. This cannot be altered; and you have gained nothing but increased experience."

"Innumerable petitions have reached me from all parts imploring my support in this unfortunate Jewish affair, especially from theAlliance IsraÃ©lite(CrÃ©mieux); Paris has made the most noise about it. This cannot be altered; and you have gained nothing but increased experience."

Advice on this difficult question was also tendered from a quarter whence it was least expected. Fuad Pacha pointed out to the Roumanian agent in Constantinople that the Principalities ought to take Turkey as an example of tolerance in matters of religion, for at Constantinople one might see Jews sitting side by side with Mohammedans and Christians in the Council of State!

On September 12, 1869, Prince Charles received a deputation of Jews on the occasion of his stay in Vienna. In reply to their representations on behalf of their brethren in Roumania, Prince Charles declared that the alleged persecution only existed in the imagination of agitators, and that the condition of the Roumanian Jews was by no means so miserable and abject as the European Press was ready and anxious to believe.

At the same time, the anti-Semitic element in the Chamber sought to overthrow the Ghika Ministry by accusing it of a tendency to favour the Jews. The Minister of the Interior, Cogalniceanu, it appeared, had recommended two Delegates of theAlliance IsraÃ©liteto the prefects of the districts, in order that they might have every opportunity of knowing the country and its inhabitants. It was also proved by statistics that the number of Jews in Moldavia was steadily increasing, whilst the Roumanians were being forced back by this constant stream of immigration. The measure of their success and increasing influence was in direct proportion to the corresponding weakness and poverty of the Christian tillers of the soil. Cogalniceanu, however, showed that the Jews were not favoured at the expense of the Roumanians, and that the Government had no means of preventing Jewish immigration from Russia or Galicia. He also pointed out that he had proposed to allow the Jews to settle near the delta of the Danube; but, as that proposal had been negatived, he could only suggest that the Chamber should formulate some other measure.

Nearly three years later (May 1872) a petition from the Jews of Eastern Prussia was laid before the German Reichstag, praying that Germany would use its influence in putting a stop to the persecution of Jews in Roumania. Dr. Miquelpointed out that, although he sympathised deeply with the sufferers, it was necessary to proceed with caution, as otherwise their situation might become even worse, for no Government was ever so weak as that of Roumania, and continual exhortations would only incite the inhabitants to further outrages, which might eventually lead to animosity against their German Prince. Von Bunsen supported Miquel's view and showed that no persecutions had taken place between 1866 and 1872. Eventually a resolution was carried, recognising the previous efforts on behalf of the Jews, and requesting the Chancellor to do everything possible to prevent the recurrence of such incidents in the future.

England also took up the cudgels on behalf of the Jews, and proposed to the various guaranteeing Powers to comply with the 46th Article of the Treaty of Paris, and grant political rights to the Jews. Prince Gortchakoff came to the assistance of Roumania, and reminded the Western Powers that it was impossible to compare the Jews of the Orient with those of the West. Russia had no intention of interfering in the domestic affairs of another State, though she would unite with the Powers in representing the matter to the Roumanian Government. He therefore advised England to communicate direct with the Roumanian Government before invoking the aid of the other Powers.

A letter from the Prince to his father contained the following passage about this difficulty:

"My only fear is lest the Jews[15]should continue to agitate and petition the guaranteeing Powers for the concession of political rights to their brethren here, until the Powers at last comply with their wish, and force our hand. This would lead to the overthrow of the present, or, indeed, any other Ministry."A few months ago the Jews here received some sympathy from certain circles, but since they have raised such a cry throughout Europe, and since the Jewish Press in every State has attacked this country in so unworthy a manner with the object of forcing the equality of the Jews upon us, the latter have nothing to expect here for the present...."

"A few months ago the Jews here received some sympathy from certain circles, but since they have raised such a cry throughout Europe, and since the Jewish Press in every State has attacked this country in so unworthy a manner with the object of forcing the equality of the Jews upon us, the latter have nothing to expect here for the present...."

Another letter of Prince Charles also refers to this point:

"The newspapers again accuse us of persecuting the Jews, because the recent licensing law forbids a Jew to keep a public-house in a village. This is a reasonable measure; and we are determined to repel any representations or interventionsin this matter. One must know the villages of Moldavia to be able to judge the noxious influence exerted on the rural population by the Jew with his adulterated brandy. In Poland and Hungary the Jew is to this day forbidden to keep a village public-houseâ€”and very rightly too! On the other hand, it is a pity that Roumania has excluded Jews from holding licences for the sale of tobacco, as they will now become the most arrant smugglers."

Russia replied to the Note, addressed by England to the Great Powers, referring to the persecution of the Moldavian Jews, with a circular to its representatives abroad directing them to defend the Roumanian measures.

The struggle so briefly touched upon in these pages affected the welfare of Roumania in its young days very keenly, as the great Jewish capitalists supported the demands of the Jewish population for the franchise by refusing to aid the young State in its financial troubles. Incalculable harm was done by the Press in giving a too-ready credence to the alarming reports of wholesale expulsion of Jewish families from Roumania and the confiscation of their property. The anti-Roumanian feeling thus caused in England, France, and in part of Germany was for many years a serious stumbling-block to the development of the Danube Principalities.

The day selected by the Prince and Princess of Roumania for the commencement of their tour through Moldaviaâ€”April 20, 1871â€”was one of good omen for the result of that journey. Prince Charles was anxious to reinstate the close and intimate relations which had existed between him and his people before the recent agitation, as well as to give the lie to the calumny that he no longer took an interest in his subjects. The Princess, too, was eager to become more closely acquainted with the beauties of her new country under her husband's guidance. Unfortunately the pleasure of the trip was marred by the constant downpour of rain, which laid half of Jassy under water. But the Prince and Princess did not allow the weather to interfere with their plans, and succeeded in visiting every noteworthy place or institution. At their departure from the Moldavian capital, as on their arrival, they received a most enthusiastic ovation, to whichPrince Charles replied that the heartiness of their welcome everywhere had convinced him that the lately dissolved Chamber had in no way expressed the sentiments of the nation. The memory of the heartfelt sympathy accorded to the dynasty in Jassy had, he added, given him fresh courage and energy to devote to the high duties entrusted to him by the nation.

Prince Charles expressed the same views to the Ministry on his return to Bucharest, and informed them that he had given up the thought of abdication, as his tour through Moldavia had satisfied him that the nation would be loyal to the Sovereign they had elected, whilst condemning the revolutionary aims which had been the source of the recent trouble. The marvellous change which had taken place in the Roumanian situation in the short space of five weeks did not fail of prompt recognition abroad. The Austrian Ambassador at Constantinople remarked: "If Prince Charles succeeds in managing Roumania with his own resources, and in rendering it governable, it will be the greatesttour de forceI have witnessed in my diplomatic career of more than half a century. It will be nothing less than a conjuring trick!"

Prince Charles thus described the surprising change of situation between March 22 and May 22:

"Then there were revolts in the streets, breaking of windows, and an approaching abdication.Now there is rejoicing throughout the country, ovation after ovation, and a celebration of the anniversary of my accession in a more hearty and universal fashion than I have been accustomed to for a long time. Everything that was possible has been done to wipe out the memory of our bitter experiences of last winter, alike during our tour through Moldavia and on our return and on May 22...."Moldavia has recently been the arena of anarchical and separatist intrigues so wide in extent that no great success could be expected at the recent elections, the more so as a rumour had been spread throughout Moldavia that I had decided to turn my back on the country very shortly. Our tour effected a complete change. Towns like Galatz and Fokschani, which have sent anti-dynastic Deputies to the Chamber for four years in succession to advocate my deposition, have now elected men who openly declared themselves to be on the side of my dynasty during the most critical period. The elections throughout the country have resulted satisfactorily, and my Ministry can count upon a secure majority.... Tell voted against a foreign prince in 1866, as he was of opinion that such a ruler could neither become intimately acquainted with the country, nor would enjoy the same language or religion.... He informed me on entering the Ministry that no Prince had ever known the country better or respectedthe Church so much as I had done.... He says: 'I think more of the happiness of the country than of its liberties!'..."General Solomon and Colonels Slaniceanu, Lupu, and Sefcari are thorough soldiers, who were all at their posts in the hour of danger and did their duty loyally. The army, moreover, behaved excellently at the critical time, which gave me great pleasure, as I have always given it special attention."... I should like to be able to lengthen every day, for none suffices for my continuous work. Everything that is performed in silence by the chiefs of departments in other countries is here laid before me; no decision is arrived at without my being consulted. Every one wants an audience of the Prince to lay a grievance before him. But the more work I have the better I like it, and I by no means wish to complain."

"Moldavia has recently been the arena of anarchical and separatist intrigues so wide in extent that no great success could be expected at the recent elections, the more so as a rumour had been spread throughout Moldavia that I had decided to turn my back on the country very shortly. Our tour effected a complete change. Towns like Galatz and Fokschani, which have sent anti-dynastic Deputies to the Chamber for four years in succession to advocate my deposition, have now elected men who openly declared themselves to be on the side of my dynasty during the most critical period. The elections throughout the country have resulted satisfactorily, and my Ministry can count upon a secure majority.... Tell voted against a foreign prince in 1866, as he was of opinion that such a ruler could neither become intimately acquainted with the country, nor would enjoy the same language or religion.... He informed me on entering the Ministry that no Prince had ever known the country better or respectedthe Church so much as I had done.... He says: 'I think more of the happiness of the country than of its liberties!'...

"General Solomon and Colonels Slaniceanu, Lupu, and Sefcari are thorough soldiers, who were all at their posts in the hour of danger and did their duty loyally. The army, moreover, behaved excellently at the critical time, which gave me great pleasure, as I have always given it special attention.

"... I should like to be able to lengthen every day, for none suffices for my continuous work. Everything that is performed in silence by the chiefs of departments in other countries is here laid before me; no decision is arrived at without my being consulted. Every one wants an audience of the Prince to lay a grievance before him. But the more work I have the better I like it, and I by no means wish to complain."

Owing to the sudden illness of the Grand Vizier, Ali Pacha, through overwork, and the prevailing centralisation of the Turkish Government, all affairs of State came to a standstill for the time being. The Sultan refused to appoint a substitute, and Ali Pacha refused to resign: "I shall die, if needs be, but I shall die as Grand Vizier!"

The Prince and Princess, with their little daughter, sought protection from the climate of Cotroceni in the cloister of Sinaja on August 2.The arrangements made for them were extremely primitive: the small whitewashed rooms, or rather cells, were connected only by a wooden verandah on the inside of the building, round the inner court of the cloister. The magnificent view over the mountain scenery, however, amply compensated for the lack of comfort; whilst a heavy thunderstorm, with brilliant flashes of lightning, cleared and cooled the atmosphere shortly after their arrival. The weather that followed left nothing to be desired, and the Prince spent the greater portion of each day in the company of his wife and daughter in the glorious Carpathian woods under a cloudless sky. The Princess of Wied arrived at Sinaja on August 31 to take part in the festivities of the first birthday of the little Princess Marie, who, as her father reported with joy, "has already two teeth, and will soon be able to run about."

Almost daily some expedition or picnic in the woods was arranged, especially at that spot in the valley of the Pelesch where Prince Charles thought of building a summer residence. This plan had, however, to be given up, as the situation of the proposed house was too much exposed to the violent winds which swept down the valley.

These happy days came to an end, only too soon, when on September 11 the Prince returned to Cotroceni, followed two days later by the remainder of the family. The Princess of Wied was forcedto commence her journey home on October 28. The Prince and Princess accompanied her a short distance on the Giurgiu line. Prince Charles Anthony expressed his great joy at the favourable impression which the Princess's mother had formed of their surroundings in Bucharest. "Her impressions are generally favourable and, best of all, she has gained an insight into your home life, which could not be happier. That is of the greatest comfort to us, since other circumstances remain unchanged.... Moreover, Princess Wied is satisfied with the social elements, and has everywhere found receptivity for what is nobler and better; a firm mortar alone is wanted to prevent the good from dissolving and the evil from working to the surface...."

Prince Charles replied the same day: "Elisabeth has created her own sphere of action; she frequently visits the schools and communicates the remarks and observations made whilst the instruction is going on personally to theconseil permanent de l'instruction publique. By this method she has already succeeded in introducing several minor improvements; in addition to this, she is translating some school-books for children into Roumanian, with the aid of some young ladies; and once a week she presides over the Society for the Poor, which has done good work since its institution a year ago.... We are all well. Little Marie is full of life, and runs from room to room. When I havea minute to spare, I play with her. The dear child is my greatest joy!"

Prince Charles and his family decided to celebrate the Christmas festivities of 1871 according to the Eastern calendar, on December 24 (January 5). Prince Charles Anthony's Christmas letter contained the following interesting allusion to German affairs:

"On the whole everything is satisfactory in Germany. The Prussian officers sent to WÃ¼rttemberg and Baden find it difficult to grasp the situation of South Germany; but all is satisfactory, since necessity knows no law. Manteuffel plays a great part in France, and is endeavouring to traverse Bismarck's plans and intentions. But it is really of no importance; everything succeeds with us. Both Military Cabinet and Government of State go their own way, and yet finally effect a junction, because the National-Prussian principle outweighs all else."May Thiers and the Republic long steer France! any so-called dynastic revolution would cause a war with Germanyâ€”not that we fear one, but we need peace and development."

"May Thiers and the Republic long steer France! any so-called dynastic revolution would cause a war with Germanyâ€”not that we fear one, but we need peace and development."

The Chambers passed a law on January 5 by which Roumania undertook to pay the coupons commencing from January 1, 1872, and all that remained to end the matter was the consent of the Berlin Syndicate to the proposed compromise.

On January 28, 1872, Prince Charles was able to inform his father that the unfortunate dispute about the railways had at last been settled: "A telegram has just been received from Berlin informing us that the shareholders have accepted the first part of the law; you can imagine our delight! The history of this suffering has now reached its endâ€”thirteen months of anxiety, excitement, and fears, form a long episode!"

"My chief news to-day is that the condition of Elisabeth's health renders a journey to the South an absolute necessity; she has never quite recovered from the violent attacks of fever of last summer, and in spite of all precautions has recently been ill again; this might lead to serious consequences if often repeated. Since change of air is the only really effective remedy, she will go to Italy, and meet her Nassau relatives and Therese of Oldenburg in Rome before Easter. Should the climate there not suit her, she will go on to Naples. The two months' separation, which lies before us, is indeed very hard, the harder for Elisabeth, since she must part with both husband and child! It is satisfactory for me to know that she will meet relations in Rome, whom she will be very glad to see again. I must submit to the inevitable; but I shall feel my solitude very much.

"We shall then spend the whole summer inSinaja, where we shall be more comfortable this time than we were last year. Abegg is at present negotiating the purchase of some meadow and wood lands so that we can build a country house on our own estate, and have a refuge in the healthy mountain air from the fevers of the marshes....

"The following incident will show you the anti-German feeling here: The Court of Appeal has acquitted the rioters of the 10th-22nd March for want of evidence. Costa-Foru in consequence demanded the removal of the judges, but I refused my consent, to avoid further unpleasantness. He then laid a decree before me, which made the President of the Court responsible for the acquittal and transferred him as a punishment; this I signed. The result of this measure was the resignation of a large number of the best judges both of the first and second instance, a demonstration which has caused great excitement and has been received with satisfaction. The gentry in question are considered asvictimes de la Prusse, and only a few have the courage to agree with Costa-Foru. This is, of course, water to the opposition mill, and the affair is exploited in every kind of way...."

In a long letter, received March 8, 1872, Prince Charles Anthony minutely discussed the Prussian and Roumanian views about the recently settled railway dispute, and devoted particular attention tothe attitude of Bismarck and the Imperial Government.

"I do not believe that the writer of the reports you forwarded to me can take an active share in politics, since he gives so free a rein to his dislike towards Bismarck and Radowitz."The German Empire to-day is a given factor, which the practical politician is forced to take into consideration. If you look back upon the scenes which took place nearly a year ago in Bucharest on the occasion of the Emperor's birthday, you cannot expect that Germany should meet the Roumanian population with much sympathy. Such incidents have a lasting and estranging influence. Moreover, the continual demonstration of the Roumanians in favour of France cannot but displease Germany, who has lost many thousands of her best sons in a war which was forced upon her against her will."I am no blind eulogist of Bismarck, but he is indispensable to Germany and Prussia, and aims solely at great ends and means."He steps courageously over every bound; just as he passed over us in the Spanish question, he has now proved the correctness of his views and his courage in the retirement of MÃ¼hler, and in insisting on the School Inspections Bill, which were both fundamentallyopposedto the King's wish and opinion. It is easy to understand that he must neglect you in striving for great political aims."It is notbecauseyou are a Hohenzollern, butin spiteof your being one, that no consideration could be paid to your name and race in the recent solution of the railway question."I am convinced that, now that Roumania has regained her international position with glory, the relations with the German Empire will take a more peaceful form. At all events, the advances lie on the shoulders of the smaller and weaker State: that is the ordinary course of events in politics."For that reason I dislike the following sentence in the report you sent me: 'Because certain capitalists are pleased to put their money into an industrial speculation, is it necessary that it should become a matter for the two Governments? If this principle is admitted, where will it lead?'"The participation, therefore, in a loan guaranteed by the State is called an 'industrial speculation'! Germany, accordingly, is peaceably to allow her subjects to suffer loss through the Roumanian State, and if she complains about such treatment, where should the complaint be addressed if not to the State, that is the Government, which does not act in accordance with its pledges? On the other hand, one might well ask: 'If this principle is admitted, where will it lead?...'"The importance of the names connected with the Strousberg Syndicate was by no means the reason for the decided steps that were taken in Berlin. The action was rather due to consideration for the manythousands of smaller men, who had confidently invested in the Roumanian bonds; the high rate of interest, it is true, was the chief inducement, but nobody imagined that his money was invested in a dishonest business."I now come to the end of this long letter, in which I have spoken my mind so freely, but in which I hope you will only recognise a proof of my affectionate sincerity. I make no claim to be infallible, but I should like to impress upon you that the Teuton element to-day possesses the greatest vitality and the richest future, and that Roumania can only remain the master of her own future by a sensible union with it. Let society, the Press, and the general instinct of the nation be anti-German if they willâ€”they must not, if they intend to put their feelings into practice, throw down the gage to the Teuton spirit."

"I do not believe that the writer of the reports you forwarded to me can take an active share in politics, since he gives so free a rein to his dislike towards Bismarck and Radowitz.

"The German Empire to-day is a given factor, which the practical politician is forced to take into consideration. If you look back upon the scenes which took place nearly a year ago in Bucharest on the occasion of the Emperor's birthday, you cannot expect that Germany should meet the Roumanian population with much sympathy. Such incidents have a lasting and estranging influence. Moreover, the continual demonstration of the Roumanians in favour of France cannot but displease Germany, who has lost many thousands of her best sons in a war which was forced upon her against her will.

"I am no blind eulogist of Bismarck, but he is indispensable to Germany and Prussia, and aims solely at great ends and means.

"He steps courageously over every bound; just as he passed over us in the Spanish question, he has now proved the correctness of his views and his courage in the retirement of MÃ¼hler, and in insisting on the School Inspections Bill, which were both fundamentallyopposedto the King's wish and opinion. It is easy to understand that he must neglect you in striving for great political aims.

"It is notbecauseyou are a Hohenzollern, butin spiteof your being one, that no consideration could be paid to your name and race in the recent solution of the railway question.

"I am convinced that, now that Roumania has regained her international position with glory, the relations with the German Empire will take a more peaceful form. At all events, the advances lie on the shoulders of the smaller and weaker State: that is the ordinary course of events in politics.

"For that reason I dislike the following sentence in the report you sent me: 'Because certain capitalists are pleased to put their money into an industrial speculation, is it necessary that it should become a matter for the two Governments? If this principle is admitted, where will it lead?'

"The participation, therefore, in a loan guaranteed by the State is called an 'industrial speculation'! Germany, accordingly, is peaceably to allow her subjects to suffer loss through the Roumanian State, and if she complains about such treatment, where should the complaint be addressed if not to the State, that is the Government, which does not act in accordance with its pledges? On the other hand, one might well ask: 'If this principle is admitted, where will it lead?...'

"The importance of the names connected with the Strousberg Syndicate was by no means the reason for the decided steps that were taken in Berlin. The action was rather due to consideration for the manythousands of smaller men, who had confidently invested in the Roumanian bonds; the high rate of interest, it is true, was the chief inducement, but nobody imagined that his money was invested in a dishonest business.

"I now come to the end of this long letter, in which I have spoken my mind so freely, but in which I hope you will only recognise a proof of my affectionate sincerity. I make no claim to be infallible, but I should like to impress upon you that the Teuton element to-day possesses the greatest vitality and the richest future, and that Roumania can only remain the master of her own future by a sensible union with it. Let society, the Press, and the general instinct of the nation be anti-German if they willâ€”they must not, if they intend to put their feelings into practice, throw down the gage to the Teuton spirit."

Princess Elisabeth was forced to tear herself away from her husband and daughter on March 12, to seek health under the cloudless sky of Italy.

At Trieste the Princess of Hohenzollern was awaiting her arrival in order to accompany her to Rome, and, later on, to Naples, where the King and Queen of Denmark, and the Prince and Princess of Wales, with other Royal personages, were spending the Spring. The Prince of Wales discussed politics earnestly with Princess Elisabeth, and asked with which side Roumania would beranged in the event of a war. The Princess quickly replied: "With the strongest, of course!"

A very plain and straightforward letter was received from Prince Bismarck on April 25, 1872, in reply to an explanation which Prince Charles had sent him on the railway question.

"Your Highness can have no cause to doubt my devotion to your person. I am sincerely pleased that your Highness has reason to look towards the future with greater confidence and a more joyful assurance. My former respectful letters will have shown your Highness how highly I rate the difficulties of your position, and I hope that your present hopes will not be disappointed."In the railway crisis, which is now, we hope, so fortunately ended, the Government of his Majesty could adopt no other attitude than that of guarding the rights and interests of German subjects. The appeal to the suzerain power of the Porte, which your Highness complains of, was necessary on account of the position of these German interests and the principles of international law; and only the blindness of the parties in Roumania could see in it any damage to the autonomy of the country as established by the conventions."

"In the railway crisis, which is now, we hope, so fortunately ended, the Government of his Majesty could adopt no other attitude than that of guarding the rights and interests of German subjects. The appeal to the suzerain power of the Porte, which your Highness complains of, was necessary on account of the position of these German interests and the principles of international law; and only the blindness of the parties in Roumania could see in it any damage to the autonomy of the country as established by the conventions."

After alluding to the anti-German demonstrations in 1871 and the acquittal of the rioters of March 22, Bismarck continued:

"It is therefore a surprise to us to learn that, as your Highness remarks, the hope is cherished in Roumania that the autonomy may be extended by the mediation of Germany, and new rights acquired, and that by this means friendly relations may be re-established. I am afraid that public opinion in Germany will scarcely appreciate the reconquest of the favour of the Roumanian nation, since we may say to ourselves that we have neither desired nor brought about its loss. Your Highness knows how unconditionally you may reckon on the good will of H. M. the Emperor and King and of his Government, and that we all entertain the best wishes for the prosperity and welfare of your country; but at the same time your Highness has too clear an insight into the wants of your country not to recognise that the conditions of that prosperity and that welfare must be sought in the development of its internal politics, and in the faithful fulfilment of the obligations it has undertaken, and that the influence exerted in Europe by the German Empire may be of great use to the Roumanian nation, if the latter in any way responds to, or even acknowledges, the friendly feeling for Roumania which still exists here."

"My best thanks for the photographs; your child must have charming and interesting features:she reminds one of both the families to which her parents belong! The surroundings amused us, and we greatly admired Elisabeth in the national costume. In spite of photographs, however, I can hardly imagine my old friend Charles as a married man and father with a child on his arm! It is an indescribable happiness to be a father, and I can only too readily imagine how you spend every free hour in the society of your child, and that you found the little mite the only consolation for her mother's absence during your first separation....

"When I reflect on the course of events in Germany, since the DÃ¼ppel assault first attracted the attention of the world to us Prussians, it always seems to me as though I had listened with rapt attention to a long history lessonâ€”that I was called to witness the reality appears a marvel. May our people in future preserve the same becoming earnestness and humility which up to now they have not laid aside in spite of all their successes! So long as that feeling is not abandoned we show ourselves worthy of the deeds we have witnessed.

"You will remember that the thought of a reconstitution of the Empire as the finishing touch in the work of German unity has always occupied me, and been among my sincerest wishes; truly, my aim was directed at a peaceable and bloodless achievement of this fact, and perhapsthe same object might have been reached without a war. But these are idle questions which can no longer be considered: we have rather to look to a systematic and thorough completion of the Empire, the external form of which is perhaps attained, but many a year must pass before its southern component parts have quite found their place in the new building. The peoples, especially that portion which took active part in the war, are far more favourable to the new situation than the Cabinets; I shall therefore not be at all surprised if the next few years bring us some most disagreeable conflicts of aim. The peculiarities of each separate country forming the Empire will always be respected and interference with their internal affairs must be avoided; I therefore do not at all like the expression 'a uniform State.' But it is for that very reason that earnest pains must be taken that perfect unity may be shown in military, legal, and foreign-political fields, and that these elements may become more and more firmly welded together.

"To my joy our neighbour States do not appear to view our union with unfavourable eyes, and that is in itself a great dealâ€”we shall certainly not be loved by any of them. The revengeful feeling of France is only natural and explicable, though much water will flow between the banks of the Rhine before that feeling will issue in act....

"You would hardly recognise my childrenagain. William[16]is growing and is hard at work. Henry has become stronger than he was. Charlotte does not seem to grow at all, yet she is pretty, like her fair-haired sister. The youngest you do not know at allâ€”they are already very well-developed little atoms mentally."

Princess Elisabeth reached Genoa on her way home to Bucharest on April 30. She had left Naples only a few days before a terrible eruption of Vesuvius, accompanied with earthquakes, which caused the death of some two hundred persons. At Vienna the Princess was visited by the Emperor of Austria, Count Andrassy, and a number of her relations. Prince Charles met the Princess near Orschowa and was delighted to find her completely restored to health. Their entry into Bucharest was greeted in every way as heartily as on their return from Germany in 1869. The streets of the capital were so densely packed by a most enthusiastic multitude that the carriage could only proceed at a walk.

The following letter from the German Emperor was brought by M. Mavrogheni:

"My Dearest Cousin,â€”"I have to thank you for two letters, one for March 22 handed me by your father, and the other by the bearer of this letter. Let me firstthank you heartily for your loyal wishes on my birthday; since recent events took place that day has certainly gained more prominence than formerly, but it also reminds us to return thanks to Him who set us so unexpected a task, and who gave us strength to execute it. The feelings expressed to me on March 22 are in this respect of value and joy to me, since it is assuredly of God's mercy that one is selected to execute His will on earth on behalf of a nation and its army."Your last letter gave me an occasion only yesterday to speak with your Minister, as I am suffering from an injured knee and cannot dress myself well. We discussed the Strousberg affair, which appears to be favourably settled on the whole, but which has had a very susceptible and aggravating effect at times. The Jewish question was then discussed. It is a hard task to have to side with a race of men whose character I know only too well from the Russian Poles. Although in the most examples the guilt of the Jews, according to your own Government's showing, was not at all as heinous as it appeared at first, still the punishment was severe, and some show of mercy would certainly be advisable; on the other hand, it must be regretted that the repression of riots and Jew-baiting was not employed quickly or effectually enough. This, of course, again creates the impression abroad that the internal politics of Roumania are not yet stable, and youwill never eradicate this impression until you have created a well-organised and disciplined army, able to enforce obedience to the orders of the Government, not by strength of numbers, but by quality. I expressed this opinion years ago to you through Colonel Krenski, and I regret that you still do not grasp this pointâ€”i.e., that you still place more value on the quantity of your forces than in their quality."I realise the difficulty of your task, but it is absolutely necessary if Europe is to gain confidence in your Government through the prevalence of order and security in Roumania."I am indeed sorry that your wife's health made a separation necessary, but it was certainly high time to overcome the fever: nothing undermines the health more than lingering ill-health; I therefore hope the best from the Princess's change of air!"Farewell, and preserve a friendly memory of your very sincere Cousin,"WILLIAM."

"My Dearest Cousin,â€”

"I have to thank you for two letters, one for March 22 handed me by your father, and the other by the bearer of this letter. Let me firstthank you heartily for your loyal wishes on my birthday; since recent events took place that day has certainly gained more prominence than formerly, but it also reminds us to return thanks to Him who set us so unexpected a task, and who gave us strength to execute it. The feelings expressed to me on March 22 are in this respect of value and joy to me, since it is assuredly of God's mercy that one is selected to execute His will on earth on behalf of a nation and its army.

"Your last letter gave me an occasion only yesterday to speak with your Minister, as I am suffering from an injured knee and cannot dress myself well. We discussed the Strousberg affair, which appears to be favourably settled on the whole, but which has had a very susceptible and aggravating effect at times. The Jewish question was then discussed. It is a hard task to have to side with a race of men whose character I know only too well from the Russian Poles. Although in the most examples the guilt of the Jews, according to your own Government's showing, was not at all as heinous as it appeared at first, still the punishment was severe, and some show of mercy would certainly be advisable; on the other hand, it must be regretted that the repression of riots and Jew-baiting was not employed quickly or effectually enough. This, of course, again creates the impression abroad that the internal politics of Roumania are not yet stable, and youwill never eradicate this impression until you have created a well-organised and disciplined army, able to enforce obedience to the orders of the Government, not by strength of numbers, but by quality. I expressed this opinion years ago to you through Colonel Krenski, and I regret that you still do not grasp this pointâ€”i.e., that you still place more value on the quantity of your forces than in their quality.

"I realise the difficulty of your task, but it is absolutely necessary if Europe is to gain confidence in your Government through the prevalence of order and security in Roumania.

"I am indeed sorry that your wife's health made a separation necessary, but it was certainly high time to overcome the fever: nothing undermines the health more than lingering ill-health; I therefore hope the best from the Princess's change of air!

"Farewell, and preserve a friendly memory of your very sincere Cousin,

"WILLIAM."

The Roumanian Court moved to Sinaja on May 29, 1872, where the fresh mountain air completely restored the Prince and his family to robust health. The Prince wrote the following description of a great bear-hunt to his father:

"I went bear-hunting a week ago. Three hundred beaters with drums and trumpets, thesound of which re-echoed tenfold in the rocky valleys, and close on thirty hunters, who completed a circle of several miles, and secured our quarry. Two drives were arranged, each of which lasted from two and a half to three hours."After leaving Sinaja about five o'clock I climbed the first summit, Furnica, which I reached at seven. It was just here that a large she-bear had killed several sheep three days before, and devoured them at a short distance from the shepherds, who looked on trembling. I posted myself at this point behind a rock overlooking two deep ravines. The drive then began, accompanied by the penetrating cries of the beaters, who descended the slopes on all sides in an unbroken chain. Suddenly the sky clouded over and a terrible storm broke, so that you could not see ten paces before you. As nothing was to be seen after a wait of two hours we sought refuge in a hut; in a short space of time the weather cleared up, and the pretty Prachova valley lay at our feet bathed in the brightest sunshine."This change in the weather encouraged Elisabeth and her ladies to leave Pojani Zapului, whither she had driven that morning, and proceed to meet me with the luncheon. After I had sat three hours in the hut waiting for the bear, or rather the luncheon, the latter arrived about noon, and we sat down to it together on a greensward; the hunters and beaters, the Dorobanzi and theirhorses camped round about us. All the groups were indescribably picturesque; in the background the bare rock summits of the Kairaman, Omul, &c., appeared like veritable ghosts. At two o'clock we again descended to Pojana Zapului, a little village at the entrance of thevalea babei, the rendezvous of the bears. I separated from Elisabeth here, and climbed down into this haunted valley, where we came across a primeval wood. Again I found a position which overlooked two ravines. The greatest bear-hunter of the neighbourhood was close to me, and assured me that I should catch sight of some bears. I waited patiently for close on three hours behind a decayed tree; the cries of the beaters had long since died away, single shots were heard in the distance, a portion of the beaters had finished their task, and still nothing was to be seen. I laid my rifle aside discontentedly, but the huntsman whispered to me to have patience for another half-hour. I took up my rifle, and ten minutes had barely sped when I heard a loud rustling, stones rolled down the sides of the ravine, and two young bears crossed our field of sight, and one after the other descended the slope, breaking the rotten boughs with their broad paws. The distance was not great, and I could easily have put a bullet into one of them if boughs and tree-trunks had not impeded my aim. I therefore quitted my position, and climbed down a little way to get a free fieldof fire, but the huntsman had in the meantime reached the edge of the ravine and killed one of the bears with his first shot; the other would certainly not have escaped him if he had had a double-barrelled rifle. The great excitement now commenced, as the she-bear, which had already been fired on by the beaters higher up, was expected to arrive, but no one could say whether she had been wounded, or whether her cubs had preceded her. The circle of beaters and hunters now drew closer in, thematadorof the hunters placed himself close by my side, and drew my attention to the danger of an attack by so savage an animal. We waited half an hour for the decisive moment; unfortunately the she-bear did not turn up, and the hunters declared it probable that she had been wounded and had hidden herself in some rocky crevice, as otherwise we should certainly have had a shot at her."On the way home we witnessed another interesting scene. At least thirty large golden eagles had assembled round a carcase on the far side of a ravine, but the distance was far beyond our range. I fired at one which was hovering over my head, but only hit one of his feathers, which fluttered to the ground. The shot frightened the interesting inhabitants of the mountains from their meal, and they flew in all directions between the rocky spurs, where we were able to follow them with the naked eye for a long time."

"After leaving Sinaja about five o'clock I climbed the first summit, Furnica, which I reached at seven. It was just here that a large she-bear had killed several sheep three days before, and devoured them at a short distance from the shepherds, who looked on trembling. I posted myself at this point behind a rock overlooking two deep ravines. The drive then began, accompanied by the penetrating cries of the beaters, who descended the slopes on all sides in an unbroken chain. Suddenly the sky clouded over and a terrible storm broke, so that you could not see ten paces before you. As nothing was to be seen after a wait of two hours we sought refuge in a hut; in a short space of time the weather cleared up, and the pretty Prachova valley lay at our feet bathed in the brightest sunshine.

"This change in the weather encouraged Elisabeth and her ladies to leave Pojani Zapului, whither she had driven that morning, and proceed to meet me with the luncheon. After I had sat three hours in the hut waiting for the bear, or rather the luncheon, the latter arrived about noon, and we sat down to it together on a greensward; the hunters and beaters, the Dorobanzi and theirhorses camped round about us. All the groups were indescribably picturesque; in the background the bare rock summits of the Kairaman, Omul, &c., appeared like veritable ghosts. At two o'clock we again descended to Pojana Zapului, a little village at the entrance of thevalea babei, the rendezvous of the bears. I separated from Elisabeth here, and climbed down into this haunted valley, where we came across a primeval wood. Again I found a position which overlooked two ravines. The greatest bear-hunter of the neighbourhood was close to me, and assured me that I should catch sight of some bears. I waited patiently for close on three hours behind a decayed tree; the cries of the beaters had long since died away, single shots were heard in the distance, a portion of the beaters had finished their task, and still nothing was to be seen. I laid my rifle aside discontentedly, but the huntsman whispered to me to have patience for another half-hour. I took up my rifle, and ten minutes had barely sped when I heard a loud rustling, stones rolled down the sides of the ravine, and two young bears crossed our field of sight, and one after the other descended the slope, breaking the rotten boughs with their broad paws. The distance was not great, and I could easily have put a bullet into one of them if boughs and tree-trunks had not impeded my aim. I therefore quitted my position, and climbed down a little way to get a free fieldof fire, but the huntsman had in the meantime reached the edge of the ravine and killed one of the bears with his first shot; the other would certainly not have escaped him if he had had a double-barrelled rifle. The great excitement now commenced, as the she-bear, which had already been fired on by the beaters higher up, was expected to arrive, but no one could say whether she had been wounded, or whether her cubs had preceded her. The circle of beaters and hunters now drew closer in, thematadorof the hunters placed himself close by my side, and drew my attention to the danger of an attack by so savage an animal. We waited half an hour for the decisive moment; unfortunately the she-bear did not turn up, and the hunters declared it probable that she had been wounded and had hidden herself in some rocky crevice, as otherwise we should certainly have had a shot at her.

"On the way home we witnessed another interesting scene. At least thirty large golden eagles had assembled round a carcase on the far side of a ravine, but the distance was far beyond our range. I fired at one which was hovering over my head, but only hit one of his feathers, which fluttered to the ground. The shot frightened the interesting inhabitants of the mountains from their meal, and they flew in all directions between the rocky spurs, where we were able to follow them with the naked eye for a long time."

The same letter also contained a most interesting picture of the situation of Roumania, both at home and abroad.

"Since my last letter to you on April 30 many things have improved here, and every day shows more and more the advantages of a firm Government, which alone can secure progress and increase the prosperity of the country. The loyal and frank attitude of Catargiu's Ministry has practically crippled the intrigues of the parties, the more so since they have no burning question to exploit. The Opposition Press, it is true, is not ashamed to publish the grossest calumnies about the Government, or to prophesy that the fate of King Otto or the Emperor Maximilian will befall me unless I dismiss the Ministry soon! Fortunately their sallies are so violent that no one places any belief in their screed. As affairs stand at present only some external crisis can affect the resignation of the Cabinet; luckily it is in such favour with the Great Powers that even this anxiety disappears.... It is the immediate duty of my Government to maintain order at all costs, and to aim during the coming session at putting an end to the abuse of liberty, which only damages and discredits us in the eyes of foreign countries. As Roumania is the spoilt child of Europe and has been permitted to do so much, it knows nothing of reflection or fear. It is like anunbroken foal, which is imbued with liberty, and ignores every danger. Guizot says: 'There are times when nations are swayed by their desires beyond all else, and others where they act solely in accordance with their fears. According as the one or the other of these dispositions prevails, nations are intent on liberty or security for preference. It is the first degree in the art of government to distinguish between those sentiments.' To Roumania liberty is more than security: she only knows her own desires, and is fearless. I have not, therefore, been deceived hitherto about her sentiments, which in the eyes of the French statesman is the height of statescraft. For my part I consider that I have committed an error and that I should have achieved more if I had sometimes gone against the desires of the nation!"As a matter of fact, I have from the commencement devoted my whole energy to the development of the material welfare of these richly endowed countries. My groundwork was the execution of the net of roads and railways. This is the national-Roumanian policy which I have so far pursued, and which I shall continue in the future. Perhaps this is the very reason of the great wrath of those to whom the existence of Roumania is a thorn in the flesh. The enmity to which it is exposed by a paid Press is therefore well founded, for even a small country whichmakes material progress daily may in time become a factor with which perhaps the world may be forced to reckon. I have observed two currents in the policy of Austria-Hungary regarding us: the official circles appear at present to favour the stability and peaceful development of Roumania, whilst othersâ€”I know not how to define them: clerical, financial, Jewishâ€”show their animosity by an incessant paper-warfare against the country. The Austrian and Hungarian papers compete with each other in this rivalry. What lasts too long ends by becoming tedious, and one may hope that the world will some day have had enough of this tangled web of printed lies. It may also be that much of this arrogance is based on Stock Exchange speculations. The Jewishhaute financehas declared that it will not embark upon any business with "Jew-devouring" Roumania, and will oppose with all its might any of the country's aims. In the meantime we have concluded a tobacco monopoly with a great Hungarian Jewish house, and obtained an unexpected bid of 8,000,000 francs a year, a brilliant piece of business for both parties."

"As a matter of fact, I have from the commencement devoted my whole energy to the development of the material welfare of these richly endowed countries. My groundwork was the execution of the net of roads and railways. This is the national-Roumanian policy which I have so far pursued, and which I shall continue in the future. Perhaps this is the very reason of the great wrath of those to whom the existence of Roumania is a thorn in the flesh. The enmity to which it is exposed by a paid Press is therefore well founded, for even a small country whichmakes material progress daily may in time become a factor with which perhaps the world may be forced to reckon. I have observed two currents in the policy of Austria-Hungary regarding us: the official circles appear at present to favour the stability and peaceful development of Roumania, whilst othersâ€”I know not how to define them: clerical, financial, Jewishâ€”show their animosity by an incessant paper-warfare against the country. The Austrian and Hungarian papers compete with each other in this rivalry. What lasts too long ends by becoming tedious, and one may hope that the world will some day have had enough of this tangled web of printed lies. It may also be that much of this arrogance is based on Stock Exchange speculations. The Jewishhaute financehas declared that it will not embark upon any business with "Jew-devouring" Roumania, and will oppose with all its might any of the country's aims. In the meantime we have concluded a tobacco monopoly with a great Hungarian Jewish house, and obtained an unexpected bid of 8,000,000 francs a year, a brilliant piece of business for both parties."

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