"The Austrian representative inquires what we shall do in the event of Russian troops occupying the country; the Russian sounds us to find out whether we repose any confidence in Austria-Hungary; but both adjure us not to act hastily. They desire peace, because they grudge each other the solution of the Eastern Question, and because neither is prepared for war. It cannot be denied that we are suffering from this indecision, and are exposed to every possible danger. So much is certain, that Russia is concentrating troops on the Moldavian frontier, and that General Ignatieff declared to the Turkish Ministers in the presence of my representative, Prince Jean Ghika, that his Government would seize the Danube Principalities as a pledge as soon as the Turks occupied Servia and Montenegro! It is, of course notorious that you cannot weigh every word of the Russian Ambassador in Constantinople in a goldsmith's scales; yet we must not ignore these heedless comments.... We are resolved to repel with armed force any occupation, no matter from which side it comes. We naturally cannot hold out against a GreatPower, yet we shall be able to preserve our standing point without, as formerly, meeting the army of occupation as our saviours....
"Matters are not progressing favourably in Servia. The population of that portion of the East has fixed its eyes on Montenegro, which enjoys great authority amongst the Slavs, and great respect from the Turks. Prince Nicholas, with whom I am on the best terms, is treated with especial consideration and leniency by Russia and Austria, a thing which unfortunately cannot be said of the young Milan."
On April 6, 1876, Prince Milan sent his uncle, M. Catargiu, to inform Prince Charles that he had decided on war with Turkey, and hoped that Roumania would not remain content with therôleof a passive spectator, as it was to the interest of both countries to free themselves from the Turkish suzerainty. Prince Charles, however, did not abandon the strict reserve with which he had hitherto received similar communications.
The startling news of a deficit of 30,000,000 francs, at a time when the political situation rendered an increased expenditure on the army essential, led on April 11, 1876, to the fall of the Catargiu Ministry, which for five eventful and, on the whole, prosperous years had assisted Prince Charles in the consolidation of the Principalities. General Floresku was entrusted withthe formation of the new Cabinet, which, as it included two other generals, was promptly dubbed the "Cabinet of Generals" by the Opposition Press. Strange to say, the life of thisquasi-military government depended on the votes of the eight bishops, as the supporters of the Government disposed of thirty-seven, and the Opposition thirty-four votes in the Senate.
"The greatest excitement prevails here, and there are rumours of conspiracies and revolutions, which do not, however, daunt me. I go straight ahead and do my duty. My chief anxieties are the condition of our finances and the serious situation in the East.... Servia is in a state of great agitation, and is driving with all sails set towards war. I warned Prince Milan not to expose his throne and country to danger by a hasty step; but he declared that he could no longer master the current, and had to choose between a war and a revolution! Quite recently I called upon him to delay taking action, and informed him that he must not reckon on Roumania, which would observe the strictest neutrality. He received this exhortation in a very bad humour."
Yet another step towards the coming war was the outbreak of a revolution in Bulgaria, where apetition had been circulating for several weeks to induce the Sultan to convert that Vilayet into a constitutional kingdom. Amanifestowas issued by the secret National Government of Bulgaria in Bucharest, calling all Bulgarians to arms, as the hour of their liberation had arrived. Thismanifestowas published broadcast throughout the Bulgarian Vilayet, and met with enthusiastic response everywhere.
In the meantime, the "Cabinet of Generals" was forced to resign owing to its inherent weakness, and a "Ministry of Conciliation," as Prince Charles termed it, was formed by M. Jepureanu on May 8, 1876.
Prince Charles welcomed the two Vice-Presidents of the Senate, Prince Jon Ghika and Demeter Sturdza, whom he had not seen for more than five years, with a few friendly words on the presentation of an address from the Senate on May 14. A few days later the Prince expressed his regret to M. Sturdza that he, whom he had always trusted, should have adopted during the past five years an anti-dynastic policy in personal opposition to the Sovereign. The Roumanian statesman replied that the only excuse he could offer was that he had misunderstood the Prince's motives, and thought that he had allowed himself to be induced by the views ofoneparty to measures which would be of no benefit to the country.
"Ever since your last letter reached my hands the rapt attention of Europe has been fixed on Stamboul and the seething Turkish provinces. This state of affairs reminds me of the time before 1864, when every conversation about the solution of the Schleswig-Holstein Question ended thus: 'Let us wish the Danish King long life, that the conflict may be delayed as long as possible.' But Frederick VII. died suddenly, and misfortune was at the doors. The situation to-day is the more favourable in that none of the Great Powers have any longing to fight, because, God knows, enough blood has been shed these last few years. So far as we Germans are concerned, the Eastern Question possesses no immediate interest for us: our only care is the protection of our countrymen, on whose account our iron-clad squadron is now manœuvring."
A revolution in the palace at Constantinople resulted in the deposition of Abdul Aziz in favour of Murad V. on May 30, 1876; but, though the accession of the new Sovereign brought with it plenty of promises of reform, the situation remained as threatening as before. Almost every day fresh reports of unheard-of cruelties and massacres were received from Bulgaria, wherebashi-bazoukswere suppressing the insurrection with barbarous severity.
The attitude of England now engrossed the attention of Prince Charles, as the following extracts will show:
"The most noteworthy incident of the present day is the energetic awakening of England, which has suddenly assumed, so to speak, a position 'on guard,' and, relinquishing its passive attitude, is commencing an aggressive policy against Russia. Should this positive attitude of England secure the peace of the world, she will deserve the highest appreciation; but whether the future position of Roumania will be bettered by it is quite another question! The disclosure of the Russian aims, contained in Ignatieff's proposals (if, indeed, they are the least true), is very curious, and the gain to Roumania by its elevation to a kingdom is very problematical. The connection with the Porte is by no means as heavy a burden as the supremacy of Russia!"
"The situation in Constantinople remains unaltered by the change of rulers or the assassination[19]of the Ministers. The system of corruption is so deeply rooted in every branch of the Turkish administration that no Governmentwill ever succeed in exterminating it. The proposed reforms are and will remain empty promises, which gain no credit either with Mohammedans or Christians. The insurrections will, therefore, even in the most favourable circumstances, continue to exist until the Ottoman Empire is shaken to its foundations, if it is not overthrown entirely. Smaller States will then arise, which will possess a more or less protracted vitality.
"England has at last gauged the situation correctly: Lord Derby's declaration in the Upper House, maintaining that the Treaty of Paris only guarantees the integrity of Turkey from attacks from abroad, but that none of the signatory Powers can intervene between the Porte and the Tributary States, is most significant. If all the Great Powers were to adopt this—the only correct point of view—the Oriental conflict would be localised, and we should thus avoid serious complications. The vassal States and the various Provinces must be allowed to break their horns. If they succeed in emerging victorious from the struggle with their suzerain,tant mieux! If not, they do not deserve to be independent countries.
"The Servians will not wait for the 'green-table' decisions of diplomacy: they will decide their fate themselves. Bulgaria is in a state of great agitation; revolutionary committees have been formed everywhere to incite the populace to throw off the Turkish yoke. We are saddledwith the thankless task of impeding the communications of the committees here with those in Bulgaria, and with preventing the invasion of Turkey by armed bands. We had repeatedly to act with energy, and arrest the leaders with their troops; they were, of course, liberated in a couple of days, but their weapons were seized.
"... Servia is ready for war, and inquiring what will be the attitude of Roumania in the event of Turkish warships steaming up the Danube? The Servians, moreover, are not on the best of terms with Roumania owing to our strictly neutral attitude. Germany, on the other hand, is convinced that the Turks, in spite of the condition of their finances, are still capable of considerable military efforts, and will annihilate the Servians in a war; and she has, through the medium of her agent, congratulated the Roumanian Government on its attitude...."
The insurgents in Herzegowina proclaimed the Prince of Montenegro as their ruler, whilst the Bosnians placed themselves under Prince Milan, who now forwarded aquasi-ultimatumto the Porte, demanding the incorporation of Bosnia in the Principality of Servia under the suzerainty of Turkey. Roumania seized the opportunity of reminding the Sublime Porte of certain disputes which still remained unsettled, in spite of the loyalty shown by the Prince's Government to theconventions. The following seven points were then submitted to the Porte:
(1) The recognition of Roumania's individuality as a State.
(2) The addition of the Roumanian Agent to the Diplomatic Corps in Constantinople.
(3) The regulation of the position of Roumanians in Turkey, and the recognition of Roumanian consular jurisdiction over them.
(4) The recognition of the inviolability of Roumanian territory.
(5) The conclusion of extradition, commercial, and postal conventions between Turkey and Roumania.
(6) The recognition of Roumanian passports.
(7) The definition of the Roumanian frontier at the Delta of the Danube.
Servia declared war on June 30, 1876, followed a couple of days later by Montenegro. The Servian forces amounted to 56,000 men, concentrated on the line Alexinatz and Deligrad, whilst Prince Nicholas mustered 24,000 men, in addition to 4000 insurgents from Herzegowina. The Turkish force consisted of 97,000 men, divided into four columns, under Suleiman, Mehemed, Achmed and Osman Pachas, the commander-in-chief being Abdul Kerim. The fortune of war did not favour the Servian insurgents under the Russian General Tschernaiew, who were beaten near Babinaglawa on July 9, and eventually forced to fall backbehind the Servian frontier. The Montenegrin troops, however, defeated Selim Pacha on the 16th and 17th July, and compelled Moukhtar Pacha to retire on Trebinje on the 29th. The course of the war showed that the Servians had completely over-estimated both their military spirit and their material resources for war, and they were only saved from annihilation by the intervention of the Powers on their behalf in obtaining an armistice for fourteen days, from September 16 to October 1.
In Roumania, in the meantime, a most inopportune attack was made on the late Conservative Government by the Radicals, who demanded a full inquiry into the causes of the deficit, and the prosecution of twelve former Ministers for the three following offences:
(1) Violation of the Constitution and public liberty.
(2) Extravagance in the expenditure of public money.
(3) Abuse of power when in office.
The debates in the Chambers proved conclusively that the Ministry was no longer able to stem the tide of party passion; and on M. Jepureanu handing in the resignation of the Cabinet on August 4, 1876, M. Bratianu was entrusted with the formation of the new Liberal Cabinet.
The reports of theDaily Newsabout the "Bulgarian Horrors," confirmed by Mr. Baring's report, caused a complete revolution in the Turkophilesympathies of Great Britain. Mr. Baring stated that fifty-four Bulgarian villages had been burnt down, and about 10,000 people massacred; no less than 2500 corpses were counted in Batak alone. The English Secretary, however, pointed out that the Bulgarians had also committed intolerable outrages on the Mohammedan population, and took considerable pains to expose Russian intrigues in the Vilayet.
Yet another change of rulers took place in Constantinople on August 31, 1876, when Abdul Hamid succeeded his brother, who was no longer responsible for his actions. The new potentate wisely adopted many economies, and endeavoured successfully to gain popularity with the army.
The situation, however, became more and more serious, and a suggestion was received from St. Petersburg that the Roumanian Government should be sounded as to its attitude towards a Russo-Turkish war. An evasive answer was sent, to the effect that, whilst Roumania hoped for the continuance of peace, her sympathies were with the Bulgarians and all Christians who suffered under the Turkish rule; the Principalities would always value the friendship of Russia.
M. Cantacuzino, the Roumanian Agent in Russia, reported that influential circles in Russia were antagonistic to Roumania, because she had not taken up a decided attitude towards the present struggle. The whole of Russia, with the exceptionof the Czar himself, was intent on war. Prince Charles decided at once to send Bratianu and Col. Slaniceanu (Minister of War) to Livadia, where the Czar, the Czarewitch, Prince Gortchakoff, and the Minister of War, Miliutin, had assembled. On arrival at Livadia, M. Bratianu was immediately pounced upon by Count Ignatieff to explain to him the absolute necessity of an agreement regulating the passage of the Russian army through Roumania.
Prince Gortschakow also referred to this question, and suggested a non-political military convention between the two countries. Bratianu replied that no difficulties would ensue if the war met with the approval of the guaranteeing Powers, but that this consent must be clearly and definitely expressed. The Russian Chancellor met this opposition with the threat of treating Moldavia and Wallachia as integral parts of the Ottoman Empire, and therefore liable to invasion without further parley. Bratianu, by no means disconcerted, represented that Russia could hardly commence the liberation of the Turkish Christians by defeating a Christian army, and declared that the Roumanian forces would oppose the passage of the Prut by an invading force.
On parting, Prince Gortchakoff remarked: "We shall soon come to terms if war ensues; and Roumania can only gain by it!" To this Bratianu replied that a complete understanding would be in the interests ofbothStates; and that hewould willingly enter upon negotiations to that effect.
The opinions of the Roumanian Ministers were divided on this point; Bratianu considered an understanding with Russia to be the best policy, D. Sturdza advocated the strictest neutrality, whilst Jonesku, the Foreign Minister, urged close adherence to Great Britain.
"I heard to-day of the mobilisation of the Roumanian army and its concentration in Northern Moldavia! What is to be understood by that? Is the march of the Russians through the country to be opposed; or will Roumania side with Russia? All this is not clear to me! The pusillanimous policy of England has completely entangled the whole Turkish-Christian Question. Austria-Hungary is crippled by its dualism, the German Empire is shrouded in aristocratic silence, and only Russia perseveres with an iron persistence in her far-reaching aims."
In reply to anultimatumpresented by General Ignatieff, the Sublime Porte conceded an armistice of two months, commencing on November 1, to apply to the Servian and Montenegrin forces alike. Prince Milan's troops, under the command of Tschernaiew, had suffered defeat after defeat at the hands of the Turkish troops,and were again saved from annihilation only by the direct intervention of Russia.
"... I received the following from Prince Bismarck: 'The situation of the Prince is serious, although I am not convinced that Russia will proceed to war, if nobody endeavours to restrain her from doing so.
"'In the event of war, I do not think Prince Charles ought to resist the Russian proposals too seriously, nor throw himself into their arms. It would be best if he shielded himself behind his duty towards the Porte, and then yielded to force, which will probably be applied from the North long before Turkey assumes the offensive.
"'He must not allow himself to be led away by ambition, but must adhere to the treaties: his resources are not sufficient in the face of two such armies to secure him the respect of the victor, if he employs his forces. So long as he adheres to the treaties, he can always appeal to Europe. That will always be a claim, though not perhaps an indisputable one; still it will carry great weight should the Russian campaign prove unfortunate eventually. I offer my opinion here as if I were a Roumanian, and not a German Minister, solely on account of my personal interest for his Highness!'"
Six Russian Army Corps were mobilised andplaced under the command of the Grand Duke Nicholas, as the Army of the South, on November 14, 1876. A circular note to the Powers assigned as the reason for this step the futility of all diplomatic efforts to protect the Christians of Turkey from the attacks of the Mohammedans. The Czar, though desirous of peace, had therefore mobilised a portion of his army, in order to obtain guarantees for the execution of the principles proposed by Europe.
M. de Nelidow arrived at Bucharest from Constantinople on November 28, to negotiate with the Roumanian Government about the passage of the Russian army, and the possible part which Roumania was to play in the war with Turkey. The presence of the Russian agent was naturally kept absolutely secret. Curiously enough, a Turkish agent, Ali Bey, arrived on the same day to arrange a combination with Roumania against Russia. Prince Charles declined to meet either of these messengers, and instructed his Ministers to adopt a reserved attitude, and to refer both to the Treaty of Paris.
Dem. Bratianu was sent to Constantinople in November to put the Roumanian demands before the Conference which had assembled there, and to endeavour to arrange a peaceful settlement. The Roumanian demands were: the recognition of their neutrality; the regulation of their attitude in the event of a war between Turkey and one ofthe Guaranteeing Powers; and the cession to Roumania of a part of the Delta of the Danube.
The efforts of the Conference to avoid the war came to a definite end on January 19, 1877, when the Turkish Government declined every proposal of the Conference as being opposed to the "integrity, independence, and dignity of the Empire."
"The hour of danger is approaching, and Roumania will shortly be the scene of great political and military events, which Europe will follow not without agitation. In any case our position will be difficult, as we shall be drawn into the complication whether we wish it or no. Politicians here are much more anxious about the result of a Russo-Turkish conflict and the future of Roumania than I am, as I have marked out my path from the beginning:[20]to conclude a military convention with Russia, and, if necessary, to fight with Russia against the Turks. It is true that opinion here is much divided on this subject, and that every effort is being madeto separate us from Russia. There are Powers that demand that we should protest against the entry of the Russians, and that we should retire our army to Little Wallachia!You can imagine how I received sucha suggestion! Andrassy, with whom I am on friendly terms, is acquainted with my views on this subject, and is not much edified by them. The conflict with the Porte which the Constitution has forced upon us was very welcome to me; Midhat is endeavouring to allay it by every means; but since we demand more to-day than he has the courage to give us, it is still an open question. The Turks are concentrating considerable forces in Bulgaria, and are arming the Danubian fortresses, which are in a miserable condition, with feverish haste; the heavy guns are being brought up from the arsenal at Constantinople and mounted in the forts, with much expenditure of trouble, labour and money. All sorts of rumours are spread abroad about the unsatisfactory condition of the Russian army, but my information shows that it is ready for action, and certainly equal to its opponent.... It is much to be regretted that Servia can take no part in the war; it is only with the greatest exertion that a corps of 15,000 men can be assembled, and they would assuredly show no enthusiasm."
"On looking back over recent events the conviction is borne in upon me that the fear which the Russian Colossus inspires in Europe, coupled with the natural differences in the interests of the Powers, have been the causes of the pitifulend of the Congresses which started with such a flourish of trumpets. Had Europe been united and less timorous, it might have intervened and begun those Conferences at the time of the Servian War, instead of a whole year later. Turkey could hardly have resisted if a pressure of all the Powers had been applied at that time even without Russia, and she would have conceded more than she can now afford to do after her unquestionable successes in the Servian War and the complete change in her interior economy. So much is certain after a long and anxious period that the Conferences have resulted in a fiasco, and that this fiasco has materially raised and strengthened themoraleand authority of the Porte.... Roumania will be most deeply affected by such a war, as the Russian base of operations can only be Roumania; there is no other at her disposal. Resistance to Russia is out of the question; you must therefore endeavour to reap the greatest possible benefits from this impossibility. The material advantages develop spontaneously, for the acquisition of money and the increased value of all country produce will assume enormous dimensions; the political benefits are, however, more difficult to formulate. The permission to march through Roumanian territory, and the establishment there of all that an army on an active footing requires, is already half a declaration of warfrom Roumania to Turkey. The latter, however, must recognise that Roumania cannot prevent the entry of two or three hundred thousand Russians; the only question that remains is whether Roumania will co-operate with the advance of the Russian army and cross the Danube. I should consider this most unwise, for in doing so Roumania will place herself between two stools. If the Turks preserve their proverbial powers of resistance, and so protract the war to an indefinite and costly length, we have no guarantee that the Russians would not conclude peace with the Turks in one way or another and abandon Roumania, who would then be overwhelmed by Turkish malevolence.
"It is more than probable that both sides will soon become exhausted in a localised war; the only question is, which of the two will give in first. Russia's eyes will always be fixed on her own interests, never on those of Roumania; and, since there is no such thing as gratitude in politics, I recommend you to exercise the utmost caution.
"Europe will not interest itself in a defeated and fallen Roumania—it will only have regard for a free country which is not tied down by treaties. Prudence and moderation are therefore necessary at so critical a period, which will either prove to be a wholesome era of transition for your country, or will bear the seeds of its annihilation."
The efforts of the Russian diplomats in Constantinople now appeared to be confined to delaying the advance of the Russian army until a more favourable season of the year should have arrived. Prince Charles Anthony thus sketched the possible results of the coming war in a letter to his son dated March 1, 1877:
"Russia will hardly gain great triumphs—a few military successes may be achieved, but certainly none of any political importance. The army and the Slav element must content themselves with a small modicum of glory, whilst the Czar Alexander may think himself lucky in returning to peaceful and normal circumstances, and in having mastered a movement which is of the greatest danger to Russia. The only tangible result of the whole Russian initiative will, perhaps, be that the suzerainty of the Porte over Roumania is transferred to Russia."Roumania would thereby be supported by a stronger and more stable Power, with, perhaps, more freedom at home and abroad, but would certainly not achieve her longed-for recognition as an independent and equal State."The forms of the suzerainty would perhaps be more equable and more pleasant, but the dependence, though tolerable, would always be felt."This would merely be an exchange ofrôles. Europe would then admire Russia's moderation,and would doubtless concede every demand made along the lines I have suggested. The sacrifice of Roumania would thus be a message of peace, on which would hinge the return to the universalentente."
"Russia will hardly gain great triumphs—a few military successes may be achieved, but certainly none of any political importance. The army and the Slav element must content themselves with a small modicum of glory, whilst the Czar Alexander may think himself lucky in returning to peaceful and normal circumstances, and in having mastered a movement which is of the greatest danger to Russia. The only tangible result of the whole Russian initiative will, perhaps, be that the suzerainty of the Porte over Roumania is transferred to Russia.
"Roumania would thereby be supported by a stronger and more stable Power, with, perhaps, more freedom at home and abroad, but would certainly not achieve her longed-for recognition as an independent and equal State.
"The forms of the suzerainty would perhaps be more equable and more pleasant, but the dependence, though tolerable, would always be felt.
"This would merely be an exchange ofrôles. Europe would then admire Russia's moderation,and would doubtless concede every demand made along the lines I have suggested. The sacrifice of Roumania would thus be a message of peace, on which would hinge the return to the universalentente."
A final attempt to settle the Eastern Question by means of the London Protocol met with as little success as the efforts of the Conference; and the Russo-Roumanian Convention was signed on April 16, 1877, by Baron Stuart on behalf of the Czar, and M. Cogalniceanu on behalf of Prince Charles. The following were the chief articles of the Convention:
(1) The Russian army to be granted a free passage through Roumania, the Russian Government paying all expenses connected therewith.
(2) The Government of the Czar pledges itself to maintain and protect the actual integrity and political rights of Roumania.
(3) The special regulations as to the march of the Russian troops to form the subject of a special treaty.
(4) The Roumanian Government to obtain the ratification required by the Constitution, and to proceed at once to the execution of the stipulations of the treaty.
The Turkish reinforcements of the forces at Rustchuk and Schumla caused the greatest excitement in Bucharest, indeed in the whole ofRoumania. Public opinion, influenced perhaps by the recent failure of the Servian army in the field, declined to place any confidence in the military efficiency of the Roumanian troops. The incessant and exaggerated rumours of Turkish raids and passages of the Danube created something like a panic in the capital, and several over-anxious inhabitants quitted the country rather than run the risk of experiencing the horrors of a Turkish invasion. Prince Charles, however, had every trust and confidence in the ability of his army to prevent the Turks from crossing the Danube.
By no means the least of the Prince's tasks was the reorganisation and training of the Roumanian army, which at the time of his accession was in the most deplorable condition. Moulded on the pattern of the French army of 1859, and trained by a Frenchmission militaire, it reproduced many of the defects of the army, which failed so utterly in 1870, and yet missed those qualities which saved the Imperial army of France from dishonour in the field. The young Prince was fully aware of the potent influence for good that a well-disciplined army exerts upon the welfare of a nation, and determined from the first to employ the highest moral and material resources of his country to establish an army which, if not formidable in numbers, should at least be worthy of respect in point of quality. His nine years' service in the Prussian artillery and cavalry had given him a thorough knowledge of the minutiæ of military routine and discipline, whilst his active service on the staffof the Crown Prince in 1864, and his familiar intercourse with the leaders of the Prussian army had helped to train him in the art of command. Prince Charles realised that a weak State like Roumania, surrounded by its powerful neighbours, Russia, Austria, and Turkey, must place its army, on a thoroughly satisfactory footing, unless it were content to play the unsatisfactory part of being forced to side, possibly against its will, with whatever State was first to mobilise its forces, whilst its very weakness might be the cause of a war. The safety and welfare of Roumania, he was firmly convinced, rested on a sound military constitution, by means of which its independence would some day be achieved on the field of battle. No pains, therefore, and no exertions were too great to devote to the training of his troops, who soon learnt to look up to him as their example in all that a soldier should be. His absolute impartiality and justice, his care for their well-being, and his knowledge of every detail of warfare, made him as popular with his officers as with his men.
From the outset Prince Charles endeavoured to mould the spirit of his officers on that to which he had been accustomed in Prussia. Shortly after his accession, he received a round robin from the officers of the army, desiring that those officers who had taken part in the Revolution of February 23, 1866, should be dismissed from thearmy. Prince Charles received the deputation in the Palace and addressed them as follows:
"I have accepted your address, first, because I respect the feeling which has dictated this step; and secondly, that I might have an occasion of informing you of my views upon military honour and the duties of a soldier."An address is apt to assume the appearance of moral pressure, such as no soldier can be permitted to exercise over the supreme head of the army."The soldier's oath demands absolute obedience. Neither the acts of the head of the army, nor the motives which lead to them, admit of criticism; politics must have no influence on the soldier, whose sole duty it is to defend with his last breath his Sovereign and his country against every enemy."I am fully convinced that you share my views, and recognise that your action is from every military standpoint inadmissible. It is on that account that I desire you to trust to my military judgment, and to leave to me to act in all that concerns the army according to my own conviction and sense of duty."At the same time, I repeat, I appreciate the honourable feeling on which this address is based; but I also again urge that I demand at all times devotion and unreserved obedience from each one of you."I have been and am still a soldier by inclination; and it is for that reason, as well as on account of the importance to the country of a well-disciplined army, that one of my most cherished aims will be to secure for it the position to which it has every right to aspire. I shall endeavour to become well acquainted with the army and its leaders, that I may be able to decide according to merit and justice, by utterly rejecting all party or personal interest."Reckon confidently on this promise, and remember that I have come to create a future, and not to rely upon the precedents of a past which I ignore, and of which I would even prefer to remain ignorant."
"I have accepted your address, first, because I respect the feeling which has dictated this step; and secondly, that I might have an occasion of informing you of my views upon military honour and the duties of a soldier.
"An address is apt to assume the appearance of moral pressure, such as no soldier can be permitted to exercise over the supreme head of the army.
"The soldier's oath demands absolute obedience. Neither the acts of the head of the army, nor the motives which lead to them, admit of criticism; politics must have no influence on the soldier, whose sole duty it is to defend with his last breath his Sovereign and his country against every enemy.
"I am fully convinced that you share my views, and recognise that your action is from every military standpoint inadmissible. It is on that account that I desire you to trust to my military judgment, and to leave to me to act in all that concerns the army according to my own conviction and sense of duty.
"At the same time, I repeat, I appreciate the honourable feeling on which this address is based; but I also again urge that I demand at all times devotion and unreserved obedience from each one of you.
"I have been and am still a soldier by inclination; and it is for that reason, as well as on account of the importance to the country of a well-disciplined army, that one of my most cherished aims will be to secure for it the position to which it has every right to aspire. I shall endeavour to become well acquainted with the army and its leaders, that I may be able to decide according to merit and justice, by utterly rejecting all party or personal interest.
"Reckon confidently on this promise, and remember that I have come to create a future, and not to rely upon the precedents of a past which I ignore, and of which I would even prefer to remain ignorant."
The spirit of insubordination was even more rife amongst the National Guard, as the following incident will show. Prince Charles ordered the National Guard of Bucharest to assemble at the parade-ground of Cotroceni on July 2, 1866. The President of the Ministry reported to the Prince the day before that the National Guard would refuse to muster as ordered, as a rumour had gained currency that they were to be disarmed on account of their party tendencies. They intended, therefore, to parade before the Chamber, and invoke the protection of the Deputies against such a step. The Prince, however, refused to change his order, and insisted upon its execution. Onarriving at Cotroceni the following day, he found that only a couple of hundred men had assembled there. An aide-de-camp was at once despatched to Bucharest to enforce the order, whilst Prince Charles set himself at the head of those present and marched with bands playing into the capital. Companies then appeared from all sides, until some three thousand men were collected on the Theatre Square. The Guard then marched past and cheered their Sovereign again and again, though their behaviour had given him every reason to consider them an element of danger rather than of safety to the State.
The projected army reforms were hampered at every turn by the want of money; on one occasion the Prince was even obliged to advance money out of his private purse for the purchase of two batteries of rifled guns from Krupp's factory.
The strength of the army, which the Sublime Porte had limited to 30,000 men, was to be organised into a standing force of 20,000 with a reserve of 10,000 men; whilst a Militia of 30,000 and a Landsturm of 50,000 were to be instituted. Every Roumanian who was fit for service was liable to serve from the ages of twenty to forty in one or the other category. Though the total number of men available thus amounted to over 100,000, the great bulk remained untrained, and of very little value for service in the field. The frequent reviews and inspections which PrinceCharles initiated proved that the troops lacked cohesion, and their officers the ability to lead their men in accordance with the principles of modern warfare.
The first attempt at practical and systematic manœuvres for the Roumanian troops took place near Cotroceni on October 14 and 15, 1867, when the garrison of Bucharest, consisting of five battalions, three batteries of four guns each, and one regiment of cavalry, practised the three phases of an engagement. The operations were directed by the Prince in person, who also bivouacked with his troops after a march of about twenty-two miles. The march back to Bucharest the following day gave an opportunity for skirmishing and manœuvring. Before entering the town Prince Charles assembled the superior officers, and pointed out the great want of training displayed, and how much remained to be done before the army could be fit to take the field; he did not, however, forget to mention that the officers had hitherto had but little opportunity to practise themselves in leading their men, and none at all in handling a force of the three arms at manœuvres.
On the occasion of these first manœuvres a number of officers received special promotion, but considerable excitement was caused by this step, as two of them were not on the best of terms with the Ministry. The Minister of War also complained that his opinion was not asked before thepromotions took place. Prince Charles, however, exercised the right of promotion intentionally in order to make good several cases of injustice which had arisen from party feeling. The effect of this independent action on the army was excellent, as it was clearly seen that from henceforth the army would not be affected by the influence of the political party of the day.
The rifle selected by Prince Charles for the rearmament of his infantry was the celebrated needle-gun of Prussia, 5000 of which were to be delivered in March 1868, to be followed by another 15,000 during the course of the year. The ready aid offered by King William to Prince Charles was promptly recognised by the Roumanians: "The Prussians have sent us their best, whilst the French send us what they have cast off."
Even in the matter of uniform the Prince insisted rather on utility than show. The heavy gold lace of the officers was abolished; the infantry received blue tunics (the artillery brown tunics), grey trousers, and greatcoats; the cavalry were clothed as Hussars instead of as Lancers.
The degrading corporal punishment of the bastinado was abolished by a letter from Prince Charles to the Minister of War, dated May 21, 1868, and published in the officialMoniteur. Prince Charles retorted to the increasing interference of the foreign Powers in Roumanian affairs with a redoubled zeal for the improvement of hisarmy, and hoped to raise the feeling of military honour among his troops by abolishing so barbarous a punishment.
Another organisation for the army was passed by the Chamber on June 13, 1868, according to which the following five classes were to be created for the defence of the country:
(1) The Standing Army and its Reserve.
(2) The Active Militia (Dorobanz and Frontier Battalions).
(3) The Sedentary Militia.
(4) The Citizen Guard, and
(5) The Landsturm.
Service in the first category was to consist of three years with the colours and four in the reserve; only a third of the second category was to serve with the colours whilst the remainder were allowed furloughs; the third class only were called upon during a war; the fourth was of no military importance, as it was formed from the census classes, and permitted to elect its own officers; while the fifth comprised the whole male population from the age of seventeen to fifty not included in the former categories. This important increase in the armed strength of the nation was achieved at the trifling cost of £192,000, the total vote for the army amounting to £320,000.
The 8th Infantry Regiment was raised on August 18, 1868, when the existing Line Regiments received their 3rd battalions, and no lessthan thirty-three Militia battalions were also to be organised. One hundred and fifty non-commissioned officers were promoted to fill the vacancies caused by this increase to the army.
A tradition had arisen in Roumania that the Minister of War was ex-officio Commander-in-Chief of the army, and this led to the political fluctuations and struggles being transplanted to the army itself. Prince Charles, therefore, appointed a civilian, Bratianu, Minister of War, to show that the Command in Chief was vested in the person of the Sovereign, thereby enabling the army to devote itself to its work of preparation for war without becoming involved in the politics of the day.
Lieut.-Colonel von Krenski, of the Prussian army, arrived on October 8, 1868, to assist the Prince in his work of reorganisation; this step caused the greatest excitement in French official circles, where the absurd rumour gained ground that 6000 Prussian soldiers had found their way into Roumania in disguise! The Frenchmission militaire, under Colonel Lamy, was thereupon withdrawn, and a formal crusade against Colonel Krenski, the "representative of this foreign policy," was set in motion. On his return to Berlin the gallant Colonel was greeted with the pointed remark from his General that his mission to Bucharest had caused more correspondence than all the North German forces put together!
Prince Charles determined to establish a standing camp of instruction for his troops, and finally settled on Furceni, in Moldavia, on the left bank of the Seret, where plenty of wood for huts was available. The regiments moved into camp in succession, commencing in April 1869. In a letter to his father the Prince alludes to his camp life as follows: "I am fairly well satisfied with my stay in camp. The troops are capitally housed in the barracks they have built themselves. The situation is fairly healthy, as proved by the number of sick—200 out of 12,000 men; whilst at Bucharest the proportion is 230 to 3000. Those troops whose barracks are not completed remain under canvas. On my arrival I found seven Line Regiments, four Rifle and two Engineer battalions, the 2nd Artillery Regiment, one squadron of gendarmes, and two of Dorobanz Cavalry, in addition to the Train, Sanitary, and Supply Departments. I inspected a regiment every day, and lunched with the officers of the various corps.... Both officers and men like the camp, and the prevailing spirit is excellent. I promise myself favourable results from camp life, especially with regard to discipline andesprit de corps."... On his return from Livadia the Prince attended the manœuvres before closing the camp, and noticed a very marked progress, especially on the occasion of the passage of the river Seret being forced.
The following year, 1870, Prince Charles demandedan even higher standard of efficiency at his inspections, as the troops had had ample time to become acquainted with their new drill and regulations. Though the spirit of the regulars and militia left little to be desired, the National Guard repeatedly proved their worthlessness and want of reliability, especially during the excitement of elections at Plojeschti, where the local National Guard had to be disbanded.
Some slight changes in organisation took place in April 1871, when the term of service with the colours was increased to four years. The Dorobanz and Frontier units were now formed into a Territorial Army, the infantry of which was now termed "Dorobanzi," and the cavalry "Calaraschi," the cavalry of the Line being named "Roschiori." The Fire Brigades, hitherto organised in companies and battalions, now formed part of the Territorial Army, and were trained as gunners.
Prince Charles made the acquaintance of Colonel Charles Gordon, who was then a member of the European Commission, on April 20, 1872. The conversation turned chiefly on military matters, particularly the great strategical value of Galatz, which Gordon declared could easily be made into a strong fortress, as its position between the Danube, the Prut, and the Seret would only render necessary works against the approaches from the north. Colonel Gordon created a mostfavourable impression upon the Prince, who showed the greatest interest in his many war services in the Crimea and in China.
A Roumanian military decoration for long and loyal service for officers was founded in June 1872, in silver for eighteen, and in gold for twenty-five years' service. The oval medal was to be worn with a blue ribbon, bordered with yellow. A similar medal in silver, to which a pension of 300 francs was added, was struck for the benefit of non-commissioned officers who had served as such with credit for twelve years.
Late in September 1872, 11,000 men were assembled in a bivouac at Baneassa, north of Bucharest, to take part in manœuvres near Tirgoveschte. A series of engagements was practised over a deeply intersected and wooded country, and gave the artillery in particular an opportunity of distinguishing itself. At the close of the exercises Prince Charles presented the first medals for good conduct to a number of deserving non-commissioned officers.
In reply to the Prince's inquiry as to the best method of spending the 8,000,000 francs voted by the Chamber for either barracks or fortifications, Count von Moltke replied, in the spring of 1874, that he could not understand the Roumanian desire for a large standing army, as a peace strength of 10,000 men, to be increased to 25,000 men in war, would be ample, as their only taskwas to maintain order at home. Roumania was in the happy situation of not requiring an army at all, and could employ the vast sums which military establishments required elsewhere in furthering the progress of the country. "How happy should we be, if we were not forced to keep up so large an army, and could employ the hundreds of millions for other purposes!" He declared, on the other hand, that a Landwehr system would be of excellent service in educating and disciplining the nation.
A longer report from the General Staff advocated the contrary view: "In the event of a war with Turkey it would appear most suitable for the Roumanian army to concentrate at Bucharest or near the Danube, to oppose invasion at that point, and to stop or delay the hostile advance.
"Turkey will make use of the Varna-Rustchuk railway to effect the concentration of her forces, and will attempt to cross the Danube near Rustchuk, making Bucharest her first objective.... If the Roumanian army is assembled at the commencement of the war in a fortified camp near the Carpathians instead of near the Danube, it might easily happen that the enemy would seize the opportunity of raiding the exposed capital....
"It would be better to avoid delusion and the expenditure of large sums on projects from which the country can expect neither safety nor utility. The army is the support of the State, and inRoumania, where so many possibilities have to be considered, the training and care of the army is of paramount importance."
The manœuvres of 1874 were attended by Russian, Austrian, Prussian, Servian, Dutch, and English officers. The First Division was to force the passage of the Buseu River and occupy the town of Buseu, which the Second Division was to defend. The leading of the troops on the first day, however, was not very satisfactory, and Prince Charles was forced to speak very plainly at thecritique. But the operations of the following days gave great satisfaction, and Colonel Asis Bey remarked to Colonel Morris: "This is serious. I had not expected so much!" At the conclusion of the manœuvres Prince Charles presented thirty-two colours and standards to various regiments, and afterwards reviewed the troops. Colonel Morris, in replying to a toast given at a gala-dinner the same evening, remarked: "All that I have seen of this young army has filled me with astonishment, and I shall report to my Government how Roumania has progressed." Prince Charles wrote his father the following account of the incident: "I thanked him for his praises, and said that, coming from the mouth of an Englishman, they possessed especial value, as his countrymen were in absolute ignorance of the state of our affairs.... The Turk remarked to the Englishman that it would be best to give Roumania her independence,and to conclude a treaty of alliance with it. Most significant!"
The threatening situation in Eastern Europe in October 1876 led to a partial concentration of the Roumanian army in anticipation of the mobilisation order, which it was felt could not be long delayed. Four Divisions were made up to their war strength to take part in manœuvres, and at the same time to be ready to meet any eventuality. A report from the Minister of War showed that only 25,000 Peabody rifles with insufficient ammunition were available. Prince Charles wisely insisted that the First and Second Division should be armed with this rifle, and the Third and Fourth should receive the now practically obsolete needle-gun. The greatest activity prevailed in the War Office, and eight new Dorobanz Regiments of two battalions each were raised at once.
The unceasing care with which Prince Charles had watched the training of his army in peace was to bear its fruit in the great war which now ensued. The Roumanian troops proved that, though they lacked the glorious traditions of the older armies, they were fully their equals in discipline, courage, and endurance; and they more than justified the confidence which their Prince placed in them.
The long-expected declaration of war between Russia and Turkey took place on April 23, 1877, accompanied by a proclamation to the Roumanian nation from the Grand Duke Nicholas, announcing his intention of entering their territory in the hope of finding the same welcome as in the former wars. A special sitting of the Chamber assembled on the 26th of the same month to confirm the Convention with Russia; and a council of war held the same evening decided to occupy the line of the Sabar, to reinforce the troops on the Danube, and to garrison Calafat, as the precipitate advance of the Russians, coupled with the assent of the Chamber to the Convention, rendered Roumania liable to a Turkish invasion. The question now to be solved was whether the Roumanian army under Prince Charles was to take an active share in the campaign, and, if so, on what terms. It was, however, eventually decided to remain passive for the present, though the Grand Duke seemed anxiousto draw Prince Charles into co-operation with the Russian army. The mobilised Roumanian troops were organised as follows, under the supreme command of Prince Charles, with Colonel Slaniceanu as Chief of his Staff:
First Army Corps: General Lupu.
First Division, Colonel Cerchez: 2 brigades, 1 cavalry brigade, 3 batteries.Second Division, Colonel Logadi: 2 brigades, 1 cavalry brigade, 3 batteries.Corps Artillery—6 batteries.
First Division, Colonel Cerchez: 2 brigades, 1 cavalry brigade, 3 batteries.
Second Division, Colonel Logadi: 2 brigades, 1 cavalry brigade, 3 batteries.
Corps Artillery—6 batteries.
Second Army Corps: General Radovici.
Third Division, Colonel Angelesbu: 2 brigades, 1 cavalry brigade, 3 batteries.Fourth Division, General Manu: 2 brigades, 1 cavalry brigade, 3 batteries.Corps Artillery—6 batteries.
Third Division, Colonel Angelesbu: 2 brigades, 1 cavalry brigade, 3 batteries.
Fourth Division, General Manu: 2 brigades, 1 cavalry brigade, 3 batteries.
Corps Artillery—6 batteries.
The total strength of the army amounted to 50,000 men with 180 guns, with a reserve of about 70,000 men of the National Guard and Militia.
An important resolution, adopted by the Chamber on May 11, 1877, declared that a state of war existed with Turkey, and expressed confidence in the justice of the Powers, authorising the Government to use every endeavour to obtain the recognition of Roumanian independence at the close of the war. The desire of the Russian Commander-in-Chief for the assistance of theRoumanian army found frequent expression even in these days. At an interview at Plojeschti the Grand Duke demanded active support from Prince Charles, as he felt convinced that his own force was not sufficient to cope with its task, and added that at the first council of war he had asked for reinforcements amounting to another three or four Army Corps. The least he expected was that Prince Charles would hold the left bank of the Danube until the Russians had finished their strategical deployment.
Prince Charles replied that he intended to keep his troops under his own command, but that the Russians would be benefited by having their right flank secured. The Roumanian garrisons of Oltenitza and Giurgiu would not retire until relieved by Russian troops. At the same time he declared himself anxious to take an active part in the war, but only on condition that his proposals were agreed to.
The Grand Duke returned the Prince's visit on the following day, May 15, accompanied by his son and a numerous suite, which included M. de Nelidow, who had conducted the negotiations with Roumania, and was now in charge of the diplomatic correspondence at headquarters.
In reply to an inquiry in the Chamber on May 21, Cogalniceanu declared that Roumania was practically independent, as Europe would not force her to return to her former bondage. Itwas then decided by a large majority to create an order, "The Star of Roumania," as the first act of Roumanian independence. This order consists of five classes—viz., Knight, Officer, Commander, Grand Officer, and Grand Cross,—whose members wear a star of eight rays depending from a crown and surcharged with a cross in blue enamel, which displays the eagle of Wallachia. The ribbon is red, bordered with blue, and the motto runs:In fide salus.
Prince Charles Anthony entirely agreed with his son's attitude towards Russia, and stigmatised the mooted co-operation, with its inevitable subordination and incorporation in the Russian army, as a "politicalfelo de se."
"Thepossibility of a Russian defeat," he wrote, "no matter how improbable, must also be considered: an untouched reserve on this side of the Danube, which could only consist of the Roumanian army intact, would in that case possess an immense importance!"
Prince Charles, accompanied by his Staff, set out on the 27th to inspect his troops at Crajowa and Calafat, and found them in excellent order and discipline. At 7P.M.the Prince ordered the bombardment of Widin to commence, and a lively cannonade ensued, during which three Turkish shells exploded in the immediate neighbourhood of the Prince. Thesangfroidof their ruler did not fail to arouse a feeling of appreciation in theRoumanian nation, who on his return greeted him everywhere with indescribable enthusiasm.
The Czar in the meantime declared that, if the Roumanian Government wished to take part in the campaign, it must do so at its own expense and risk, and must, moreover, place the army under the command of the Grand Duke. "Russia hasno needof the support of the Roumanian army. The force which has been put into the field against Turkeyis more than sufficientto achieve the high object which the Czar had in view in commencing the present war."
Prince Charles attended a council of war at the Russian headquarters in Plojeschti on June 1, 1877, and, whilst discussing the advance into Bulgaria, casually pointed out the strategic importance of the junction of the roads at Plevna. The Grand Duke urged the Prince to cross the Danube near Widin as soon as possible, but Prince Charles was unable to comply with this request until the material necessary for bridges had been collected.
The Czar arrived at Plojeschti a few days later with a suite of over 700 persons, amongst them Prince Alexander of Battenberg, then a subaltern in the Hessian Dragoons. In a private interview with Prince Charles the Czar expressed his intention of lending Roumania, which already owed so much to Russia, a helping hand, but declined to enter into the vexed question of Roumanian co-operation in the war. A curious incident occurredduring the Czar's return visit to Bucharest, when a large bouquet, thrown from a house, fell close by his carriage. The Czar started back, fearing a bomb, and only the ready tact of Princess Elisabeth covered his confusion.
An important conversation took place between Prince Charles and Gortchakoff, who definitely expressed the opinion that, though the Delta of the Danube was essential for the development of Roumania, Russia wants one of its arms, the Kilia. The Prince declared that his first object was to preserve the integrity of his country, and that any extension of the frontier after the war would be only a secondary consideration. Gortchakoff appeared to be firmly of opinion that the war would be short and glorious. He could not, therefore, agree with the openly expressed wish of the Headquarters Staff for the co-operation of the Roumanian army.[21]The reports of the first engagements did not, however, fully bear out this belief; for, though successful at other points, the Russians were beaten in Asia at Bajaset, and were forced to withdraw from that town, whilst Mukhtar Pacha compelled General Tergukassoff to retire to Igdir.
"At last the situation has somewhat cleared,and the presence of the Czar under existing conditions may possibly be an important starting-point for future developments. The declaration of independence is perfectly justified; it is afait accompli, which must, in any case, be reckoned with hereafter. At the time this declaration took place, four weeks ago, I feared a considerable increase of the complications already existing, and could hardly become reconciled to it. However, I always remembered that your course of action must be based on motives of which we must be ignorant. Your wisdom in seizing the right moment is again confirmed. The foreign Press, although extremely surprised, has become more or less reconciled to the altered situation, and even the English papers have bridled themselves with decency....
"In my opinion the material military successes of the Russians will be in Asia; the moral successes in Europe; and the conception of a moral victory is so elastic that I see no reason why the war should be prolonged beyond reasonable limits.
"The creation of a united State—Roumania-Bulgaria—of course with the freedom of the Danube to the sea, would be a magnificent creative idea, only the deep-seated difference of the nationalities gives rise to weighty considerations."
On June 28, 1877, the Grand Duke arrived at Simnitza, where the Fourteenth Division hadcollected a number of boats preparatory to effecting a crossing, aided by a vigorous cannonade the day before along the whole line of the Danube. The Volhynian Regiment embarked at 2A.M.in absolute silence, and had barely landed when an alarm shot was fired. A short engagement terminated in the retreat of the Turkish force, and, in spite of hostile fire from the artillery, General Dragomirow succeeded in assembling the whole of his Division on the farther bank of the river, with the loss of about 30 officers and 700 men. The construction of a bridge was commenced from both banks simultaneously, though several sections were destroyed by a sudden storm. The bridge at Braila remained intact, and was crossed by Prince Charles on foot the following day.
Notwithstanding the fact that Roumania had so far taken but a small share in the campaign, Prince Charles was able to supply the Russian headquarters with trustworthy information about the enemy's movements, especially with regard to the garrison of Widin, under Osman Pacha, who was now reported to be on the march to Rahova with fifteen battalions and two batteries. Though an advanced party of Cossacks seized Plevna on July 8, they were unable to retain possession of that town, a couple of Turkish battalions from Nikopoli forcing them to retire on the following day.
Prince Charles now quitted Schimnik to rejoin his headquarters at Pojana, near Calafat, where he was better able to superintend the movements of his army. In a letter to the Princess he alludes to the Russian estimate of his army as follows: "The Russians do not want to recognise the services we have rendered them; Grand Duke Nicholas has sent a long report to the Czar, dealing with the course of events from the beginning of the war to the crossing of the Danube, and does not give a single word to the Roumanian army. 'The only thing,' he says about the country, 'is that the Roumanian railways are indifferent.' That may be so; but without our indifferent railways, and without the Roumanian troops, the Russians would not be in Bulgaria by now."
On July 13 General Gourko succeeded in crossing the Hainkioi Pass, after encountering very great difficulties on the narrow mountain paths. The guns barely managed to keep up with the columns. On the other hand, serious news was received from Plevna on July 20, for, though the Russians succeeded in occupying Lowtscha, General von Schilder-Schuldner was forced to beat a speedy retreat halfway to Nikopoli, screened by his cavalry, leaving the Turks in possession of Plevna. The Russian headquarters now requested that the Roumanian army might occupy Nikopoli and take charge ofthe prisoners of war, but Prince Charles declined to accede to this without some definite agreement about the employment of his troops. The attitude of the Russian diplomats now appeared to suffer considerable change, so far as the employment of the Roumanian army was concerned. Prince Gortchakoff permitted himself to remark to the Princess, with marked sarcasm: "Toujours pas de blessés Roumains!" to which she readily replied: "Non, Dieu merci, nous n'avons que très peu jusqu'à présent!"
The Prince wrote as follows to his consort:
"Yesterday, General Sefcari, commissioned by the Grand Duke Nicholas, arrived here to inform me that the defeat of the Russians at Plevna was caused by us: 'Dites au Prince que les Roumains sont cause que nous avons été battus à Plevna!' The Russian headquarters maintain that a portion of General Krüdener's troops were retained at Nikopoli because we had refused to occupy that fortress and guard and transport the Turkish prisoners. This is true; I always mean to refuse such police duties; my army is too good for that. On the other hand, I have declared my willingness to occupy Nikopoli and advance with the Russians against the 35,000 to 45,000 Turks at Plevna. This offer does not find favour with the Russians, as they do not wish to share a victory with us...."
"Yesterday, General Sefcari, commissioned by the Grand Duke Nicholas, arrived here to inform me that the defeat of the Russians at Plevna was caused by us: 'Dites au Prince que les Roumains sont cause que nous avons été battus à Plevna!' The Russian headquarters maintain that a portion of General Krüdener's troops were retained at Nikopoli because we had refused to occupy that fortress and guard and transport the Turkish prisoners. This is true; I always mean to refuse such police duties; my army is too good for that. On the other hand, I have declared my willingness to occupy Nikopoli and advance with the Russians against the 35,000 to 45,000 Turks at Plevna. This offer does not find favour with the Russians, as they do not wish to share a victory with us...."
Roumanian troops, however, proceeded at once to garrison Nikopoli, where the Roumanian flag was hoisted on July 29, and a message was sent to the Grand Duke demanding a separate base of operations in Bulgaria, and the undivided command of the Roumanian army as the only condition which Prince Charles could accept.
A report was received at 4P.M.on the 31st that the Russians had suffered a severe defeat at Plevna, and were retiring panic-stricken on Sistow; this was confirmed at 9P.M.by the following despatch in cipher:
"Wednesday,July 19-31, 1877, 3.35P.M."Prince Charles of Roumania."Headquarters of the Roumanian Army."The Turks having assembled in great force at Plevna are crushing us. Beg you to join, make a demonstration, and, if possible, cross the Danube, as you wish. This demonstration between Jiul and Corabia is indispensable to facilitate my movements."NICHOLAS."
"Wednesday,July 19-31, 1877, 3.35P.M."Prince Charles of Roumania."Headquarters of the Roumanian Army.
"The Turks having assembled in great force at Plevna are crushing us. Beg you to join, make a demonstration, and, if possible, cross the Danube, as you wish. This demonstration between Jiul and Corabia is indispensable to facilitate my movements.
"NICHOLAS."
Prince Charles replied that the Fourth Division would hold Nikopoli, and that the Third would occupy the position quitted by the Fourth; the want of torpedoes would prevent the passage of the river, as a Turkish monitor was stationed near Rahova. The headquarters of the Prince were nowtransferred to Corabia, where the bridge was to be constructed, and a freshordre de batailledrawn up in accordance with the altered conditions:
The First Corps, consisting of three infantry brigades, one cavalry brigade, and six batteries was to form a general reserve.
The Second Corps suffered no alteration.
The Corps of Observation, under General Lupu, consisting of two Divisions with six batteries and two cavalry regiments, remained at Calafat.
The Russian advance, in the meantime, had come to a complete standstill, whilst some forty battalions and 200 guns under General Sotow awaited the arrival of six further Divisions before attempting to drive Osman Pacha away from his entrenched position at Plevna. A prolonged series of despatches now passed between the Russian and Roumanian Headquarters with reference to the bridge over the Danube. If the latter was constructed at Nikopoli, the army would probably be merged in that of the Grand Duke, whilst at Magura it would secure independent action, at the same time cutting off Osman's communications with Sofia and the East.
The impatience of the Grand Duke at the repeated delays led to the following despatch from Colonel Gherghel, attached to his Staff, on August 16:
"By order of H.I.H. the Grand Duke Nicholas I have the honour to communicate to your Highness that H.I.H. desires the Third Roumanian Division to cross the Danube at once at Nikopoli to unite with the Fourth. H.I.H. will visit the two Divisions as soon as they are concentrated."
"By order of H.I.H. the Grand Duke Nicholas I have the honour to communicate to your Highness that H.I.H. desires the Third Roumanian Division to cross the Danube at once at Nikopoli to unite with the Fourth. H.I.H. will visit the two Divisions as soon as they are concentrated."
Prince Charles refused to allow the Third Division to cross, as he had no intention of allowing his army to be incorporated with the Russian. This burning question of the command was, however, satisfactorily settled by the 25th, when the passage commenced at Corabia opposite Magura. Prince Charles crossed the Danube on the 20th, and arrived at the Imperial Headquarters at Gornija Studena at half-past seven in the evening, where he was heartily welcomed by the Czar and the Grand Duke Nicholas. The latter at once inquired whether he intended to command his Corps in person, and received a reply in the affirmative. The Grand Duke then objected that this decision would give rise to difficulties, as Prince Charles could not be placed under the command of a Russian General. The Prince retorted that that was certainly out of the question, but ten Russian Generals might easily be placed underhiscommand.
Whilst Prince Charles was resting from the fatigues of his journey, the Grand Duke entered his tent, and on behalf of the Czar offered him the command of the Russian troops before Plevna,which the Prince, after some hesitation, accepted. A council of war was held the following day at ten o'clock under the shade of a large tree to discuss the future plans of operation, when it was decided that, after the passage of the Roumanian army, the bridge at Corabia should be broken up and transferred to Nikopoli, where it would be of further use to the Russian army. Prince Charles maintained that Osman was stronger than the Russians supposed, and that for the present it was useless to resume the offensive.
As Prince Charles returned to Sistow, a terrible picture of the horrors of war presented itself to his eyes. Long columns of "ladder" wagons, laden with wounded soldiers from the desperate struggles for the Shipka Pass, encountered the supply columns bringing up food and ammunition. The most terrible confusion arose, as neither column could pass the other. The groans and shrieks of the wounded under a burning sun increased every minute, and it was only with the greatest difficulty that the Prince's escort could force its way through the disorganised mass.
From Corabia Prince Charles bade farewell to his wife in a letter dated September 1st, 1877, which frankly recognised the importance of the task which lay before him:
"The command before Plevna is no easy matter: it will cost many a bloody battle beforethe Turks are conquered; nay, it may be questioned whether we shall succeed in this struggle! But I could not refuse the Emperor's offer, although I should have preferred my army to fight in its own sphere of operations. Now my troops will form the right wing, the Russian Ninth Corps the centre, and the Fourth the left wing. The Roumanian troops will cross our bridge over the Danube to-day. I shall review them first and then set out for Turnu-Magurele to proceedviâNikopoli to my headquarters at Poradim (27 miles from Nikopoli)."
"The command before Plevna is no easy matter: it will cost many a bloody battle beforethe Turks are conquered; nay, it may be questioned whether we shall succeed in this struggle! But I could not refuse the Emperor's offer, although I should have preferred my army to fight in its own sphere of operations. Now my troops will form the right wing, the Russian Ninth Corps the centre, and the Fourth the left wing. The Roumanian troops will cross our bridge over the Danube to-day. I shall review them first and then set out for Turnu-Magurele to proceedviâNikopoli to my headquarters at Poradim (27 miles from Nikopoli)."
Prince Charles found his new headquarters at Poradim a long straggling Bulgarian village about four and a half miles from the Turkish line of entrenchments round Plevna. Only one house at the entrance to the village seemed fit to live in, but at the best it was but a poor apology for a house. Half ruined, without doors or windows, it offered every opportunity for a study of the discomforts of campaigning. Here, as elsewhere, the noisome odour of corruption, caused by the hundreds of unburied carcases of horses and other animals, made the air terrible to breathe.