"In the event of an unsatisfactory solution, they are determined in Berlin to intervene by means of a Collective Note which will dictate to us what rights we are to concede to the Jews. Such a step would, of course, arouse national excitement, and only further increase resistance; but this might become a great danger to the country apart from the humiliation which it includes. The question is whether execution would follow intervention, and what shape the execution would take? Italy contents itself with the removal of Article VII. of the Constitution, and likewise England, with the naturalisation of a few Jews. Waddington, however, demands a radical solution, and Berlin insists on the re-purchase of the railways under the conditions imposed by her bankers. The German Chancellor is opposed to us, and all the goodwill of the Emperor is of no avail."
Prince Bismarck informed the Roumanian Government through Count Andrassy that he placedno confidence in their good faith, and that, in his opinion, Roumania was still a dependent State. In the event of her resisting the resolutions of the Berlin Congress he intended to treat with the Suzerain at Constantinople! Count Andrassy in vain represented the difficulty of the Roumanian situation, for Prince Bismarck was armed with the argument that he considered the honour of the German Empire pledged in this matter, whilst England proposed a Collective Note to be executed by the Austrian Cabinet. Yet, despite the threatening aspect of affairs, the Roumanian Chambers became more and more obstinate, and refused to hasten a solution of the constitutional questions involved.
The marriage of the Prince's youngest brother, Frederick, with Princess Louise of Thurn and Paris, took place at Regensburg in June 1879, and the German Emperor and Empress celebrated their golden wedding at Berlin. The same month, however, brought the terrible news of the death of the unfortunate Prince Imperial, who had volunteered for service with the British troops acting against the Zulus. In reply to Prince Charles' letter of sympathy the Empress Eugenie wrote:
"Chislehurst,August 19th, 1879."You recall to me the days of happiness, and by recurring to the present you share my illimitable grief."Everything has fallen from me, and only two tombs are left of all I loved. I rest near them, and here my isolation seems less great. I have known both extremes and the want of stability of human fortunes. We are wrong in not always fixing our eyes beyond this life on that one where nothing changes, and where we shall rejoin those whom we love to all eternity."I beg that you will thank the Princess for the sympathy which my recent and overwhelming misfortune has elicited from in her."EUGENIE."
"Chislehurst,August 19th, 1879.
"You recall to me the days of happiness, and by recurring to the present you share my illimitable grief.
"Everything has fallen from me, and only two tombs are left of all I loved. I rest near them, and here my isolation seems less great. I have known both extremes and the want of stability of human fortunes. We are wrong in not always fixing our eyes beyond this life on that one where nothing changes, and where we shall rejoin those whom we love to all eternity.
"I beg that you will thank the Princess for the sympathy which my recent and overwhelming misfortune has elicited from in her.
"EUGENIE."
The death of the German Crown Prince's third son, Waldemar, at the early age of eleven, gave occasion to the following letter:
"Potsdam,July 27th, 1879."Your kind and sympathetic letter, no less than Elisabeth's deeply touching verses, were very welcome to my poor wife and myself. You both feel with and for us, for God decreed a like trouble for you, and even though your fate was much harder, still we all have to bear the heavy destiny of surviving our children."We endeavour to bear God's decree with resignation, but we cannot even now become reconciled to the loss of another son from the happy circle of our family, a son, too, who justified our highest hopes, and already displayed character atan early age. It is so difficult to accustom ourselves to everyday life without our most dearly loved child, for every step reminds us that he will never appear again, and that we must learn to live without our companion."... Our life, which, moreover, has never been a tranquil one, had already become gloomy by the moving incidents of last year; with this sorrow it has lost what remaining joy it still had to offer us, and we can only gather satisfaction from the execution of our tasks and duties."You very rightly lay stress upon the fact that such grief causes us more than ever to sympathise with others in their sorrow and to seek their society. Many other things are first apparent to us in our time of mourning, and it is certainly through the medium of this chastening that we are to be prepared for a higher calling, which appears dark and mysterious to dwellers on earth. It is not for us to inquire 'Why?' and yet we do so; we are but human beings, to whom the work of Divine justice is hidden here, but will be made clear to usthere."
"Potsdam,July 27th, 1879.
"Your kind and sympathetic letter, no less than Elisabeth's deeply touching verses, were very welcome to my poor wife and myself. You both feel with and for us, for God decreed a like trouble for you, and even though your fate was much harder, still we all have to bear the heavy destiny of surviving our children.
"We endeavour to bear God's decree with resignation, but we cannot even now become reconciled to the loss of another son from the happy circle of our family, a son, too, who justified our highest hopes, and already displayed character atan early age. It is so difficult to accustom ourselves to everyday life without our most dearly loved child, for every step reminds us that he will never appear again, and that we must learn to live without our companion.
"... Our life, which, moreover, has never been a tranquil one, had already become gloomy by the moving incidents of last year; with this sorrow it has lost what remaining joy it still had to offer us, and we can only gather satisfaction from the execution of our tasks and duties.
"You very rightly lay stress upon the fact that such grief causes us more than ever to sympathise with others in their sorrow and to seek their society. Many other things are first apparent to us in our time of mourning, and it is certainly through the medium of this chastening that we are to be prepared for a higher calling, which appears dark and mysterious to dwellers on earth. It is not for us to inquire 'Why?' and yet we do so; we are but human beings, to whom the work of Divine justice is hidden here, but will be made clear to usthere."
The chivalrous Prince Alexander of Battenberg, who had been elected Prince of Bulgaria, experienced the greatest difficulties in taking over the reins of government, as the following letter shows:
"I am now passing through the same stage as you did last year: devoted with my whole heart to the Czar Alexander, I am anxious to do nothing that can be called anti-Russian. Unfortunately the Russian officials have acted with the utmost want of tact; confusion prevails in every office, and peculation, thanks to Dondukow's decrees, is all but sanctioned. I am daily confronted with the painful alternative of having to decide either to assent to the Russian demands or to be accused in Russia of ingratitude and of 'injuring the most sacred feelings of the Bulgarians.' My situation is truly terrible; I reject everything opposed to my conscience, and therefore have to write daily to the Czar in order to obtain a hearing before the calumnies of the Russian officials shall have had time to reach him. I will tell you everything shortly on the occasion of my visit."
"I am now passing through the same stage as you did last year: devoted with my whole heart to the Czar Alexander, I am anxious to do nothing that can be called anti-Russian. Unfortunately the Russian officials have acted with the utmost want of tact; confusion prevails in every office, and peculation, thanks to Dondukow's decrees, is all but sanctioned. I am daily confronted with the painful alternative of having to decide either to assent to the Russian demands or to be accused in Russia of ingratitude and of 'injuring the most sacred feelings of the Bulgarians.' My situation is truly terrible; I reject everything opposed to my conscience, and therefore have to write daily to the Czar in order to obtain a hearing before the calumnies of the Russian officials shall have had time to reach him. I will tell you everything shortly on the occasion of my visit."
"A thousand thanks for your long and kind letter, the conferring of your Grand Cross, and the geniality with which you welcomed my Envoy. I have, it is true, never doubted your friendship, but to see it once more confirmed in this handsome fashion has nevertheless made me very happy. I shall reply to Elisabeth's kind letter direct.
"Unfortunately I cannot pay you a visit before October, for I have so much to do that I cannotquit the country. All my Ministers are a little anxious, and I myself have more or less to decide everything.
"The solitude here is very great, but as at present I am busy from morning to night I feel it the less. The idea of marriage is antipathetic to me: I feel that I have no right to bring a wife to this lonely spot; moreover, I do not want to bind myself, in order that, in the event of affairs turning out badly, my convictions may not be influenced by any external consideration. Everything will depend upon the first National Assembly. It is not easy to be Dondukow's heir.
"With my whole heart I sympathise with you regarding the Jewish question. What a fatal thing it is for us all that the Great Powers have declared themselves Masters of the World!
"Although hostile to the Treaty of Berlin, I have nevertheless given it my complete adherence in my new position. I have conceived my mission from the European standpoint as far as possible, and allow the same law to apply to all. Consequently I sought to help the Mohammedans as much as possible, but utilised the moment to introduce universal service; if the Mohammedans want to enjoy the advantages of all subjects, they must also bear the disadvantages. I am in everything the opposite of my predecessors; I shall make fewer speeches, but work more, and the final result will, it is to be hoped, justify me.
"If only the frontiers at least were settled! So long as this is not the case there will be no peace in the country. (I do not thereby mean Arab-Tabia, but the South and West, where disturbances always take place.) Everything beyond this must be delivered verbally.
"With many hearty greetings,
"Your sincere"SANDRO."
During the course of the summer the unhappy Jewish question became "in truth a gigantic struggle," as Prince Charles informed his father:
"Whilst the country considers me the defender of the rights of the Jews, the Foreign Powers complain that I do not champion them with sufficient energy. This reproach, however, affects me very little. There is only one path which can lead me to my goal, and that is laid down by the Constitution."
"Whilst the country considers me the defender of the rights of the Jews, the Foreign Powers complain that I do not champion them with sufficient energy. This reproach, however, affects me very little. There is only one path which can lead me to my goal, and that is laid down by the Constitution."
Owing to this struggle a modification of the Ministry became necessary towards the end of July, and M. Sturdza was sent to Berlin to lay the difficulties of the situation before Prince Bismarck, whilst Prince Charles Anthony turned to the aged Emperor William.
"Only a few words to-day to tell you that wesaw the Emperor (William) in the Mainau the day before yesterday. He asked me to come to his room after dinner, when I at last found an opportunity of discussing Roumanian affairs and of commending you to his care. I can now tell you that I was greatly surprised and pleased with the Emperor's opinions, even though I must regretfully limit this favourable impression by the fact that the Emperor has certainly not been keptau courantwith the situation. He at first ascribed the whole blame to England, who is urging the Jewish question with the greatest want of consideration, and from whose policy Germany cannot dissociate herself.
"When I proved that the exact opposite was the case, and compared the constantly progressive moderation of England with the harsh attitude of Germany, which never has regard to circumstances, the Emperor was highly astonished; he would not believe it at all, and said that the Jewish question was entirely antipathetic to him; that he was acquainted with similar circumstances in Poland and Russia; and that, if he had not been suffering from his wounds during the Berlin Congress, he would never have consented to the present extension of this question. In brief, I am convinced that the Imperial Chancellor did not consult the Emperor in this matter at all, or at least did not report it to him fully."
A few days later Prince Charles Anthony forwarded to his son a copy of a letter to the Empress, written by the Emperor at Gastein, July 25, 1879:
"With regard to Roumania I have, as you know, from the outset most strongly disapproved of the resolution of the Congress concerning the Jewish question, though only after the blow had fallen, since I was not at the head of affairs."Since then I have, of course, only had to support the strict execution of the resolutions of the Congress, but I have demanded at every opportunity that no pressure be used in this matter, for I know by experience what the Jews are in those regions—starting with Posen, Poland, Lithuania, and Volhynia—and the Roumanian Jews are said to be even worse! The whole Jewish question there has been championed so violently by England. Lord Odo Russell confessed as much to me in answer to my representations, indicating at the same time by a gesture his disagreement with them."I explained the attitude which I have adopted with regard to the Jewish question (on which the recognition of my cousin as an independent Sovereign depends) to the Prince of Hohenzollern, when he excitedly complained of the extreme severity of our note. I added, however, that I was not acquainted with the note in question.On my making inquiry, the latest document for Bucharest was only yesterday laid before me. It states that the Powers would be satisfied by the annulment of the restrictive article of the Roumanian Constitution being recognised as a principle, leaving the decision as to the method of carrying it into effect to a later date, when the Ministry and Chamber have come to an agreement. When once this method has been accepted, nothing will impede the recognition of the Prince. I commission you to communicate this most exactly in Krauchenwies, and also add that I think that Charles of Roumania and his Ministry, which has just been changed, should accept this method; the Chambers will then have to practise self-restraint."You will remember that I always took the part of the Roumanian Government, whenever difficulties arose between Christians and Jews, whilst England invariably took the opposite side, because she sees a refined Rothschild ineveryJew."
"With regard to Roumania I have, as you know, from the outset most strongly disapproved of the resolution of the Congress concerning the Jewish question, though only after the blow had fallen, since I was not at the head of affairs.
"Since then I have, of course, only had to support the strict execution of the resolutions of the Congress, but I have demanded at every opportunity that no pressure be used in this matter, for I know by experience what the Jews are in those regions—starting with Posen, Poland, Lithuania, and Volhynia—and the Roumanian Jews are said to be even worse! The whole Jewish question there has been championed so violently by England. Lord Odo Russell confessed as much to me in answer to my representations, indicating at the same time by a gesture his disagreement with them.
"I explained the attitude which I have adopted with regard to the Jewish question (on which the recognition of my cousin as an independent Sovereign depends) to the Prince of Hohenzollern, when he excitedly complained of the extreme severity of our note. I added, however, that I was not acquainted with the note in question.On my making inquiry, the latest document for Bucharest was only yesterday laid before me. It states that the Powers would be satisfied by the annulment of the restrictive article of the Roumanian Constitution being recognised as a principle, leaving the decision as to the method of carrying it into effect to a later date, when the Ministry and Chamber have come to an agreement. When once this method has been accepted, nothing will impede the recognition of the Prince. I commission you to communicate this most exactly in Krauchenwies, and also add that I think that Charles of Roumania and his Ministry, which has just been changed, should accept this method; the Chambers will then have to practise self-restraint.
"You will remember that I always took the part of the Roumanian Government, whenever difficulties arose between Christians and Jews, whilst England invariably took the opposite side, because she sees a refined Rothschild ineveryJew."
Whilst the German Emperor thus roundly declared his interest in the Roumanian Sovereign, his Chancellor proved no less sympathetic towards M. Sturdza, at an interview which took place at Kissingen. Prince Bismarck admitted that the Berlin Congress had set Roumania a hard task, but remarked that the resolutions must beexecuted in their entirety. Germany was only demanding what France and Italy also wished in the matter of the Jews, of whom there were a large number crowded together in certain portions of the country. The Roumanians must open the war upon economic ground: work and save, found banks, &c. The Empire was anxious to maintain friendly relations with Roumania, although the latter had until recently treated Germany somewhat cavalierly. The sympathy of the Roumanian nation with France, though perhaps only natural, had in the end annoyed Germany, and it was never wise to annoy anybody, least of all one who happened to be powerful. In order to ameliorate the existing relations, it was necessary that the railway question should disappear.
"One must be acquainted with the commencement of this affair in order to realise its importance. No one can be blamed for it, neither we nor Roumania: the affair exists, and we must get rid of it with profit to both parties.
"Our interest is considerable, since about one hundred million marks are invested there. These moneys must be rescued from a precarious situation, in which it has often been the duty of the State to defend them, and on each occasion this has strained the relations between the two States.
"This railway affair commenced with Dr. Strousberg, who dragged the Silesian magnates into it, and with them all their friends and dependentswere in turn involved. To-day we find amongst the bondholders of the Roumanian Railway Company, lords and ladies, lackeys of the great houses, and even cabdrivers—in a word, almost the whole of Berlin. Indeed, more than that, the King himself had to intervene to save a few of the Silesian magnates, when Strousberg could carry on no longer! He then applied to Bleichröder, who was, however, rich enough not to need to address himself to so involved a question. Nevertheless, he did so because he was asked, and also on account of the credit which it brought him. He has taken the matter in hand, and we are bound to support him. But the King has done even more than this. He has had to assist the great Silesian nobles out of his privy purse. It is, therefore, easy to understand that every one is anxious to escape from this painful situation. You must, therefore, solve these two questions in order to enter the ranks of the Independent States. An independent Roumania will throw a heavy weight into the balance of Oriental questions.... Roumania has an area of 2500 square miles (German) and 6,000,000 inhabitants. It might have 10,000,000; and how powerful it would be then."
The Jews were admitted to the franchise on October 18, 1879, by an alteration of Article VII. of the Constitution, and over 900 Jews who hadserved with the colours in 1877-78 were immediately admitted to the rights of citizenship. Though the situation at one period became so critical that the German Empress sent a "quite confidential" warning that delay was fraught with danger, the demands of Germany in the matter of the railway purchase were satisfied three months later, and the independence of the Roumanian State was in consequence fully recognised by all the European Powers.
"Sandro[22]is in despair about the doings of the Panslavists, who are making his task uncommonly difficult; had he only Bulgarians to deal with, he would get on easily enough.... He is determined to speak openly to the Czar Alexander about the Panslavonic and Nihilist agitation in Sofia. He returns to his capital at the end of March, when the newly elected National Assembly will be opened; it is not much better than the former. So long as the Czar Alexander lives he will personally exert a favourable influence in Bulgaria, but when he dies everything will be changed. I told Sandro, who has much confidence in me, that if he possesses enough strength to live down this period of suffering, he will be richly rewarded for his patience and endurance. But few, perhaps, have the patience that I had, and still have."
During the stay of the Prince of Bulgaria in St. Petersburg an attempt was made by Nihilists to blow up the Winter Palace, but it failed owing to a mere chance. Prince Alexander of Hesse, the father of the Prince of Bulgaria, reached St. Petersburg later than was expected, and so caused the dinner to be postponed to a later hour. The explosion, which destroyed the dining-room, took place, therefore, whilst their Majesties were in an antechamber.
The English elections in March displaced the Conservative Ministry and summoned Gladstone to the head of the Government. About the same time Prince Charles despatched the President of the Ministry to Berlin, to hand the insignia of the Star of Roumania to the Emperor William, the Crown Prince, and Prince Bismarck. The last-named suggested that Roumania had claims to become a kingdom, but the opinion in Vienna was in favour of delaying this step.
"Your relations towards Russia will grow exceptionally difficult; for, no matter how great the confidence one may place in the magnanimity of the Czar, the less can one trust his Government, looking impartially at the actions of their agents, who are actively propagating the views of the Panslavists in all directions, and are finally making it seem impossible for the Government to disavowand abandon their countrymen who have gone to such lengths. One would really think that Russia was large enough already, and that she had enough to do at home, and might leave her neighbours in peace. Bulgaria seems to me like a Russian province, which is only waiting for a hint to allow itself to be incorporated; and Battenberg, even though he possessed ever so much foresight and determination, will hardly be able to steer against the Russian stream.
"Ourrapprochementand understanding with Austria last autumn was, no doubt, under the circumstances, a correct step, and has given the Czar's Empire something to think about. If we could only succeed in preventing France from forming the ardently desired alliance with Russia—which has probably been postponed for some time—we might then see favourable guarantees for peace everywhere. No one wants war, because all have much to do at home, and have enough to think over in the consequences of the last bloody war. Above all things, we Germans do not wish for war, since we gained far more by the last than we ever dared to hope for, and we anticipate no advantage from any extension.
"Permit me to inform you and dear Elisabeth that the premature hints of the Press regarding the betrothal of my eldest son, William, to Victoria of Schleswig-Holstein, eldest daughter of the late Fritz of Schleswig-Holstein-Augustenburg, arequite true. Mutual and deep-seated inclination has brought the two together, and this fulfils the sincere wish of my wife and myself to greet as our daughter-in-law a Princess so distinguished by gifts of spirit, heart, and temperament, as well as by dignified grace. God grant that this union of hearts may one day be a blessing to the Empire."
"My dear Cousin,
"At last we have arrived at the goal of our long-cherished wishes. It has cost many a hard and bitter struggle before we could see you standing independent before the world! May the proverb come true which says, 'Slow but sure.'
"I have never concealed the sympathy which I have always cherished for you alike personally and as a Hohenzollern; but when many are striving to the same goal and each goes his own way, time and sacrifices are required until they are at length all gathered together! So I too have had to temporise in order to recognise you at last before the world.
"May God give His blessing to your now independent Government and bless you, your consort, and your country!
"Your sincere Cousin and Friend,"WILLIAM."
"I share your Royal Highness's regret that the acquisitions resulting from the peace, apart from the dissolution of the relations to the Porte, were not in proportion with the achievements and valour of your Royal Highness's army; but, having regard to the dignity and weight of the Powers by which Roumania is surrounded, and also to the difficulty of securing amodus vivendiamongst them, which would give us peace for the time being, I do not know of any possible means by which greater advantages could have been obtained for Roumania.
"The difficulty of the historical situation is that on the far bank of the Danube there are no nationalpoints d'appuito strengthen Roumania, and, on the other side, the population belongs to the two great neighbouring Empires. To live in peace with these is necessary for the consolidation of affairs, and to select at least one of them as a certain ally will always be the object of Roumanian policy. In this historical situation the acquisition of the Dobrudscha was apis-aller, whose favourable aspect—the possession of the sea-coast—will increase in value during the further development of your resources."
In reply to his father, who urged him to fulfil his promise to return home after an absence of six years, Prince Charles wrote:
"The still incomplete negotiations about the Arab-Tabia question will unfortunately cause a slight delay in our departure for abroad. The reason why the Powers delay so long in completing a matter which has reached its last stage is unintelligible. In order partly to give way to Russia, they intend to grant Bulgaria a territorial compensation. An exchange of notes has arisen on this point, and we have directed our Ambassadors to express the expectation that the frontier defined by the International Commission will be adhered to. However, in the end it will be Roumaniaqui payera les pots cassés—i.e., they will give us with one hand what they take away with the other!"
"The still incomplete negotiations about the Arab-Tabia question will unfortunately cause a slight delay in our departure for abroad. The reason why the Powers delay so long in completing a matter which has reached its last stage is unintelligible. In order partly to give way to Russia, they intend to grant Bulgaria a territorial compensation. An exchange of notes has arisen on this point, and we have directed our Ambassadors to express the expectation that the frontier defined by the International Commission will be adhered to. However, in the end it will be Roumaniaqui payera les pots cassés—i.e., they will give us with one hand what they take away with the other!"
On July 29, 1880, the frontier was definitely fixed and sanctioned by the Powers, and though Roumania did not acquire all she had fought for, she nevertheless retained Arab-Tabia.
At length, on August 10, the Prince and his consort quitted Roumania to enjoy a well-earned rest in Germany. On passing through Ischl, Prince Charles was appointed Colonel-in-Chief of the 6th Infantry Regiment by the Emperor of Austria. The Prince then rejoined his dearly loved parents at the Weinburg, and Princess Elisabeth proceeded to visit her mother. Visits were then paid to the Courts of Dresden and Berlin, where the Roumanian sovereigns received a hearty welcome. TheGerman Emperor also appointed the Prince to the Colonelcy of one of his regiments—the 1st Hanoverian Dragoons (No. 9).
The beautiful autumn months at the Weinburg passed only too quickly, for the cares of State demanded the return of the Prince about the middle of October. After attending the Roumanian manœuvres near Bucharest and Jassy, Prince Charles paid a visit to Rustchuk, where he was greeted with the greatest enthusiasm as the liberator of Bulgaria.
The important question of the succession to the Roumanian throne had been fully discussed during Prince Charles's visit to Germany, with the result that the constitutional right of succession of the Prince's brothers and their heirs was officially recognised by the princely House of Hohenzollern. This was effected by the exchange of letters, which were laid before the Chambers as soon as they assembled. A hearty vote of thanks rewarded the royal couple for their disinterested solicitude for the welfare of the State.
The anniversary of Plevna was marked by a pleasant incident—the presentation of a piece of statuary to Princess Elisabeth by the wives of the officers of the Roumanian army. The Princess herself was represented nursing a wounded soldier as an emblem of her noble activity during the terrible period of the war of 1877-78.
Early in 1881 the Roumanian Ambassador in Berlin reported that the representatives of the Powers had all expressed their opinion that the time had come for Roumania to be created a kingdom. The Ministry wished to delay this solemn act till the day of the National Festival, May 22, but the ceremony was precipitated by an unforeseen event. On March 13, Czar Alexander fell a victim to a Nihilist plot, and the Roumanian Opposition seized the occasion to accuse the Liberals of aiming at Republican and Anti-dynastic ideals. To refute this calumny effectually, the Liberal Ministry proposed the elevation of the Roumanian Principality into the "Kingdom of Roumania," amidst the enthusiastic plaudits of Chamber and Senate. After the motion had been unanimously carried, the legislative bodies proceeded to the Palace, where Prince Charles attached his signature to the document in their presence with the following words:
"This is a grand and solemn moment, in which the representatives of the nation approach me with a unanimous resolution of the legislative bodies. Herewith begins a new page in the volume of Roumanian national life; here, too, ends a period full of struggle and difficulties, but full also of virile effort and heroic deeds. At this moment I repeat what I have so often said before:the wish of the nation is the guide and goal of my life. I have ruled this land for fifteen years; I have been surrounded by the love and confidence of the nation; this love and confidence have made the good days even brighter, and have strengthened and confirmed me during those which were evil. I was therefore proud to be Prince, and that title has been dear to me, round which the past has entwined glory and strength."But Roumania thinks that it would be more in keeping with her position to proclaim herself a kingdom. I therefore accept the kingly title, not for myself personally, but for the aggrandisement of my country, and to fulfil the long-cherished wish of every Roumanian. This title will not in any way alter the close bond which unites me to the nation by all that we have fought for and experienced together."May the first King of Roumania enjoy the same love that has supported the last Prince through all his troubles! The affection of this noble and brave nation, to whom I have devoted my whole existence, is more to me than all the greatness and brilliancy of a crown."
"This is a grand and solemn moment, in which the representatives of the nation approach me with a unanimous resolution of the legislative bodies. Herewith begins a new page in the volume of Roumanian national life; here, too, ends a period full of struggle and difficulties, but full also of virile effort and heroic deeds. At this moment I repeat what I have so often said before:the wish of the nation is the guide and goal of my life. I have ruled this land for fifteen years; I have been surrounded by the love and confidence of the nation; this love and confidence have made the good days even brighter, and have strengthened and confirmed me during those which were evil. I was therefore proud to be Prince, and that title has been dear to me, round which the past has entwined glory and strength.
"But Roumania thinks that it would be more in keeping with her position to proclaim herself a kingdom. I therefore accept the kingly title, not for myself personally, but for the aggrandisement of my country, and to fulfil the long-cherished wish of every Roumanian. This title will not in any way alter the close bond which unites me to the nation by all that we have fought for and experienced together.
"May the first King of Roumania enjoy the same love that has supported the last Prince through all his troubles! The affection of this noble and brave nation, to whom I have devoted my whole existence, is more to me than all the greatness and brilliancy of a crown."
This sudden and unexpected fulfilment of a long-cherished hope aroused the greatest enthusiasm in every class of Roumanian society. The recognition of the new kingdom by the Great Powers followed very shortly, the reception ofthe news by the Emperor William being especially cordial. Prince Charles Anthony wrote:
"The unanimity with which the kingly crown has been offered you is the surest foundation of your new and hard-won stability."
"The unanimity with which the kingly crown has been offered you is the surest foundation of your new and hard-won stability."
The coronation of King Charles took place at Bucharest on May 10-22, 1881. In accordance with his wish, the royal crown of Roumania was fashioned of steel from a Turkish gun captured at Plevna, as a remembrance to all time of the achievements on the battlefields of Bulgaria, and of the fact that the new kingdom was not bound or hampered by old traditions, but looked forward to a great future springing from a vigorous beginning.
The golden crown for the Queen was also fashioned in Roumania from a simple design, without jewels or ornaments. These crowns were consecrated by the Metropolitan in the presence of their Majesties, the Hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern and his two sons, Ferdinand and Charles, and the ceremony was attended by delegates from every district in the kingdom, as well as by all corporations and other bodies.
After this the crowns were carried in an unending coronation procession to the royal palace, where King Charles took the crown into his hands with these words:
"I assume with pride this crown, wrought from a cannon sprinkled with the blood of our heroes, and consecrated by the Church; I accept it as a symbol of the independence and power of Roumania."
"I assume with pride this crown, wrought from a cannon sprinkled with the blood of our heroes, and consecrated by the Church; I accept it as a symbol of the independence and power of Roumania."
Though the years which followed 1881 have lacked the laurels of the battlefield and the intensity of the struggle for independence which characterised the earlier portion of Roumanian history under King Charles, they are no less remarkable for continuous and patient progress in the development of the resources of the kingdom. Herein, as in sterner matters, the King has borne the heat and burden of the day; no one knew better that independence was but another milestone on the road to the ideal Roumania; that the regeneration of a nation that had passed through such vicissitudes could only follow the unwearying labour of many years; and that to this end the force of example—the art of leading men, not the knack of driving them—is of paramount importance. As sovereign of an independent State, King Charles felt that he had at last secured a firm basis from which the latent force of his country might be fully developed. That these efforts have not been fruitless is proved by the increase of theRoumanian Budget, despite the saying,mensonge en chiffres; for in twenty-five years, from 1866 to 1891, the revenue increased more than threefold (from 56,000,000frs. in 1866 to 180,000,000frs. in 1891). It was indeed fortunate for Roumania that King Charles was endowed with qualities which enabled him to appreciate the difficulties of peaceful development in the same way as he had met the dangers of war. It seemed to him now that his work had at last commenced in earnest; his clear eye detected every shortcoming, though at the same time the future promised much to his gifted and industrious people. A great navigable river and the neighbouring sea offered elements for a greatly increased commerce, whilst the inexhaustible treasures of the soil, coal and iron, fulfilled the necessary industrial conditions.
In Roumanian politics, the Liberals remained in office till 1888 under Jon Bratianu, and aimed at a rigid centralisation of the Administration, whilst endeavouring to draw an increasing circle of the population into the arena of politics. The Conservatives, on the other hand, could only see the danger of extending Parliamentary influence through so politically immature a nation; but up to 1891 they were unable to realise their ideals; indeed, they barely succeeded in obtaining the permanency of the judges. Between these two extremes lay the sphere of duty of the constitutionalmonarch, the one stable element amid the fluctuations of the contending parties. The unwavering loyalty and devotion of the representatives of the nation to their Sovereign have been inspired by the qualities with which nature has so richly endowed King Charles. Resolution, energy, a knowledge of human character, readiness to acknowledge and appreciate true individuality—a freshness of mind that the driest of routine work is powerless to dull, and a magnanimous indulgence that is able to forgive if not forget—these are the traits of character which never fail to exert their influence over all who come into contact with the King.
The foreign policy of the kingdom has constantly had one aim and object in view—to find support and aid from the great Teutonic Powers, though at times it seemed as if the religious tradition of the nation or the sympathy for the Latin sister nation were about to force the real interests of Roumania into the background. As a German prince, King Charles had recognised the supremacy of Prussia, and never doubted the power and force of the Teuton genius. The year 1883 marked a decided advance in the friendly relations of Roumania with Austria and Germany, though the former had been estranged by the dispute about the Danube, and an outburst of Roumanian Chauvinism on the unveiling of a monument to the Moldavian Prince Stephen theGreat, pointing to Bukowina and Siebenbürgen as Roumanian provinces. On the whole, King Charles's policy has been successful, though loyal friendship has had much to bear from Germany's want of consideration in dealing with the Jews and the railways, as well as from Austria-Hungary, whose harsh measures against the Roumanians of Siebenbürgen have forced many of the "brethren from over the hills" to seek shelter in Roumania.
A visit to Berlin in 1883 to act as godfather to Prince William's[24]second son afforded King Charles an opportunity of explaining the position of Roumania in European questions. The King also succeeded in convincing the Emperor of Austria that, though it was impossible to forbid a nation to cherish political aspirations, yet these sentiments had never entered into the schemes of the Roumanian statesmen.
From the geographical situation of the kingdom it was only natural that the army should continue to receive the greatest attention from the King, who has never forgotten its willingness to follow where he led. King Charles does not content himself with merely watching the training of his troops at the annual manœuvres, but keeps constant touch with every detail that may tend to promote the efficiency and standard of his army. Nor have the rival claims of education beenneglected by either King Charles or his consort, who are indefatigable in their efforts for the welfare of the national schools.
The frequent change of Ministers was, however, prejudicial, since the various measures which they introduced were not long-lived—indeed, in some instances were never put into execution! Nevertheless, the tendency to foster this valuable aid to true culture lost none of its force. King Charles devotes an annual sum to the Academy to assist in the production of an etymological dictionary in order to aid the study of the beautiful Roumanian language.
The last link in the chain which bound the National Church to the Patriarchate of Constantinople was broken as long ago as 1882; the holy oil was consecrated in Roumania, and at last in 1885 the Patriarch of Constantinople recognised the independence of the Roumanian Church.
As early as 1881, twelve years after the first railway had been constructed by foreign hands, Roumanian engineers completed the first section of the State Railway from Buseu to Marascheschti, the want of which had made itself felt so bitterly in 1877. Even in the earliest days of his reign King Charles discussed with Ali Pacha the construction of a bridge over the Danube.
At that date negotiations were entered into for a bridge between Giurgiu and Rustchuk, whilst after the Treaty of Berlin it was proposed toconnect the two banks of the Danube below Silistria. Though this project was discussed by the Chambers in 1883, it was not till the autumn of 1890 that matters had progressed sufficiently to allow King Charles to lay the foundation-stone of the railway bridge at Feteschti, which was to unite the Dobrudscha to the mother country, and complete the iron chain between the North and Black Seas.
King Charles has been a zealous builder; and, thanks to him, Roumania can boast of many a notable pile in Bucharest, Jassy, Crajowa, and elsewhere. Most noteworthy of all is the Royal Castle of Pelesch in the peaceful valley of Prahova. Built in the style of German Renaissance, it reveals the artistic ideal of its royal builder so far as stone and mortar can mirror the individuality of a man. Unlike so many castles, it is perfectly homogeneous; in a word, Castle Pelesch is the product of King Charles's artistic taste and indomitable will.
The death of Prince Charles Anthony on June 2, 1885, was a bitter blow to the King, who lost in him not only a devoted parent and friend, but a counsellor whose sage advice had sustained and strengthened him in many a dark hour. The passing away of the first German Emperor, followed too soon by that of his successor, Frederick III., was a great sorrow to King Charles, who was deeply attached to the devoted friends of hisearly youth, whose loyal friendship had never wavered for an instant.
It was, therefore, a great solace to the royal pair to welcome Prince Ferdinand, the second son of the King's eldest brother, to Roumania as heir-apparent in 1889. Prince Ferdinand had already entered the Roumanian army as a subaltern in 1886.
The history of the other States of the Balkan Peninsula during these years is by no means so happy as that of Roumania. Prince Alexander of Bulgaria was forced by shameful intrigues to quit his adopted country within a year of a successful campaign with Servia, whose ruler also abdicated in favour of his son after endless and painful quarrels.
The present German Emperor has ably summed up the great work to which the scion of the Hohenzollern House has devoted his life, in a letter to King Charles, in May 1891.
"Five and twenty years have elapsed since your Majesty was first summoned to undertake the government of the Roumanian State, and a decade will have passed on the 22nd of this month since that memorable day on which your Majesty was able, after a regency victorious in war and proved in peace, to receive a royal crown for Roumania and your illustrious house from God's altar by the unanimous desire of the Roumaniannation. Thanks to your Majesty's wise and vigorous rule over a richly endowed and sober nation, Roumania has become an equal and respected member of the Council of the Nations, and under your Majesty's sceptre every Roumanian can rejoice in the proud consciousness of belonging to a State which, as warden of an old-world civilisation, enjoys the sympathetic goodwill of all civilised nations."Since our Houses are so closely connected, it is my heart's desire to express my warm congratulations to your Majesty on this joyful occasion, and also the hope that, as the bonds of our personal friendship, so also the firm political relations of Roumania to the German Empire, may be preserved in time to come such as they have been for past years under the enlightened government of your Majesty."Your Majesty will place me under an obligation by laying my sincere congratulations before her Majesty the Queen, who has earned undying honour by your side in cultivating Art and the Ideal as well as in the formation of the Roumanian nation."
"Five and twenty years have elapsed since your Majesty was first summoned to undertake the government of the Roumanian State, and a decade will have passed on the 22nd of this month since that memorable day on which your Majesty was able, after a regency victorious in war and proved in peace, to receive a royal crown for Roumania and your illustrious house from God's altar by the unanimous desire of the Roumaniannation. Thanks to your Majesty's wise and vigorous rule over a richly endowed and sober nation, Roumania has become an equal and respected member of the Council of the Nations, and under your Majesty's sceptre every Roumanian can rejoice in the proud consciousness of belonging to a State which, as warden of an old-world civilisation, enjoys the sympathetic goodwill of all civilised nations.
"Since our Houses are so closely connected, it is my heart's desire to express my warm congratulations to your Majesty on this joyful occasion, and also the hope that, as the bonds of our personal friendship, so also the firm political relations of Roumania to the German Empire, may be preserved in time to come such as they have been for past years under the enlightened government of your Majesty.
"Your Majesty will place me under an obligation by laying my sincere congratulations before her Majesty the Queen, who has earned undying honour by your side in cultivating Art and the Ideal as well as in the formation of the Roumanian nation."
Abdul Aziz deposed,232.Abdul Hamid,238.Ali Pacha,42,116,158.Alliance Israelite,145,151.Alphonso, King of Spain,209.Amadeo, King of Spain,187.Ambronn, Councillor,131,134.Andrassy, Count,71,188.Army:Command of,258;insubordination,253;manœuvres,255,261,263;mutiny,33;organisation,257.Battenberg, Prince Alexander of,313,327;letter,336;elected,335;abdicates,361.Bavaria, Prince Otto of,80.Berlin Congress,317.Bessarabia,199,317,324.Beust, Count,70,86.Bismarck, Prince:Conversation with Prince Charles,18;Col. Bauch,23;Bratianu,316;Sturdza,341;letters on Russia,63;Roumania,73,113,168;railways,139,167;result of the war,348;"honest broker,"309.Bratianu,11,28,312,318,356.Bucharest:Riots,35,122;Jockey Club,212;Commission,6.Bulgarian Massacres,238;raid,66;throne,329.Charles Anthony, Prince:Character,xi.;letters on France,46;Germany,49,164,185,338;Spanish Throne,79,93,94,101;abdication of Prince Charles,120;railways,138,165;Jewish Question,149;Church Question,214,217;Eastern Question,226,233,243;war of 1877,270;result of the war,298;Dobrudscha,309;death,360.Cogalniceanu Jewish Question,151;Russian Treaty,249.Cotroceni,158,197.Crèmieux,145.Crete, insurrection,52,57,59,65.Crimean War, result of,6.Czar Alexander, letter,56;on Roumania,315;in Bucharest,270;assassinated,351.Danube, Commission,260;crossing of,272.Denmark, war with,xvi.Dobrudscha,309,330,360.Dondukof-Korsakoff, Prince (Governor-general of Bulgaria in 1878),327.England, visit to,201;attitude of,71,233;and Russia,307,315.Eugénie, Empress, letter,333.Ferdinand, Prince,361.Feteschti, bridge at,360.Flanders, Count of,9.France, ill-feeling of,58,62,67,79.Franco-Russian Alliance,61.Furceni Camp,258.Gladstone, W. E.,53.Gordon, Charles,260.Gornji-Dubnik,289.Gortchakoff, Prince,33;Jewish Question,153;before the war of '77,239;confidence of,270;on Bessarabia,304;threats of,312.Greece, draft treaty,81.Grivitza Redoubt,xxviii,284,289.Hagens, Captain,xiv.Hohenlohe, Prince,49,86.Hospodars,1.Hungary, agitation in relations with,70,140,357.Ignatieff, General,57,106,305.Imeritinski, Prince,286.Jewish persecution,148;denied,153;financiers,179;emancipation,318,344;congress,153.Journey to Roumania,27.Krenski, Colonel von,69,76,258.Kusa, Prince,7,9.Lieutenance Princière,5,9.Livadia, visit to,83.Marie, Princess, birth,103,180;illness and death,192.Ministries:Catargiu,32;Ghika,38;Cretzulesku,53;Golesku,58;D. Ghika,70;Golesku,91;Lepureanu,96;Ghika,113;Catargiu,125;Floresku,229;Lepureanu,231;Bratianu,237.Miquel, Dr.,151.Moldavia, journey through,40,78,155.Moltke, Count,261.Montefiore, Sir M.,148.Montenegro,237.Müller, Max,202; letter,208.Murad, Sultan,232.Napoleon III., visit to,xvi.,88;letter on Jewish Question,147;death,185.Napoleon, Prince, visit to Bucharest,88.Nelidow, M.,242,267.Nicholas, Grand Duke, telegram,275;urges attack,280.Nikopoli bridge,291.Omar Pacha,57.Osman Pacha,272,291,293.Paris Conference,9.Pelesch, Castle,159,360.Phanariotes,2.Piteschti riot,96.Plevna,269;first action,273;second action,275;bombardment,281.Plojeschti riots,96,102;Russian headquarters,269.Poradim Roumanian headquarters,279.Portugal, visit to,xv.Prussia, Crown Prince of:Letters on Germany,169,182,192,220,325;Eastern Question,232,241;Russia,324,347;death of Princess Marie,194;of Prince Waldemar,324.Radowitz, Consul-General,113,123.Railways:Ofenheim concession,130;Strousberg,131;payment stopped,108;repurchased,329;collision,215.Rauch, Colonel,13,23,24."Roumania, Star of," instituted,268.Schools,160.Servia:Prince Michael,65;Prince Milan,199;extravagance,208;war with Turkey,229-237.Sinaja,158.Spain, candidature for throne of,69,92,97,99.Skobeleff, General,281,284,289,291.Strousberg, Dr.,181,135,342.Sturdza, M.:Report on Servia,206;conversation with Bismarck,341;mission to Turkey,41;to Berlin,338.Todleben, General,285.Treaty of Balta Liman,6;with Servia,61;of San Stefano,311.Turkey, journey to,43;war declared,265.Victoria, Queen,51.Vienna Exhibition,189.Wales, Prince of,167.Werner, Councillor von,26.Widin, bombardment of,268.Wied, Princess Elizabeth of,87,88;marriage,90.William I., Emperor:letter on Roumania,15;Jewish Question,172,341.William II., Emperor, letter,361.Ypsilanti, Prince,71.