[255]This retinue shows that Filelfo was at least able to support a large household.
[255]This retinue shows that Filelfo was at least able to support a large household.
[256]The catalogue of his library, communicated by him in a letter to Ambrogio Traversari, shows so clearly what the most indefatigable student and omnivorous reader of the age, to whom all the museums and bookshops of Byzantium must have been open, could then collect, that I will transcribe it:—'Qui mihi nostri in Italiam libri gesti sunt, horum nomina ad te scribo: alios autem nonnullos per primas ex Byzantio Venetorum naves opperior. Hi autem sunt Plotinus, Ælianus, Aristides, Dionysius Halicarnasseus, Strabo Geographus, Hermogenes, Aristotelis Rhetorice, Dionysius Halicarnasseus de Numeris et Characteribus, Herodotus, Dio Chrysostomus, Appollonius Pergæus, Thucydides, Plutarchi Moralia, Proclus in Platonem, Philo Judæus, Ethica Aristotelis, Ejus magna Moralia et Eudemia, et Œconomica et Politica, quædam Theophrasti Opuscula, Homeri Ilias, Odyssea, Philostrati de Vitâ Appollonii, Orationes Libanii, et aliqui Sermones Luciani, Pindarus, Aratus, Euripidis Tragœdiæ Septem, Theocritus, Hesiodus, Suidas, Phalaridis, Hippocratis, Platonis et multorum ex veteribus Philosophis Epistolæ, Demosthenes, Æschinis Orationes et Epistolæ, Pleraque Xenophontis Opera, Una Lysiæ Oratio, Orphei Argonautica et Hymni, Callimachus, Aristoteles de Historiis Animalium, Physica, et Metaphysica, et de Animâ, de Partibus Animalium, et alia quædam, Polybius, Nonnulli Sermones Chrysostomi, Dionysiaca, et alii Poetæ plurimi. Habes qui mihi sint, et his utere æque ac tuis.'
[256]The catalogue of his library, communicated by him in a letter to Ambrogio Traversari, shows so clearly what the most indefatigable student and omnivorous reader of the age, to whom all the museums and bookshops of Byzantium must have been open, could then collect, that I will transcribe it:—'Qui mihi nostri in Italiam libri gesti sunt, horum nomina ad te scribo: alios autem nonnullos per primas ex Byzantio Venetorum naves opperior. Hi autem sunt Plotinus, Ælianus, Aristides, Dionysius Halicarnasseus, Strabo Geographus, Hermogenes, Aristotelis Rhetorice, Dionysius Halicarnasseus de Numeris et Characteribus, Herodotus, Dio Chrysostomus, Appollonius Pergæus, Thucydides, Plutarchi Moralia, Proclus in Platonem, Philo Judæus, Ethica Aristotelis, Ejus magna Moralia et Eudemia, et Œconomica et Politica, quædam Theophrasti Opuscula, Homeri Ilias, Odyssea, Philostrati de Vitâ Appollonii, Orationes Libanii, et aliqui Sermones Luciani, Pindarus, Aratus, Euripidis Tragœdiæ Septem, Theocritus, Hesiodus, Suidas, Phalaridis, Hippocratis, Platonis et multorum ex veteribus Philosophis Epistolæ, Demosthenes, Æschinis Orationes et Epistolæ, Pleraque Xenophontis Opera, Una Lysiæ Oratio, Orphei Argonautica et Hymni, Callimachus, Aristoteles de Historiis Animalium, Physica, et Metaphysica, et de Animâ, de Partibus Animalium, et alia quædam, Polybius, Nonnulli Sermones Chrysostomi, Dionysiaca, et alii Poetæ plurimi. Habes qui mihi sint, et his utere æque ac tuis.'
[257]'Unum Philelphus audet affirmare, vel insaniente Candido, neminem esse hâc tempestate, nec fuisse unquam apud Latinos, quantum constat ex omni hominum memoriâ, qui præter se unum idem unus tenuerit exercuitque et Græcam pariter et Latinam orationem in omni dicendi genere et prosâ et versu. Tu si quidem habeas alterum, memora. Quid taces, homo miserrime?' Letter to Piero Candido Decembrio. Cf. what P.C. Decembrio wrote to Poggio in 1453:—'Dixit (i.e.Philelphus) enim neminem litteras scire præter ipsum, alios semilatinos et semigræcos esse, se autem principatum inter stultos obtinere.' Rosmini, vol. iii. p. 150.
[257]'Unum Philelphus audet affirmare, vel insaniente Candido, neminem esse hâc tempestate, nec fuisse unquam apud Latinos, quantum constat ex omni hominum memoriâ, qui præter se unum idem unus tenuerit exercuitque et Græcam pariter et Latinam orationem in omni dicendi genere et prosâ et versu. Tu si quidem habeas alterum, memora. Quid taces, homo miserrime?' Letter to Piero Candido Decembrio. Cf. what P.C. Decembrio wrote to Poggio in 1453:—'Dixit (i.e.Philelphus) enim neminem litteras scire præter ipsum, alios semilatinos et semigræcos esse, se autem principatum inter stultos obtinere.' Rosmini, vol. iii. p. 150.
[258]'Quod si Virgilius superat me carminis ullisLaudibus, orator ille ego sum melior.Sin Tulli eloquio præstat facundia nostro,Versibus ille meis cedit ubique minor.Adde quod et linguâ possum hæc præstare PelasgâEt Latiâ. Talem quem mihi des alium?'Lib. ix.,De Jocis et Seriis.Elegy to Alessandro Sforza.Reported by Rosmini, vol. iii. p. 149. One specimen of these boasts may stand for thousands.
[258]
Lib. ix.,De Jocis et Seriis.Elegy to Alessandro Sforza.Reported by Rosmini, vol. iii. p. 149. One specimen of these boasts may stand for thousands.
[259]The invitation came from Niccoli, Lionardo Bruni, Ambrogio Traversari, and Palla Strozzi.
[259]The invitation came from Niccoli, Lionardo Bruni, Ambrogio Traversari, and Palla Strozzi.
[260]Quoted by Cantù, p. 128.
[260]Quoted by Cantù, p. 128.
[261]He stayed there from 1429 till the autumn of 1434.
[261]He stayed there from 1429 till the autumn of 1434.
[262]Engagement renewed October 17, 1431, for two years, with stipend of 350 sequins; again, in 1433, with stipend of 450 sequins.
[262]Engagement renewed October 17, 1431, for two years, with stipend of 350 sequins; again, in 1433, with stipend of 450 sequins.
[263]See above, pp.90,91.
[263]See above, pp.90,91.
[264]See Rosmini, vol. i. pp. 43, 48.
[264]See Rosmini, vol. i. pp. 43, 48.
[265]Ibid.vol. i. p. 83, for the trial, torture, and confession of this bravo.
[265]Ibid.vol. i. p. 83, for the trial, torture, and confession of this bravo.
[266]The original source of information concerning Filelfo's quarrels with the Florentines is his Satires, divided into ten books or decades, each consisting of ten satires or hecatostichæ of one hundred verses each. In the copy of this book, printed at Paris, 1508, by Robert and John Gourmont, these virulent libels are called 'Divinum Francisci Philelphi Poetæ Christiani Satyrarum Opus.' As their motto the publishers give these sentences:—'Finis laus Deo, Spes mea Jesus.' For the abuse of the Medicean circle see Dec. i. Hec. 5; Dec. i. Hec. 6; Dec. ii. Hec. 1, 3, 7; Dec. iii. Hec. 10; Dec. vi. 10; Dec. viii. 5. For Filelfo's attack on Cosimo during his imprisonment, see Dec. iv. Hec. 1. For his invective against Cosimo on his return from exile, see Dec. iv. Hec. 9. For an appeal to Filippo Maria Visconti against Cosimo, see Dec. v. Hec. 1. For a similar appeal to Eugenius IV., see Dec. v. Hec. 2. For the episode of the assassin Filippo, see Dec. v. Hec. 6. A political attack on Cosimo addressed to Rinaldo Albizzi is contained in Dec. v. Hec. 8. A furious denunciation of Cosimo's tyranny, in Dec. v. Hec. 9. Palla degli Strozzi, as an opponent of Cosimo, is praised in Dec. iii. 1; Dec. vi. 4. In Dec. vii. 8, Filelfo promises to moderate his fury. In addition to these sources see the MS. invectives mentioned in Rosmini, vol. i. p. 47.
[266]The original source of information concerning Filelfo's quarrels with the Florentines is his Satires, divided into ten books or decades, each consisting of ten satires or hecatostichæ of one hundred verses each. In the copy of this book, printed at Paris, 1508, by Robert and John Gourmont, these virulent libels are called 'Divinum Francisci Philelphi Poetæ Christiani Satyrarum Opus.' As their motto the publishers give these sentences:—'Finis laus Deo, Spes mea Jesus.' For the abuse of the Medicean circle see Dec. i. Hec. 5; Dec. i. Hec. 6; Dec. ii. Hec. 1, 3, 7; Dec. iii. Hec. 10; Dec. vi. 10; Dec. viii. 5. For Filelfo's attack on Cosimo during his imprisonment, see Dec. iv. Hec. 1. For his invective against Cosimo on his return from exile, see Dec. iv. Hec. 9. For an appeal to Filippo Maria Visconti against Cosimo, see Dec. v. Hec. 1. For a similar appeal to Eugenius IV., see Dec. v. Hec. 2. For the episode of the assassin Filippo, see Dec. v. Hec. 6. A political attack on Cosimo addressed to Rinaldo Albizzi is contained in Dec. v. Hec. 8. A furious denunciation of Cosimo's tyranny, in Dec. v. Hec. 9. Palla degli Strozzi, as an opponent of Cosimo, is praised in Dec. iii. 1; Dec. vi. 4. In Dec. vii. 8, Filelfo promises to moderate his fury. In addition to these sources see the MS. invectives mentioned in Rosmini, vol. i. p. 47.
[267]His professorial stipend was soon raised from 500 to 700 golden florins.
[267]His professorial stipend was soon raised from 500 to 700 golden florins.
[268]Vespasiano says that the concourse of people to Carlo Aretino's lectures was the first cause of Filelfo's feuds at Florence.
[268]Vespasiano says that the concourse of people to Carlo Aretino's lectures was the first cause of Filelfo's feuds at Florence.
[269]Here are the dates of some of these displays:—1440. Funeral oration on Stefano Federigo Todeschini.1441. Epithalamial on the Marriage of Giovanni Marliani.1442. Discourse on Duties of a Magistrate.1446. Panegyric of Filippo Maria Visconti, and oration on the Election of Jacopo Borromeo to the See of Pavia.1450. Oration of Welcome to Francesco Sforza.1455. Epithalamial on the Marriage of Tristano Sforza to Beatrice d'Este.1458. Epithalamials for Antonio Crivelli and Teodoro Piatti.1459. Oration to Pius II. on his Crusade.1460. Oration on the Election of the Bishop of Como.1464. Funeral oration for the Senator Filippo Borromeo.1466. Ditto for Francesco Sforza.It is probable that all of these were not recited; but all were conceived in the lumbering and pedantic style that passed for eloquence at that period. With regard to rewards received on these occasions, note the gift of a silver basin from Jacopo Antonio Marcello in return for a consolatory epistle. Rosmini, vol. ii. p. 127. Cf. p. 197.
[269]Here are the dates of some of these displays:—
1440. Funeral oration on Stefano Federigo Todeschini.
1441. Epithalamial on the Marriage of Giovanni Marliani.
1442. Discourse on Duties of a Magistrate.
1446. Panegyric of Filippo Maria Visconti, and oration on the Election of Jacopo Borromeo to the See of Pavia.
1450. Oration of Welcome to Francesco Sforza.
1455. Epithalamial on the Marriage of Tristano Sforza to Beatrice d'Este.
1458. Epithalamials for Antonio Crivelli and Teodoro Piatti.
1459. Oration to Pius II. on his Crusade.
1460. Oration on the Election of the Bishop of Como.
1464. Funeral oration for the Senator Filippo Borromeo.
1466. Ditto for Francesco Sforza.
It is probable that all of these were not recited; but all were conceived in the lumbering and pedantic style that passed for eloquence at that period. With regard to rewards received on these occasions, note the gift of a silver basin from Jacopo Antonio Marcello in return for a consolatory epistle. Rosmini, vol. ii. p. 127. Cf. p. 197.
[270]The Satires, collected into ten decades, each satire consisting of 100 lines, were dedicated to Alfonso of Naples in 1451. Printed at Milan, 1446. The Odes, entitledDe Seriis et Jocis, were finished in 1465, and dedicated partly to Malatesta Novello of Cesena, partly to Alessandro Sforza. There were ten books, each book containing 1,000 lines. Never printed. Rosmini, who inspected the MSS., reports that their obscenity exceeds description, and is only equalled by the vulgarity of the author's fancy and the coarseness of his style. In addition to these unpublished Latin poems, Filelfo collected three books of Greek elegies and epigrams, amounting to 2,400 verses. It is significant that he measured his poetry by lines, and trained his jog-trot muse to paces of 100 verses.
[270]The Satires, collected into ten decades, each satire consisting of 100 lines, were dedicated to Alfonso of Naples in 1451. Printed at Milan, 1446. The Odes, entitledDe Seriis et Jocis, were finished in 1465, and dedicated partly to Malatesta Novello of Cesena, partly to Alessandro Sforza. There were ten books, each book containing 1,000 lines. Never printed. Rosmini, who inspected the MSS., reports that their obscenity exceeds description, and is only equalled by the vulgarity of the author's fancy and the coarseness of his style. In addition to these unpublished Latin poems, Filelfo collected three books of Greek elegies and epigrams, amounting to 2,400 verses. It is significant that he measured his poetry by lines, and trained his jog-trot muse to paces of 100 verses.
[271]The Epistle to Ladislaus of Hungary on his victories over the Turks, for instance.
[271]The Epistle to Ladislaus of Hungary on his victories over the Turks, for instance.
[272]He had twelve sons and twelve daughters. They did not all live.
[272]He had twelve sons and twelve daughters. They did not all live.
[273]A curious sign of current feeling is that Filelfo frequently boasted of beingτριόρχης. See Rosmini, i. p. 15, and the verse quoted,ib.p. 113. He mentioned two natural children in his will and had many more. Rosmini, vol. iii. p. 78.
[273]A curious sign of current feeling is that Filelfo frequently boasted of beingτριόρχης. See Rosmini, i. p. 15, and the verse quoted,ib.p. 113. He mentioned two natural children in his will and had many more. Rosmini, vol. iii. p. 78.
[274]Rosmini, vol. ii. p. 54. It may be remembered that Pietro Aretino hinted he should like to be a cardinal.
[274]Rosmini, vol. ii. p. 54. It may be remembered that Pietro Aretino hinted he should like to be a cardinal.
[275]As a specimen of Filelfo's Grub Street style of begging, I transcribe the following elegy (Rosmini, vol. ii. p. 285):—'Hæc autem altisone dum carmina celsius effertDefecisse suo sentit ab ore tubam,Nam quia magnifici data non est copia nummiCogitur huic uti carmine raucidulo.Quod neque mireris; vocem pretiosa canoramEsca dat, et potus excitat ingenium.Ingenium spurco suevit languescere vino,Humida mugitum reddere rapa solet.'Francesco Sforza's anxiety to retain Filelfo in his service is expressed in a letter to his treasurer (ib.p. 295):—'Noi per niuno modo el vogliamo perdere, la qual cosa seguirebbe quando gli paresse essere deluso, e non potesse seguitare per manchamento delli dicti 250 fiorini la nobilissima opera per lui in nostra gloria comenzata nè suplire agli altri suoi bisogni.' Thetubaand thenobilissima operaboth refer to Filelfo's Sforziad.
[275]As a specimen of Filelfo's Grub Street style of begging, I transcribe the following elegy (Rosmini, vol. ii. p. 285):—
Francesco Sforza's anxiety to retain Filelfo in his service is expressed in a letter to his treasurer (ib.p. 295):—'Noi per niuno modo el vogliamo perdere, la qual cosa seguirebbe quando gli paresse essere deluso, e non potesse seguitare per manchamento delli dicti 250 fiorini la nobilissima opera per lui in nostra gloria comenzata nè suplire agli altri suoi bisogni.' Thetubaand thenobilissima operaboth refer to Filelfo's Sforziad.
[276]I may call particular attention to Filelfo's behaviour with regard to Pius II.—the free pension of 200 florins granted (Rosmini, vol. ii. p. 106), the menaces because it is not paid (ib.p. 115), the scurrilous epigrams on the Pope's death (ib.p. 321), the abusive letter addressed to Paul II. (ib.p. 136), the sentence of imprisonment for calumny issued against him and his son Mario (ib.p. 140), the final palinode in which he basely praises the Pope whom he had basely abused (ib.p. 146). The whole series of transactions is disgraceful.
[276]I may call particular attention to Filelfo's behaviour with regard to Pius II.—the free pension of 200 florins granted (Rosmini, vol. ii. p. 106), the menaces because it is not paid (ib.p. 115), the scurrilous epigrams on the Pope's death (ib.p. 321), the abusive letter addressed to Paul II. (ib.p. 136), the sentence of imprisonment for calumny issued against him and his son Mario (ib.p. 140), the final palinode in which he basely praises the Pope whom he had basely abused (ib.p. 146). The whole series of transactions is disgraceful.
[277]Letter of Gregorio Lollio to the Cardinal of Pavia, reported by Rosmini (vol. ii. p. 147).
[277]Letter of Gregorio Lollio to the Cardinal of Pavia, reported by Rosmini (vol. ii. p. 147).
[278]The whole poem ran to sixteen books. Therefore, according to Filelfo's art of poetry, the first eight contained 6,400 verses.
[278]The whole poem ran to sixteen books. Therefore, according to Filelfo's art of poetry, the first eight contained 6,400 verses.
[279]See Rosmini, vol. ii. p. 90. The Greek epistle which he sent is printed,ib.p. 305.
[279]See Rosmini, vol. ii. p. 90. The Greek epistle which he sent is printed,ib.p. 305.
[280]He had long since made peace with the Medici.
[280]He had long since made peace with the Medici.
[281]See the original letters in Rosmini, vol. ii. pp. 411-419.
[281]See the original letters in Rosmini, vol. ii. pp. 411-419.
[282]Rosmini, vol. ii. p. 261, note.
[282]Rosmini, vol. ii. p. 261, note.
[283]Ib.p. 248.
[283]Ib.p. 248.
[284]I cannot allow this mention of Antiquari's name to pass without a note upon his life and services to letters. He was born and educated at Perugia, entered the service of the Papal Legate Battista Savelli as secretary at Bologna, and afterwards received the post of secretary and diplomatic writer to the Sforza family at Milan. The Duke Galeazzo Maria was his first master. At Milan he played the part of an amiable and refined Mæcenas, while he carried on a correspondence in Latin—still delightful to read—with Poliziano and all the greatest scholars of his age. His biography, written at some length, with valuable miscellaneous appendices by Vermiglioli, was published at Perugia in 1819.
[284]I cannot allow this mention of Antiquari's name to pass without a note upon his life and services to letters. He was born and educated at Perugia, entered the service of the Papal Legate Battista Savelli as secretary at Bologna, and afterwards received the post of secretary and diplomatic writer to the Sforza family at Milan. The Duke Galeazzo Maria was his first master. At Milan he played the part of an amiable and refined Mæcenas, while he carried on a correspondence in Latin—still delightful to read—with Poliziano and all the greatest scholars of his age. His biography, written at some length, with valuable miscellaneous appendices by Vermiglioli, was published at Perugia in 1819.
[285]Pp. 138, 139.
[285]Pp. 138, 139.
[286]Grove'sDictionary of Music and Musicians, vol. i. p. 704 b.
[286]Grove'sDictionary of Music and Musicians, vol. i. p. 704 b.
[287]'Usque ad mundandam supellectilem quæ sumpto cibo lavare consuerit.'—Rosmini,Vita di Vittorino, p. 38, note.
[287]'Usque ad mundandam supellectilem quæ sumpto cibo lavare consuerit.'—Rosmini,Vita di Vittorino, p. 38, note.
[288]In 1422 apparently.
[288]In 1422 apparently.
[289]Locandiere.Rosmini, vol. i. p. 67.
[289]Locandiere.Rosmini, vol. i. p. 67.
[290]P. 111.
[290]P. 111.
[291]Sixty poor scholars were taught, fed, clothed, and provided with implements of study at his cost. He also subsidised their families in distress. Rosmini,Vita di Vittorino, pp. 165, 166.
[291]Sixty poor scholars were taught, fed, clothed, and provided with implements of study at his cost. He also subsidised their families in distress. Rosmini,Vita di Vittorino, pp. 165, 166.
[292]Rosmini,Vita di Vittorino, p. 165. Vespasiano, p. 492, tells a story which illustrates these relations between Vittorino and the Marquis. Cf., too, p. 494.
[292]Rosmini,Vita di Vittorino, p. 165. Vespasiano, p. 492, tells a story which illustrates these relations between Vittorino and the Marquis. Cf., too, p. 494.
[293]P. 492.
[293]P. 492.
[294]Vol. I.,Age of the Despots, p. 138.
[294]Vol. I.,Age of the Despots, p. 138.
[295]Pp. 249-476.
[295]Pp. 249-476.
[296]See Rosmini, p. 183, and Vespasiano, p. 493, for the record of her virtues, her learning, and her refusal to wed the infamous Oddo da Montefeltro.
[296]See Rosmini, p. 183, and Vespasiano, p. 493, for the record of her virtues, her learning, and her refusal to wed the infamous Oddo da Montefeltro.
[297]See his Life by Rosmini, p. 11, for his brilliant reception at Venice.
[297]See his Life by Rosmini, p. 11, for his brilliant reception at Venice.
[298]See the details collected by Rosmini,Vita di Guarino, pp. 79-87.
[298]See the details collected by Rosmini,Vita di Guarino, pp. 79-87.
[299]Timoteo Maffei, quoted by Tiraboschi, vol. vi. lib. iii. cap. 5, 8.
[299]Timoteo Maffei, quoted by Tiraboschi, vol. vi. lib. iii. cap. 5, 8.
[300]He carried on literary feuds with Niccolo de' Niccoli, Poggio, Filelfo, and Georgios Trapezuntios.
[300]He carried on literary feuds with Niccolo de' Niccoli, Poggio, Filelfo, and Georgios Trapezuntios.
[301]'Placidis Aurispa Camœnis Deditus,'Sat., dec. i. hec. 5. Valla,Antid. in Pogium, p. 7, describes him as 'virum suavissimum et ab omni contentione remotissimum.'
[301]'Placidis Aurispa Camœnis Deditus,'Sat., dec. i. hec. 5. Valla,Antid. in Pogium, p. 7, describes him as 'virum suavissimum et ab omni contentione remotissimum.'
[302]Cf. Tiraboschi, vi. lib. iii. cap. 5, 58.
[302]Cf. Tiraboschi, vi. lib. iii. cap. 5, 58.
[303]Vespasiano, pp. 113-117, gives an interesting account of these lettered and warlike princes.
[303]Vespasiano, pp. 113-117, gives an interesting account of these lettered and warlike princes.
[304]See pp. 94-99.
[304]See pp. 94-99.
[305]P. 99.
[305]P. 99.
[306]Vol. I.,Age of the Despots, pp. 136-142.
[306]Vol. I.,Age of the Despots, pp. 136-142.
[307]In the register of his death he is described as Vespasiano, Cartolaro.
[307]In the register of his death he is described as Vespasiano, Cartolaro.
[308]See Rosmini,Vita di Filelfo, vol. ii. p. 201. 'I have made up my mind to buy some of those codices they are now making without any trouble, and without the pen, but with certain so-called types, and which seem to be the work of a skilled and exact scribe. Tell me, then, at what price are sold theNatural Historyof Pliny, the three Decades of Livy, and Aulus Gellius.' Letter to Nicodemo Tranchedino, sent from Siena to Rome, dated July 25, 1470.
[308]See Rosmini,Vita di Filelfo, vol. ii. p. 201. 'I have made up my mind to buy some of those codices they are now making without any trouble, and without the pen, but with certain so-called types, and which seem to be the work of a skilled and exact scribe. Tell me, then, at what price are sold theNatural Historyof Pliny, the three Decades of Livy, and Aulus Gellius.' Letter to Nicodemo Tranchedino, sent from Siena to Rome, dated July 25, 1470.
[309]See this passage from a panegyric quoted by Angelo Mai:—'Tu profecto in hoc nostro deteriori sæculo hebraicæ, græcæ atque latinæ linguarum, omnium voluminum dignorum memoratu notitiam, eorumque auctores memoriæ tradidisti.'—Vite di Uomini Illustri, preface, p. xxiii.
[309]See this passage from a panegyric quoted by Angelo Mai:—'Tu profecto in hoc nostro deteriori sæculo hebraicæ, græcæ atque latinæ linguarum, omnium voluminum dignorum memoratu notitiam, eorumque auctores memoriæ tradidisti.'—Vite di Uomini Illustri, preface, p. xxiii.
[310]It may be useful to add a skeleton pedigree of the Medici in this place:—Cosimo, Pater PatriæPiero, Il GottosoLorenzoGiulianoGiulio, Clement VII.Piero, the exileGiovanni, Leo X.
[310]It may be useful to add a skeleton pedigree of the Medici in this place:—
[311]SeeVol. I.,Age of the Despots, p. 190.
[311]SeeVol. I.,Age of the Despots, p. 190.
[312]Marsilio Ficino, the son of Cosimo's physician, was born at Figline in 1433.
[312]Marsilio Ficino, the son of Cosimo's physician, was born at Figline in 1433.
[313]Thus Ficino's edition of Plotinus, printed at Lorenzo de' Medici's expense, and published one month after his death, bears this notice:—'Magnifici sumptu Laurentii patriæ servatoris.'
[313]Thus Ficino's edition of Plotinus, printed at Lorenzo de' Medici's expense, and published one month after his death, bears this notice:—'Magnifici sumptu Laurentii patriæ servatoris.'
[314]See, however, Didot'sAlde Manuce, p. 4, where Giovanni Acciaiuoli is credited with this generosity.
[314]See, however, Didot'sAlde Manuce, p. 4, where Giovanni Acciaiuoli is credited with this generosity.
[315]See Von Reumont, vol. ii. p. 108.
[315]See Von Reumont, vol. ii. p. 108.
[316]Fine expression was given to this conception of life by Aldus in the dedication to Alberto Pio of vols. ii., iii., iv. of Aristotle:—'Es nam tu mihi optimus testis an potiores Herculis ærumnas credam, sævosque labores, et Venere, et cœnis et plumis Sardanapali. Natus nam homo est ad laborem et ad agendum semper aliquid viro dignum, non ad voluptatem quæ belluarum est et pecudum.' The last sentence is a translation of Ulysses' speech in theInferno—'Considerate la vostra semenza,Fatti non foste a viver come bruti,Ma per seguir virtude e conoscenza.'Cf. Aldus's preface to Lascaris' Grammar; Renouard, vol. i. p. 7; and againAlde Manuce, p. 143, for similar passages.
[316]Fine expression was given to this conception of life by Aldus in the dedication to Alberto Pio of vols. ii., iii., iv. of Aristotle:—'Es nam tu mihi optimus testis an potiores Herculis ærumnas credam, sævosque labores, et Venere, et cœnis et plumis Sardanapali. Natus nam homo est ad laborem et ad agendum semper aliquid viro dignum, non ad voluptatem quæ belluarum est et pecudum.' The last sentence is a translation of Ulysses' speech in theInferno—
Cf. Aldus's preface to Lascaris' Grammar; Renouard, vol. i. p. 7; and againAlde Manuce, p. 143, for similar passages.
[317]Dated Florence, 1485; in the Aldine edition of Poliziano's Letters, book ix.
[317]Dated Florence, 1485; in the Aldine edition of Poliziano's Letters, book ix.
[318]In the introduction to Pico'sApologiamay be read the account he gives of the codex of the pseudo-Esdras purchased by him.
[318]In the introduction to Pico'sApologiamay be read the account he gives of the codex of the pseudo-Esdras purchased by him.
[319]Poliziano's Greek epigram addressed to Pico on this matter may be quoted from theCarmina Quinque Poetarum, p. 412:—καὶ τοῦτ’ ἀστρολόγοις ἐπιμέμφομαι ἠερολέσχαις,ὅττι σοφους Πίκου μοι φθονέους’ ὀάρους.καὶ γὰρ ὁ ἐνδυκέως τούτων τὸν λῆρον ἐλέγχωνμουνάξει ἐν ἀγρῷ δηρὸν ἑκὰς πόλεως.Πῖκε τί σοι καὶ τούτοις; οὔ σ’ ἐπέοικεν ἀγύρταιςἀντᾶραι τὴν σὴν εὐτυχέα γραφίδα.
[319]Poliziano's Greek epigram addressed to Pico on this matter may be quoted from theCarmina Quinque Poetarum, p. 412:—
[320]Disputationum Camaldulensiumlib. iv., dedicated to Frederick of Urbino.
[320]Disputationum Camaldulensiumlib. iv., dedicated to Frederick of Urbino.
[321]The legend of the foundation of this Order is well known through Sacchi's picture in the Vatican.
[321]The legend of the foundation of this Order is well known through Sacchi's picture in the Vatican.
[322]Born at Colle in 1430.
[322]Born at Colle in 1430.
[323]The following verses on Alessandra are so curious a specimen of Poliziano's Greek style that I transcribe them here (Carmina Quinque Illustrium Poetarum, p. 304):—εὕρηχ’ εὕρηχ’ ἣν θέλον, ἣν ἐζήτεον αἰεὶ,ἣν ᾔτουν τὸν ἔρωθ’, ἣν καὶ ὀνειροπόλουν·παρθενικὴν ἧς κάλλος ἀκήρατον, ἧς ὅγε κόσμοςοὐκ εἴη τέχνης ἀλλ’ ἀφελοῦς φύσεως·παρθενικὴν γλώττῃσιν ἐπ’ ἀμφοτέρῃσι κομῶσαν,ἔξοχον ἔντε χοροῖς ἔξοχον ἔντε λύρᾳ·ἧς περὶ σωφροσύνῃ τ’ εἴη χαρίτεσσι θ’ ἁμίλλα,τῇ καὶ τῇ ταύτην ἀντιμεθελκομέναις.εὕρηκ’ οὐδ’ ὄφελος, καὶ γὰρ μόλις εἰς ἐνιαυτὸνοἰστροῦντι φλογερῶς ἐστιν ἅπαξ ἰδέειν.The satires on Mabilius (so he called Marullus) are too filthy to be quoted. They may be read in the collection cited above, pp. 275-280.
[323]The following verses on Alessandra are so curious a specimen of Poliziano's Greek style that I transcribe them here (Carmina Quinque Illustrium Poetarum, p. 304):—
The satires on Mabilius (so he called Marullus) are too filthy to be quoted. They may be read in the collection cited above, pp. 275-280.
[324]See Carducci, preface toLe Stanze, Florence, 1863, and Isidoro del Lungo inArch. Stor.series iii. vol. ii.
[324]See Carducci, preface toLe Stanze, Florence, 1863, and Isidoro del Lungo inArch. Stor.series iii. vol. ii.
[325]Julius Cæsar Scaliger wrote thus about them in theHypercriticus:—'Græcis vero, quæ puerum se conscripsisse dicit, ætatem minus prudenter apposuit suam; tam enim bona sunt ut ne virum quidem Latina æque bene scripsisse putem.'
[325]Julius Cæsar Scaliger wrote thus about them in theHypercriticus:—'Græcis vero, quæ puerum se conscripsisse dicit, ætatem minus prudenter apposuit suam; tam enim bona sunt ut ne virum quidem Latina æque bene scripsisse putem.'
[326]Quinque Illustrium Poetarum Carmina, pp. 299, 301. These epigrams, as well as two on pp. 303, 307, are significant in their illustration of the poet's morality. Giovio's account of Poliziano's death was certainly accepted by contemporaries:—'Ferunt eum ingenui adolescentis insano amore percitum facile in letalem morbum incidisse.' The wholeElogium, however, is a covert libel, like many of Giovio's sketches.
[326]Quinque Illustrium Poetarum Carmina, pp. 299, 301. These epigrams, as well as two on pp. 303, 307, are significant in their illustration of the poet's morality. Giovio's account of Poliziano's death was certainly accepted by contemporaries:—'Ferunt eum ingenui adolescentis insano amore percitum facile in letalem morbum incidisse.' The wholeElogium, however, is a covert libel, like many of Giovio's sketches.
[327]'Erat distortis sæpe moribus, uti facie nequaquam ingenuâ et liberali ab enormi præsertim naso, subluscoque oculo perabsurdâ.' Giovio,Elogia. Cf. Poliziano's own verses to Mabilius, beginning:—Quod nasum mihi, quod reflexa collaDemens objicis.Carmina Quinque Poetarum, p. 277.
[327]'Erat distortis sæpe moribus, uti facie nequaquam ingenuâ et liberali ab enormi præsertim naso, subluscoque oculo perabsurdâ.' Giovio,Elogia. Cf. Poliziano's own verses to Mabilius, beginning:—
[328]The first words of the dedication run as follows:—'Cum tibi superioribus diebus Laurenti Medices, nostra hæc Miscellaneainter equitandumrecitaremus.'
[328]The first words of the dedication run as follows:—'Cum tibi superioribus diebus Laurenti Medices, nostra hæc Miscellaneainter equitandumrecitaremus.'
[329]Angeli Politiani Epistolæ, lib. iii. ed. Ald. 1498. The letter is dated Nov. 1488.
[329]Angeli Politiani Epistolæ, lib. iii. ed. Ald. 1498. The letter is dated Nov. 1488.
[330]In a letter to Hieronymus Donatus, dated Florence, May 1480,Angeli Politiani Epistolæ, lib. ii.
[330]In a letter to Hieronymus Donatus, dated Florence, May 1480,Angeli Politiani Epistolæ, lib. ii.
[331]The well-known scandal about Poliziano's death is traceable to theElogiaof Paulus Jovius—very suspicious authority. See above,p. 252,note 2.
[331]The well-known scandal about Poliziano's death is traceable to theElogiaof Paulus Jovius—very suspicious authority. See above,p. 252,note 2.
[332]The most curious of these elegiac poems are given inCarmina Quinque Illustrium Poetarum, p. 234. It is possible that their language ought not to be taken literally, and that they concealed a joke now lost.
[332]The most curious of these elegiac poems are given inCarmina Quinque Illustrium Poetarum, p. 234. It is possible that their language ought not to be taken literally, and that they concealed a joke now lost.
[333]Poliziano's letter to Matthias Corvinus is a good example of his self-laudation.
[333]Poliziano's letter to Matthias Corvinus is a good example of his self-laudation.
[334]'Poliziano lies in this grave, the angel who had one head and, what is new, three tongues. He died September 24, 1494, aged 40.'
[334]'Poliziano lies in this grave, the angel who had one head and, what is new, three tongues. He died September 24, 1494, aged 40.'
[335]'Behold whereon he spent the substance of the Church of God!' Vespasiano adds that he gave away several hundred volumes to one of the cardinals, whose servants sold them for an old song. Vesp. p. 216. Assemani, the historian of the Vatican Library, on the contrary, asserts that Calixtus spent 40,000 ducats on books. It is not likely, however, that Vespasiano was wholly in error about a matter he understood so well, and had so much at heart.
[335]'Behold whereon he spent the substance of the Church of God!' Vespasiano adds that he gave away several hundred volumes to one of the cardinals, whose servants sold them for an old song. Vesp. p. 216. Assemani, the historian of the Vatican Library, on the contrary, asserts that Calixtus spent 40,000 ducats on books. It is not likely, however, that Vespasiano was wholly in error about a matter he understood so well, and had so much at heart.
[336]See the Basle edition of his collected works, 1571.
[336]See the Basle edition of his collected works, 1571.
[337]SeeVol. I.,Age of the Despots, p. 299.
[337]SeeVol. I.,Age of the Despots, p. 299.
[338]Vol. I.,Age of the Despots, pp. 302-303.
[338]Vol. I.,Age of the Despots, pp. 302-303.
[339]'P.L. to his kinsmen and relatives, greeting. What you ask cannot be. Farewell.'
[339]'P.L. to his kinsmen and relatives, greeting. What you ask cannot be. Farewell.'
[340]SeeVol. I.,Age of the Despots, p. 220, note.
[340]SeeVol. I.,Age of the Despots, p. 220, note.
[341]See theReason of Church Government urged against Prelaty, and theReady and Easy Way to Establish a Free Commonwealth.
[341]See theReason of Church Government urged against Prelaty, and theReady and Easy Way to Establish a Free Commonwealth.
[342]From a memorial presented by these printers to Sixtus IV. in 1472 we ascertain some facts about their industry. They had at that date printed in all 12,495 volumes. It was their custom to issue 265 copies each edition; the double of that number for Virgil, Cicero's separate works, and theological books in request. Cantù,Lett. It.p. 112. See Cantù, p. 110, for details of the earliest Latin books.
[342]From a memorial presented by these printers to Sixtus IV. in 1472 we ascertain some facts about their industry. They had at that date printed in all 12,495 volumes. It was their custom to issue 265 copies each edition; the double of that number for Virgil, Cicero's separate works, and theological books in request. Cantù,Lett. It.p. 112. See Cantù, p. 110, for details of the earliest Latin books.
[343]See above,p. 220.
[343]See above,p. 220.
[344]It is supposed that the earliest paper factory established in Italy was at Fabriano. Colle, a little town near Volterra, made paper from a remote period; by a deed, dated March 6, 1377, now preserved in the Florentine Archivio Diplomatico, one Colo da Colle rented a fall of water thereet gualcheriam ad faciendas cartasfor twenty years. Both places are still celebrated for their paper mills.
[344]It is supposed that the earliest paper factory established in Italy was at Fabriano. Colle, a little town near Volterra, made paper from a remote period; by a deed, dated March 6, 1377, now preserved in the Florentine Archivio Diplomatico, one Colo da Colle rented a fall of water thereet gualcheriam ad faciendas cartasfor twenty years. Both places are still celebrated for their paper mills.
[345]Sansovino, in hisFamiglie Illustri, after giving a fabulous pedigree of the Pio family, dates their signorial importance from the reign of Frederick II.
[345]Sansovino, in hisFamiglie Illustri, after giving a fabulous pedigree of the Pio family, dates their signorial importance from the reign of Frederick II.
[346]Executed for the Church of the Cordeliers by Paulus Pontius.
[346]Executed for the Church of the Cordeliers by Paulus Pontius.
[347]Poliziano's epigram addressed to these earliest Greek printers may be quoted here:Qui colis Aonidas, Grajos quoque volve libellos;Namque illas genuit Græcia, non Latium.En Paravisinus quantâ hos Dionysius arteImprimit, en quanto cernitis ingenio!Te quoque, Demetri, ponto circumsona CreteTanti operis nobis edidit artificem.Turce, quid insultas? tu Græca volumina perdis;Hi pariunt: hydræ nunc age colla seca!
[347]Poliziano's epigram addressed to these earliest Greek printers may be quoted here:
[348]See Didot'sAlde Manuce, p. 417, the passage beginning 'Vix credas.' In the Latin preface to theThesaurus Cornucopiæ et Horti Adonidis, 1495, Aldo complains that he has not been able to rest for one hour during seven years.
[348]See Didot'sAlde Manuce, p. 417, the passage beginning 'Vix credas.' In the Latin preface to theThesaurus Cornucopiæ et Horti Adonidis, 1495, Aldo complains that he has not been able to rest for one hour during seven years.
[349]'Tot illico oborta sunt impedimenta malorumque invidiâ et domesticorumκαὶ ταῖς τῶν καταράτων καὶ δραπετευόντων δούλων ἐπιβούλαις.' Preface to thePoetæ Christiani Veteres, 1501. Again in the 'monitum' of the same, 'quater jam in ædibus nostris ab operariis et stipendiariis in me conspiratum et duce malorum omnium matre avaritiâ quos Deo adjuvante sic fregi ut valde omnes pœniteat suæ perfidiæ.'
[349]'Tot illico oborta sunt impedimenta malorumque invidiâ et domesticorumκαὶ ταῖς τῶν καταράτων καὶ δραπετευόντων δούλων ἐπιβούλαις.' Preface to thePoetæ Christiani Veteres, 1501. Again in the 'monitum' of the same, 'quater jam in ædibus nostris ab operariis et stipendiariis in me conspiratum et duce malorum omnium matre avaritiâ quos Deo adjuvante sic fregi ut valde omnes pœniteat suæ perfidiæ.'
[350]The French publishers of Lyons, the Giunti of Rome, and Soncino of Fano, were particularly troublesome. Didot has extracted some curious information about their tricks as well as Aldo's exposure of them. Pp. 167, 482-486.
[350]The French publishers of Lyons, the Giunti of Rome, and Soncino of Fano, were particularly troublesome. Didot has extracted some curious information about their tricks as well as Aldo's exposure of them. Pp. 167, 482-486.